Early Jainism

Author(s): K K Dixit
Publisher: L D Indology Ahmedabad
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/001520/1

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EARLY JAINISM BY L. D, SERIES 64 GENERAL EDITORS DALSUKH MALVANIA NACIN J, SHAH K. K. DIXIT FORMERLY RESEARCH OFFICER L.O. INSTITUTE OF INDOLOGY AHMEDABAD 9 L. D. INSTITUTE OF INDOLOGY AHMEDABAD 9 Nation a l FRIZERS Use oriy

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mdnii ahamadAbAda gamaMdira EARLY JAINISM L. D. SERIES 64 GENERAL EDITORS DALSUKH MALVANIA NAGIN J. SHAH BY K. K. Dixit FORMERLY RESEARCH OFFICER L. D. INSTITUTE OF INDOLOGY AHMEDABAD-9. L. D. INSTITUTE OF INDOLOGY AHMEDABAD-9,

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Printed by Mahanth Tribhuvandasji Shastri Shree Ramanand Printing Press Kankaria Road, Ahmedabad-22. Published by Nagin J. Shah Director L. D. Institute of Indology Ahmedabad-9, FIRST EDITION January 1978 PRICE RUPEES 28/DOLLARS 5.00

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FOREWORD The L. D. Institute of Indology has great pleasure in publishing Dr. K. K. Dixit's work entitled 'Early Jainism'. The following pages embody the results of a deep and penetrating study of the early Jaina canonical texts (Agamas). The author has analysed and evaluated historically the contents of these texts. His observations are dispassionate and critical. He has clarified Agamic concepts and traced their development. His comparison of some Agamic terms and concepts with those found in Suttanipata is revealing. So fir as our knowledge goes, perhaps this is the first attempt to evaluate critically the early Jaina canonical texts in historical perspective. We are thankful to Dr. K. K. Dixit for this invaluable study. It is hoped that the publication of this important work be of immense value to the keen students of Religions. L. D. Institute of Indology, Abmedabad-380009. 1st January, 1978. Nagin J. Shah Director

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Acaranga I Jain Sahitya Samsodhaka Samiti, Poona, V. S. 1980. Numbers denote page and line. Acaranga II Included in Suttagame, Vol. I Ed. Pupphabhikkhu, 1953 Num bers of sutras are given Antakrddasa included in Suttagame Vol. I, 1953. Anuttaraupapatikadasa included in Suttagame, Vol. 1, 1953 Au pa patika included in Suttgame, Vol. II, 1954. Avasyakaniryukti com, by Acarya Haribhadra, Agamodaya Samiti, 1916. Dasa= Ayaradasa in DC Dasavaikalikasutra, included in Suttagame, Vol. II, 1954. DAS Kal pasutra, Walther Schubring, Leipzig, 1905. DC - Drei Chedasutras des Jaina-Kanons : Ayaradasao, Vavahara. Nisiha Jambudvipapraid. Walhter Schubrin Kanons: Ayaradaca Jambudvipaprajnapti, included in Suttagame, Vol. II, 1954. Jitakal pasutra of Jinabhadra, Ed. Muni Jinavijaya, Jalna Sahitya Sam sodhaka Samiti, Abmedabad, 1926. Jnatadharmakatha included in Suttagame, Vol. 1, 1953. Kalpa } - Das Kalpasutra also see Kalpa - etc. Kalpasutra Kalpavatamsika included in Suttagame Vol. II, 1954. Kalpa-Vyvaahara-Nisttha-Sutrani (Schubring), Jain Sabitya Samsodhaka Samiti, Poona, 1923. This is in Nagari Script based on Romanscript edition by Dr. Schubring. Nirayavalika included in Sutta game, Vol. II, 1954. Nisztha see DC, VN and. Kalpa - etc. Prasnavyakarana included in Suttagame, Vol. I, 1953. Puspacula included in Suttagame, Vol. II, 1954. Puspika included in Suttagame, Vol. II, 1954. Raja prasniya included in Suttagame, Vol. II, 1954. Rsibhasita - Isibhasiaim, ed. Schubring, Hamburg, 1969 and Eng. ed. L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Sthananga included in Suttagame, Vol. I. Suttanipata, Tr. Chalmers, Haryard University, 1932. Sutrakytanga I included in Vol. I, 1953. Sutrakrtanga II, with com, by Silanka U pasakadasa included in Suttagame, Vol. I, 1953. Uttaradhyayanasutra included in Suttagame, Vol. II, 1954. Vavahara-und Nisihasutta, Ed Walter Schubring, Leipzig, 1918. Vi pakasutra included in Suttagame, Vol. II, 1954 VN - Vavahara und Nisihasutra, Walther Scbubring, Leipzig, 1918. V rsnidasa included in Suttagame, Vol. I, 1953. Vyav-V yavahara included in DC, VN and Kalpa - etc. Worte Mahaviras, Ed. Walther Schubring, Leipzig, 1926.

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PREFACE In the following pages an attempt has been made to present a picture of what might be called 'Early Jainism'. Certainly, in the case of each and every religion that made its appearance in ancient or medieval times it should be possible and necessary to distinguish between its early phase and its later phase. This, for example, is true of Brahmanism, Buddhism, Zoroastberianism, Jewism, Christianity and Islam. Thus to begin with each of these religions was a relatively simple affair as regards its ideology as also as regards its observances but with the passage of time it became a relatively complicated affair as regards its ideology as also as regards its observances. And the explanation of all this lies in the circumstance that each of these religions took its rise under conditions that were relatively simple while its subsequent development took place under conditions that were relatively complicated. Moreover, within the fold of some of those religions such a reform movement was launched in later times as would condemo the complicated ideology and obseryances of later times and would seek to revert back to those of early times. Such, for example, was the case with Arya Samaja within the fold of Brahmanism, Protestantism within the fold of Christianity, Wahabism within the fold of Islam, Sthana. kavasism within the fold of Jainism. Confining our attention to Jainism we note that certain texts belonging to this religion are considerably old while they also describe conditions that are relatively very simple. In view of what was said just above this is as tbe things should be. But for this very reason the texts in question need to be studied more carefully-attention being particularly paid to their language, their metre (in case of verse-texts) as well as their content. And to put it in a nutshell, something of the sort has been attempted in the following pages where claim is made that this way we are enabled to form a tolerably clear picture of what might be called "Early Jainism'. Certainly, the language, the metre as well as the content of our texts can be accounted for only on the ground that they were composed by the early Jainas and that they represent an early phase of Jainism. In this background of understanding it should also be possible to undertake a critical apprecia. tion of the phenomenon called 'Sthanakavasism'. Thus the Stbanaka vasins are correct when they emphasise that a practice like idol-worship was unknown to the early Jajnas. They are also correct when they point out that the latter-day commentators read their own views into the early texts and that they thus only too often misinterpret them. But their understanding as to

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which Jaina texts are early Jalna texts is faulty inasmuch as they in this connection happen to bracket certain genuinely early texts with certain decidedly late texts. As a result they are forced to explain away those passages of these late texts which incorporate an understanding that is characteristic of late text. Of course, even the late texts which the Shana. kavasins treat as early are not very late but they are certainly late; and hence the anomaly we have noted. To our mind the only early Jaina texts available to us today are the texts examined in the following pages. True, even these texts contain more or less considerable material that is a later interpolation but there is little early material that is to be found outside these texts; and that is our point, For the rest let these pages speak for themselves. 12-12-77 Ajoy Bhavan New Delhi K. K. Dixit

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CHAPTER I SOME NOTEWORTHY FEATURES OF THE JAINA SPECULATION AS OCCURRING IN ACARANGA I AND SUTRAKRTANGA I Introduction General Statement 1. Unconditional Emphasis on World-Renunciation 2. Extremely Hard Ascetic Life 3. Arambha and Parigraha: the worst sins 4. The Inanimate and Animate objects of Parigraha 5. The six-fold objects of Arambha 6. Kasaya and Mahavrata: No well-established concepts 7. Pariaha and Bhiksadosa: No well-established concepts 8. Monastic Jurisprudence not yet formulated 9. The Karma doctrine in a primitive form 10. No special ontology 11. No special Epistemology 12. No special Mythology 13. No superhumanization of the biography of Mahavira Some Relevant Passages from Acaranga I considered Some Relavant Passages from Sutrakrtanga I considered CHAPTER II A HISTORICAL EVALUATION OF UTTARADHYAYANA AND DASAVAIKALIKA TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER III SUTRAKRTANGA II - A HISTORICAL EVALUATION CHAPTER IV THE FOUR OLD CHEDASUTRAS CHAPTER V ACARANGA II I The problem of Procuring Alms II The problem of Moving About III The problem of Employment of Speech 1-21 1-4 4-12 4-5 5 5 6 6 7 7-8 8-9 9 9 10-11 11 11-12 12-17 17-21 22-33 34-41 42-53 54-61 55-58 58 59

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CHAPTER VI THE FIVE ANGA TEXTS OF THE FORM OF A STORY-COLLECTION 62-75 CHAPTER VII PRASNAVYAKARANA 76-80 CHAPTER VIJI RSIBHASITA 81-85 CHAPTER IX A SPECIAL RELEVANCE OF SUTTANIPATA FOR JAINA STUDIES 86-92 INDEX I SANSRIT AND PRAKRIT TERMS 93-96 INDEX II NAMES OF PERSONS, WORKS ETC. 97-100

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CHAPTER I SOME NOTEWORTHY FEATURES OF THE JAINA SPECULATION AS OCCURRING IN ACARANGA I AND SUTRAKRTANGA I Introduction The Jaina canonical texts Acarangasutra and Satrakrtangasutra are each divided into two srutaskandhas (= chief sections). In each case the first srutaskandha gives the appearance of being considerably old. But the question is whether anything quite definite can be said about the antiquity of these two srutaskandhas, and it is this question that has to be considered first of all. (For the sake of convenience we call the first srutaskindha of Acaranga 'Acaranga l', the first srutaskandha of Sutrakrtanga "Sutrakrtanga I.] As regards Acaranga I certain important discoveries of a most funda. mental kind were made by Walther Schubring in connection with his editon of the text published in 1910. He showed that the major part of the text is made up of verses, a relatively small part made up of prose-passages; then he pointed out that the verses in question are ofen incomplete and lastly that they are interspersed with prose-lines which sometimes introduce a verse, sometimes supplement it, sometimes do something else of the sort; as for the original prose-passages of the text he argued that they are accompanied by no outside accessories such as these. Schubring also argued that the passages collected in a chapter or a subdivision thereof of. ten followed an order that was governed by strange considerations; e.g. sometimes a passage followed another simply because it began with the same word with which the latter ended, sometimes this happened even when the words concerned were not the same but just similar sounding. At the same time, Schubring argued that a group of passages scattered in different chapters often exhibited a connectedness of theme. All this was nothing short of revelation to the students of Acaranga I but maybe all was not equally convincing. However, the fact that the text was so much full of verse-composition admitted of no doubt and was a first-rate discovery; for the tradition of regarding this verse-composition as verse-compostion was lost long long ago-so that no medieval commentator of the text ever suspected that what he was commenting on was overwhelmingly a versecomposition. The discovery was doubly important, for not only could Schubring here point out so many verses but it was further found out that the metre of these verses was invariably either Triscubh (including Ja Anustubh (the last chapter being in old arya). Now Tristubh and Anustubh

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Early Jainism were old Vedic metres, and of these the former went out of use in classical Sanskrit Itself; on the other hand, Anustubh was no doubt the most po. pular metre of classical Sanskrit but the most popular metre of Jassical Prakrit was Arya. And here was a Prakrit text containing verses in Tristubh and Anustubh metres, Schubring is also convincing in his demonstration that editors of Acaranga I have given an orderly arrangement to a mass of miscel. laneous verses and that in doing so they have ofton followed certain strange working principles. Let us see if any far-reaching conclusions can be drawn from all this. The fact that the verses of Acaranga I are in Tristubh and Anustubh metres suggests that the authors of these verses were a cultural descendant of the Vedic authors, (the fact that this text (11.7) designates a wise man 'vedavit' and 'brahmavit' points out in the same direction). Ilowever, it is equally a fact that the social tradition strictly called "Vedic' upholds the ideal of a man successively belonging to the four asramas brahmacarya, grhastha, vanaprastha and sannyasa while the social tradition endorsed by Acaranga I upholds the ideal of a man embracing the career of a monk as soon as possible. Now the Rgvedic Aryan society is unacquainted with either of these social traditions and the conclusion seems to be that both these traditions got crystallized within the fold of the descendants of the Rgvedic Aryans at some fairly early date. Let us call the first of these traditions Brahmanical, the second monastic (Sramanic might be preferable in certain contexts). The Brahmanical tradition was above all interested in developing a theory of how the Brahmin should behave in relation to the rest of the society and the monastic tradition in developing a theory of how the monk should do so. Thus strictly speaking, the Biahmanical 80cial theory of four asramas posed a life-ideal before the Brahmins who were an elite, a corresponding monastic social theory posed a life-ideal before the monks who were similarly an elite. What this latter theory was remains to be seen. Chapter 14 of Sutrakrtanga I renders it likely that the monastic theory too conceived of an initial stage of studentship and it too called it a stage of brahmacaryayasa; (The very first verse of the chapter seems to clinch the issue). And just as in the Brahmanical theory the stage of studentship or brahmacar yavasa was preparatory for the independent life of a householder, so in the monastic theory the same was preparatory for the independent life of a lonely wandering monk. And just as the Brah. mapical student was given lessons in the principles of priest-craft, so the monastic student was given lessons in the principles of asceticism. For some reason - in all likelihood because the monks mostly originated from the midst of the humbler folk-the monastic tradition adopted Prakrit--

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Some Noteworthy Features... a popular descendant of Vedic Sanskrit--as its language of theoretical discourse, just as the Brahmanical tradition adopted classical Sanskrit-a refined descendant of Vedic Sanskrit -as its language of theoretical discourse: It seems that the early Prakrit lessons in asceticism were composed in verse and they differed from teacher to teacher, but at a certain stage of development the need was feit for a standard text-book for the purpose. So the old miscellaneous verses were given some sort of arrangement and the result was our Acaranga I whose old name, significant enough, was Brahmacaryani (Bambhaceraim in Prakrit)-roughly meaning "lessons for the student'. Thus originated the mat. erial of Acaranga I might not be all equally old, but certainly it constitutes the oldest portion of the Jaina canon. Schubring's epoch-making discoveries related to Acaranga I all perhaps plausibly acccunted for this way. While Acaringa I was being used as a basic text-book for the monastic schools the need must have been felt for elucidating in a systematic fashion the important priociples underlying its rather beterogeueous teachings. For this purpose too verses were composed in Prakrit mostly employin the Tristubh or Anustubh metre. At some late date a standard collection of 16 such verses was made and was appropriately called Gatbasodasaka (gabasolasaga in Prakrit ). It is this that is our Sutrakstanga l; ( 7 of its 16 chapters are in the Anustubh metre, 6 in Ttistubh, one in Vaitaliya, one in old Arya, while one is anomalously in prose). Thus really speaking, our present-day Acaranga is made up of the old Brahmacaryani and its relating late Second Srutaskandha while our presentday Sutrakriarga is made up of the old Gatbasodasaka and its relating Jate second Srutaskandha. In all likelihood these two present-day texts were brought into existence at a relalively late date when the need was felt for certain texts-twelva in number-to be called 'Anga' and declared to be the basic scriptural texts, it does not seem likely that Brahmacaryani alone was ever called Acaranga or Gatbasidasaka alone Sutrakrtanga). Be that as it may, a probe into the contents of Acaranja I and Satrakrtanga I brings to light a good number of truly archaic features. To put in a nutshell they are (1) Unconditional emphasis on world renunciation, (2) Extremely Hard Ascetic Life. (3) Arambha and Parigreha, the worst sins. (4) The Inanimate and Animate objects of Parigraha. (5) The Sixfuld objects of Arambha. (6) Kasaya and mahavrata no well-established concepts.

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Early Jainism (7) Parisaha and bhiksadosa no well-established concepts. (8) Monastic Jurisprudence not yet formulated. (9) Karm 1-Doctrine in a primitive form. (10) No Special Ontology. (11) No Special Epistemology. (12) No Special Mythology, (13) No Super-Humanization of the Biography of Mahavira. Let these features be considered one by one. The following account of the features in question is written to the form of three independent though closely related essays. The first - called 'A general statement - discusses these features independently, the second - called "Some Relevant passages from Acaranga I'-discusses them in the light of certain passages from Acaranza I, the third - called 'Some Relevant passages from Sutrakrtanga l'-discusses them in the light of certain pass. ages from Sutrakstanga I. Obviously, this mode of presentation is likely to cause the reader some incovenience in following the trend of an argument, but under circumstances that was unavoidable. General statement 1. Unconditional Emphasis on World-Renunciation The texts extol the life of a monk -- and a good monk at that, but they have nothing save condemnation for the life of a householder. Consequently, the possibility of there being a good householder is never envisa. ed. Even in his capacity as an almsgiver the householder is never praised - he is rather pointed out as a possible source of unauthorzied alms; as for the rest, the householder is a possible source of multifarious dangers and multifarious temptations. Of course, it was the mass of householders which constituted the only possible source of recruitment for the order of monks and so this man had to be approched with appeals for recruitment, but these appeals were always based on a forthright condemnation of the life of a householder. Hence the injunction that alms should not be asked for in exchange for a religious discourse ( Su 7.24 ) - it being likely that at the time of asking for alms one might become mild in one's criticism of the life of a householder. And with a view to avoiding all chances of de. veloping intimacy with a householder the injunction was laid down that alms-receiving should never be a pre-arranged affair while those who were one's relatives in the pre-monasti: career should not at all be approached for alms ( Su. 7. 24). As a matter of fact, the persons who were one's

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Some Noteworthy Features... relative in the pre-monastic career constitute the strongest link between one and the regular society; as such they are most likely to tempt one back to the regular scciety and so all to be avoided at all cost. Under such conditions it was difficult - if not impossible - for any community of monks to forge special links with any community of householders; (It was only in the course of social evolution that links of this nature were forged and it was then that many - if not the most of the fundamental monastic rules of these olden times turned into a mere formality.) 2. Extremely Hard Ascetic Life If a monk was to turn proof against the dangers and temptations emanating from the regular society it was necessary for him to steel him. self in the fire of severe asceticism. For only then could be reduce to the minimum bis dependence on the regular society. Yet the compulsion was that whatever be his requirements--in connections with food, clothing, shelter or the like--a monk was to produce them by way of begging from the regular society, the ideal being that he was not to earn them in return for performing some secular job. The net result was a monk would live in the midst of regular society and leading a life of extreme hardship. His food, clothing and shelter would be of the coarsest sort, medicine he would avoid: additionally, he would often impose on himself a pedance in the form of fasting, torturous body exertion or the like, 3. Arambha and Parigrala : the worst sins That Parigrala or attachment for things worldly should in the eyes of ao ascetic, be one of the worst sios is easy to understand. The noteworthy thing is that our texts connect parigraha with arambha -- meaning violence-- and treat the two as the most fundamental couple of sins. Viewed thus parigrala comprehends those sins which involve a positive attitude towards their respective objects, arambha those which involve a negative attitude towards their respective objects something like raga and dvesa of the later Indian theoreticians. Now it was noted that parigraha seems to be no act of doing evil; nay, it rather seems to be an act of doing good to whosoever happens to be the object of one's parigraha. It was therefore laid bare that all attitude of parigraha towards one must involve-directly or otherwise-an attitude of arambha towards another; one might even say that all attitude of arambha is rooted-directly or otherwise in some attitude of parigraha. Thus the attitude of arambha turns out to be the imm. ediate cause of all sipful activity, the attitude of parigraha its proximate cause.

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6 Early Jainism 4. The Inanimate and Animate objects of Parigraha The concept of parigraha was further clarified by maintaining that an object of one's parigraha might be either inanimate or animate. Broadly speaking, the material goods of all sorts are the possible inanimate objects of one's parigraha, the social relatives of all sorts are the possible animate objects of one's parigraha. The two are not unconnected, for it is in the interests of ones social relatives-just as in the interests of oneself--that one seeks to accumulate material goods. That all accumulation of material goods necessarily involves sinful acts goes without saying for otherwise there should not be much point in condemning such accumulation. And then it was emphasized that one accumulating material goods in the interests of one's social relatives is in a particular unfortunate position, for the worldly benefits to be derived out of those goods are enjoyed by the relatives in question while the other-worldy cvil fruits of the sin incurred by one in this connection are reaped by oneself. * 5. The sixfold objects of Arambha That the possible object of arambha is a being belonging to one of the six types is a most noteworthy teaching of our texts; and what these six being-types are is no less noteworthy. Thus we are told that the ordinary world of insects, birds, animals and human beings is a world of just one type of living beings technically called trasa or 'mobile'; the other five types of living beings-collectively called 'sthavara' or 'static'-are bits of earth, bits of water, bits of fire, bits of air and individual plants. This particular understanding of what constitutes the world of living beings must have accentuated the already strong ascetic tendency of the Jajna specula. tion, For otherwise, a Jaina could have argued that in case one undertakes such worldly productive activity as involves no employment of human or animal labour but just the manipulation of things like earth, water, fire and air one is indulging in nothing sinful, but as things stood he was bound to condemn even an activity like this as one which involves a lot of arambha-directed against the allegedly living beings like earth, water, fire and air. Even so, nothing prevented a Jaina from characterizing as particularly sinful the acts which involve an employment of human or animal labour. This trend of thought, however, does not appear in our texts; (it gained some sort of prominence in the later Jaina speculation when the concept of 'pious householder' was given currency and a pious householder was defined as one who abstains from all violence done to the trasa being though not from that done to the sthavara ones) -

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Some Noteworthy Features... 6. Kas y'a and Jahivrata : No Well Established Concepts Our texts raise the problems of general morals only too frequently but the noteworthy thing is that they are alinost innocent of the technical terminologies employed in this connection by the latter-day Jaina speculation. Pretty conspicuous is the absence of the concept of 4 kasayas (=passi. ons) and that of 5 mahay atas (=great vows), and they might be considered one by one. (i) The term kasaya is here never employed though there often jointly appear the four vices kaown as kasaya - in Sutrakrtanga I many times also under very obscure designations, but even on such occasions almost nothing is said by way of describing the vices in question. Of course, this or that from among these vices is found described here and there, but that is a different matter and does not amount to developing the doctrine of 4 kasayas, (ii) As for the 5 mahavratas they do not jointly appear even once in Acaranga I. In Sutrakstanga I they do thus appear and are also called mahavratas but the whole business has something surr. eptitious about it; for the treatment here accorded to this so important group of moral virtues is almost perfunctory (at the most one can say that this treat nent represents the earliest stage when the Jaina speculation became acquainted with the concept of 5 mahavratas). What is here being said about the treatment of 4 kasayas and 5 mahavratas on the part of these texts can be easily appreciated when this treatment is compared with that of arambhu-cum-parigraha which we here mect with, Broadly speaking, the concepts of kasaya, maharatas as well as arambha-cumparigraha are such that each provides a framework for the fundamental classification of imrmal viriles ud vices, and the historical circumstances seems tu have been that the first two were used for the purpose by the latter-day Jaina theoreticians, the last by those belonging to the times of Acaranga I and Sutrakrtanga I. 7. Parisaha and Bhiksadosa : No Well-Established Concepts The hardships---physical and social--which a monk is expected to suffer were later on technically called parisaha and were divided into 22 types. Our text do certainly dilate upon the hardships in question but they are unacquainted with the techoical concept of 22 parisaha--this particularly in view of the fact that one whole chapter of Sutrakrtanga 1-viz, the thirdis devoted to these very hardships, Somewhat similar is the case with the defects of alms' (= bhiksadosa) which the later theoreticians devide into 46 types or so. Our texts are acquainted with but few of them under their proper designation but those few seem to be interesting. Thus a monk not allowed to receive as alms (i) something that is reserved for him by

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Early Jainism a prior arrangement, (ii) something that is brought to hin from a distance by the donor, (iii) something that has been snatched away from its rightful owner, (iv) something that is a common property of more own. ers than one-- not all of whom have sanctioned it to be gifted away, (v) something that has been borrowed on credit, (vi) something that has been purchased. It is somewhat easy to comprehend the first four of these prohibitions, perhaps also the fifth: but the sixth remains intriguing. Sale and credit are two most basic institutions of an urban civilisation and it seems that these early theoreticians were somehow actuated by a feeling of non-cooperation in relation to the urban civilisation along with its basic institutions. The surmise is somewhat confirmed when we further learn that in the later standard list of prohibitions an additional item is something that is received by way of barter'; certainely, in the course of social evolution what begins as barter later develops into sale against cash-payment, (or sale on credit). In any case, our texts are un-aquainted with this standard list in its entirety. A subsection (with 16 items) of this list refers to the secular means a monk might (illegitimately) emplcy in order to procure things needed by him; the items in question are not as such present in our texts but the motif coaceraed is clearly there in Sutrakrtanga I. 8. Monastic Jurisprudence : not yet Formulated By monastic jurisprudence are to be understood the rules and regulations that guide a monk's functioning inside a church-unit with its appropriate hierarchy. The earliest available most comprehensive formulation of such jurisprudence is to be found in Vyavaharasutra, but the type of cirumstances usually envisaged there are seldom found depicted in our texts. Most conspicuous in this connection is the absence of all mention of a church-unit with an appropriate heirarchy. The texts do speak of a Sasta (=instructor) but he seems to be no more than the person who im. parts to a young monk his first lessons in matters spiritual and religious; that is to say, he does not seem to be the head of a Church-unit. Some idea of the headship of a church-unit emerges in Sutrakrtanga I (14.2.3) where it is said about a young monk who has not yet fully assimilated his lessons that in case he sets out to wander alone he will be behaving like the young of a bird who has not yet properly learnt to fly but who yet ventures out in the open. The illustration clearly suggests that the disciple was to stay with the preceptor not beyond a period that was absolutely necessary for his proper spiritual equipment. Certainly, the general practice of a whole group of monks wandering about together under the leadership of a chief with his subordinate staff seems to have been a comaparatively

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Some Noteworthy Features... later growth, a situation reflected in the deliberations of Vyavahara sutra. On the other hand, in the series of our texts the general practice seems to have been that of a single monk wandering alone- at the most, that of a small group of young monks wandering in the company of their common preceptor. (Sutrakstanga I also envisages the possibility of one monk giving company to another who is sick, but, this seems to be a case of emergency rather than a general case. Be that as it may, these texts exhibit no acquaintance with the problems of monastic jurisprudence. 9. The Karma-Doctrine in a Primitive Form The doctrine of Karma---with the doctrine of rebirth and the doctrine of moksa as its corollary-is a most prominent feature of these texts. Thus here it is frequently asserted or implied that a more or less inauspicious next birth is in store for the person-whether a householder or a monk-who leads an evil life. And similarly it is here frequently asserted or implied that the monk who leads an ideal life will be born no more. But noteworthy is that these texts are almost absolutely silent about the precise mechanism of rebirth and moksa, a mechanism which in a particular ver. sion is so marked a speciality of the latter-day Jaina speculation. Thus unlike in the later Jaina texts we are not here told how the Karmic physi. cal particles get attached to a soul and how they get loose from it. As a matter of fact, on this question our texts hardly say a thing that would not be endorsed by the Brahmin or Buddhist theoreticians. Then one more point deserves consideration in this connection. These texts never promise an auspicious next birth to the person leading a good life, the idea being that all next birth is more or less inauspicious. This is in contrast to the practice of the later Jaina theoreticians who would promise a more or less auspicious next birth to a pious householder as also to a monk who is good yet not good enough to deseve mokla at the end of this very life. 10. No Special Ontology What is true of the Karma-doctrine in particular is also broadly true of ontology in general. Thus baring one-though noteworthy-exception these texts hardly propound an ontological thesis to which a Brahmin or Buddhist theoretician would take exception. The exception is constituted by the doctrine of six types of living beings, a doctrine already reviewed by us in another connection. All this is particularly striking in view of the fact that Sutrakrtanga I in its very first Chapter-also elsewhere-takes into consideration so many ontological theses emanating from riyal camps. The conclusion seems to be that ontological theses specific to the Jaina camp were not yet formulated when our texts were composed,

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10 Early Jainism 11, No Special Epistemology In connection with epistemology only two things offered by our texts deserve consideration, one throwing light on the later-day Jaina concept of the Jnana-types mati and sruta, the other throwing light on the later day Jaina concept of the cognition-type darsana and jnana (rather kevala-darsana and kevala-jnana). Let us consider them one by one. (i) Thus Acaranga I thrice speaks of one knowing (janejja) something sahasammaiyae paravagarenam annesim va amtike socca (1.7, 21.18, 28.9) in a similar context Sutrakrtanga I once says 'sahasammate nacca... sunettu va (8.14), another time it says 'sayam samecca aduva' pi socca bhusejja' (13.19). Here we have an inkling into the working of the Jaina theoretician's mind at a time when the technical concepts of the jnana-types mati and sruta had not yet been formulated but was on way to being formulated. A close examination of these passages suggests that what was later called mati was conceived as a type of cognition in which one's own mental effort plays a part and a prominent part; as against this, what was later called sruta was conceived as a type of cognition in which communication on someone else's part or talking to somebody on someone else's part plays a part and a prominent part. As a consequence of the first consideration a bare sensory experience-since it involves no mental effort was kept outside the realm of mati. In general, cognition involving no mental effort was called darsana, that involving an amount of it was called jnana, and mati was classified as jnana precisely because it involved some amount of mental effort. As a consequence of the second consideration just laid bare sruta-jnana would have had two sub-types, but so far as this aspect of the matter was concerned the consideration. was not pressed and hence sruta-jnana became just the jnana-type in which communication on someone else's part plays a pirt and a prominent part. Viewed in this light darsana, mati and sruta of the Jaina theoreticians should respectively correspond to pratyaksa, an..mana etc. and sabda of the non-Jaina theoreticians; (this becomes particularly evident from a Dasavaikalika verse viz.5.76-where the alternative cognition-types (Called 'Jnana-types probably because there was no common concept covering both jnana and darsana) are darsana, mati, prati prccha, sravna -- here the last two being the two possible subtypes of sruta just sopken of). (ii) We have already spoken enough of the distinction obtaining between darsana and jnana, but the word darsana occurs in none of the five passages from our texts discussed above. However the occurrence of the word janejja in Acaranga I and nacca in Sutrakrtanga I does suggest that mati is a Jnana-type, and that is important. For Sutrakrtanga I in its eulogy of Mahvira speaks of his ananta-jnana and ananta-darsana (6,3),

Page #20
Some Noteworthy Features... The adjective ananta means that having everything for its object' and its enployment only means that Mahavira was considered to be an omniscient. More noteworthy is the distinction here made between darsana and jhana; for it is in the light of it that we can argue that if even mati is a type of jnana then darsana must stand for bare sensory experience. These epistemological implications of certain incidental statements of our texts are sig nificant in their own way; yet it has to be admitted that these texts discuss no epistemological thesis as such and that in their times an epistemology specific to the Jainas was a thing of future. 12. No Special Mythology In the sphere of mythology too our texts offer little that is characteristically Jaina. (In the present part of our discussion we are concerned with mythology in its cosmographic aspect-where there is undertaken a delineation of the heavens, the bells, the world-continents and worldoceans.) There is hardly ever a mention of births among gods. For, as is evident from the discussions of the later-day Jaina theoreticians, birth among gods is a case of a particularly auspicious next birth. But (as we have already seen) our texts have no use for the concept of an auspicious next birth. Sutrakrtanga I does speak of certain bad monk being born among certain bad types of gods, but here the emphesis obviously is not on the gods being gods but on their being bad. As a general rule, these texts promise moksa to an ideal monk and they threaten an evil person - whether a householder or a monk with birth among hellish beings, animals and the like. Thus unlike gods the hellish being come within the purview of discussion in an important manner. However, even of hells our texts offer no such account as is typically Jaina, this being true even of that chapter of Sutrakrtanga I-viz. the fifth-hich is exclusively devoted to describing of hells. As for the world-continents and world-oceans there has arisen no natural occasion for describing them but in the course of its eulogy of Mahavira Sutrakrtanga I does offer a detailed account of the mountain Meru (6.1013). [This account of Meru can well be a late interpolation, for it is somewhat misfit where it appears. Thus employing a long series of similes the author here says about Mahavira that be is best among the monks just as Meru is best among the mountains, Nandana best among the forests, be easily Salmali best anong the trees, and so on and so forth. It can seen that to offer a detailed account of Meru in this context does not make much sense.] * 13. No Super-Humanization of the Biogarphy of Mahavira The question of super-humanizing the biography of Mahavira arose when mythology in its historical aspect came to be elaborated. For it was

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Early Jainism in connection with this that the Jainas gave out that Mahavira was only the 24th tirthankara of the present avasarpint, that 24 tirthankaras are born in each avasar pini, and each utsar pini, that the time cycle when an avasarpini follows an utsar pini and utsar pini follows an avasar pini has been in motion in a begin. ningless fashion; at the same time it was given out that by the time 24 tirthankaras have been born there also have been born 12 Cakravartins, 9 Baladevas, 9 Vasudevas, 9 Prati-Vasudavas--this giving the totality of 63 mighty personages adorning each avasar pini and each utsar pini. Of all this mytholoical thought-spinning there is not a trace in our texts. Acaranga I does speak of the past, present and future arhats but here the word 'arhat naturally means a great monk ; as for the hardships suffered by Mahavira in the course of his early monistic career which this text sings of in a saga (Chapter 9), they are superbuman only in the sense that they are beyond the endurance of an ordinary mortal, but then in the eyes of our author Mahavira was no ordinary mortal. Even the eulogy of Mahavjra occuring in Sutrakrtanga I, though full of hyperboles of all sorts, has little mythological about it-except insofar as it attributes omniscence to Mahavira. Similarly, when this text claims for most of its teachings that they have originated from Mahavira himself one can doubt the veracity of the claim but one cannot charge the author with having mythologized the doings of Mahavira, Some Relevant Passages From Acaranga I Considered 1. In connection with this feature as with those detailed in the following it would be profitable to take into special account certain passages from Acaranga I. So far as the present feature is concerned most important passages occur in chapter 2 containing a trenchant criticism of the worldly people. Thug in a typical passage (7.7) it is here said of them that thoroughly enamoured of things worldly like fields and buildings, gold and ornaments, women they are eager to live long; on the other hand, the people with steadfast conduct (meaning ideal monks) are perseverent in their career because they know what birth and death are and that death never fails to come. Elsewhere (6.9) a man is exhorted to adopt the career of a monk at a moment when his bodily faculties are yet unimpaired. Then by way of drawing a contrast it is said of a degenerate monk (6,16) that he succumbs to the temptation of worldly pleasures and of an ideal monk (6.21) that he does not do so. But nowhere is a contrast drawn between a degenerate and an ideal householder. The conclusion is inescapable that the text does not welcome the prospect of a man endeavouring to lead a householder's life avoiding its excesses. And that is understandable, for to welcome worldly life

Page #22
Some Noteworthy Features... -in however desirable a form -is tantamount to weakening the force of that appeal for recruitment to the monastic order. This whole attitude is in marked contrast to the practice of the later Jaina authors who would prescribe a pious householder's code of conduct to the person who is not too much food of things worldly but is yet not in a position to embrace monkhood. At one place (19.26) the text says in so many words of an ideal moral performance that it is impossible on the part of those who stay at home; (the passage does contain numerous other condemanatory epithets but they are obviously a consequence of 'homely life' and that is the point). For the rest, the text describes (23.8) how a monk's social relatives seek to tempt him back to the worldly life, (27.28) how a house. holder might make to a monk the offer of on unauthorized type of alms, (27.29); how there are householders who cause trouble to a wondering monk (19.30. 25.32) and in connection with the account of Mahavira's asceticism there is a detailed decsription (35.23 ff.) of how he was actually harassed by ill-managed worldlings. In this connection our attention is first drawn to a repeated statement (10. 18, 19.28) that the ideal monks make use of things that are coarse and rough (also cf.26.20 where a monk is asked not to be afraid of things rough). At another place (16.10) a monk is asked to thrash down bis body, to weaken down himself, to consume down himself-just as fire churns down old stock of wood. One passage (24.25) describes the monks, whose arms bave grown weak, whose flesh and blood have grown attenuated-presumably the description of ascetics with permanently upraised arms. And in connection with the account of Mahavira's asceticism (36.19) we are told how he suffered bardships in winter and in summer, how he imposed on himself restrictions as to the intake of food and drink, Then take the passages which refer to the procurement of food, clothing, shelter-and to no procurement of medicine." The food is to be consumed irrespective of whether it is good-smelling or bad-smelling (24.11); if one is denied alms one should not get angry, if one is given little one should not make a long face (8.15), and in any case one should be in know of the proper quantity of food to be consumed (9.2). Further, we are told (37.5) what type of coarse food Mabavira used to receive in the alms, his self-denying modes of procuring food are described (36.30). As for clothes, they are not to be washed, not to be coloured, and they are to be received, unwashed and un-coloured (29.6). Fire is not to be used by way of shelter agaiost cold (28.32); and we are told how Mahavira with no clothes on at all put up with the hardships of winter (34.15,35.10). Some idea of the coarse nature of a monk's shelter can be formed when we are incidentally informed (27.28) of one seated at the

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14 Early Jainism cremation-ground,. a quarter lying vacant, a mountain-cave, the root of a tree, a potter's quarter. Coarse quarters sought for shelter by Mahavira are described (34.21), his coarse bedding and seating are spoken of (35.21). Cumulative evidence of several passages (26 26,29.13,30.13,31.14) suggests that in the case of sickness reduced diet was the first recommendation, and in the case of sickness proving incurable a fast unto death. About Mahavira we are told (36.14) that he would live on reduced diet even when not sick and that he would never take medicine when sick. 3. Even a cursory glance at the contents of the text would reveal that it only too frequently condemus violence and acquisitiveness (the former usually under the designation arambha, the latter under the designation parigraha but also using other designations for both). There are also passages (eg. 12.5,12.22) where both are condemned at one place; most conspicuous in this connection is the sustained discussion occuring in 5.1-3 where arambha, anarambha, parigraha and aparigrata are treated of in this very order. In view of the fact that the couple parigraha and arambha is roughly parallel to the couple raga and dvesa let it also be noted that the triplet preyas, dosa, moha-parallel to the triplet ruga, dvesa, moha of the Brahmins and the triplet lobha, devsa, moha of the Buddhist-also makes its appearance once (14.15) in a rather stray fashion. 4. A most detailed discussion of the problem of parigraha occurs in chapter 2, but the mention of an animate (cittavat) and an inanimate (acittavat) object of parigraha occurs in the discussion of that chapter 5. (18.23). In chapter 2 the whole case is put most vigorously and in a nutshel la two passages viz. 7.17-25, and 5.15-20,25-28. The first runs roughly as follows: "He takes hold of the cattle-wealth and the slave-wealth and cmploying the two accumulates riches when these rickes have been accu. mulated in a big mass it might just happen that the relations divide them into shares, a thief steals them away, the kings carry them off, they just perish, or they burn down in fire. Thus it is that these riches prove to be meant for others. The fool has undertaken cruel acts and as a result he finds himself in a state of fall" The second runs roughly as follows : "Here is my mother, father, brother, sister, wife, sons, daughters, daugher-in-law, freinds and relatives, here are my material goods'-thus is the common man entangled. He is in fury day and night, busy in time and out of time, greedy for riches, he undertakes violent acts again and again. ....And then one day it might just happen that the peopic with whom he lives speak ill of him first and he speaks ill of them in return. Certainly,

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Some Noteworthy Features... 15 15 they prove to be no protection, no shelter to him; and he too proves to be no protection, no shelter to them." 5. Whenever the text speaks of violence and as already noted, it does so frequently enough -- it is always understood that the possible victims of violence are the six types of living beings; at times (e.g. 10.1, 33.23) that is even said in so many words. But an elaborate defence of the thesis that the types of living being are just six in number occurs in chapter 1. Naturally, the text here takes pride in the discovery that the rival monastic communities, since they do not uphold the thesis in question, are invariably guilty of so much violence (2.3 etc.); but in the rest of the chapters the point is not made much of. The four moral vices that were later on called kasayas viz. krodha, mana, maya and lobha are collectively mentioned at several places (e.g, 14.6, 18.4, 26.22) but they are never given the common designation kasaya (or any other common designation). Nor are they ever subjected to any detailed description. And though each one of them crops up here or there in cons nection with some discussion or other, no technical significance attaches to the performance; (e.g. 6.20 mentions lobha, 6.33 mana, 7.1 krodha, 9.19 maya) And of the 5 moral vices later called maha-avrata it is only arambha (later more usually called himsu or pranati pata) and parigraha which are here treated in details. As for the rest, they occur rarely and in a stray fashion and the impression is created as if they are meant to be of a coordinate states with arambha and parigraha; (e g. 8.8, 17,24,20.17 mention abrahma, 14.1 mrsavada, 27.8 adattadana). 7. The 22 hardships of monastic life later called parisaha are not met with in our text. But four of them- viz. trnasparsa, sitas parsa, tejahsparsa (= usna psaria), damsamasakasparsa-are mentioned repeatedly (e.g. 24.19, 35.18); at some places (e.g. 18.19.26.1,32.13, 33.17, 35 19) we also hear of sparsas in general and from that it can be gathered that the common designation originally interded to be given to the hardships in question was sparsa rather than parisaha. The words parisaha and upasarga too occur there (e.g. the former in 32.19, the latter in 35.22, both in 32.20) but they do not appear to be technical usages. As for the defects of alms' the later authors divide them into several groups but our text is acquainted with just 6 (of the 16 belonging to the

Page #25
16 Early Jainism group called) udgamadosas - i.e. defects originating from the side of the donor. They are samuddista, krita, pramitya, acchedya, anisrsta, abhidrta (28.2 Roman text 8.2.1). Our text also speaks of a seventh defect called samarabhya but it is to be taken as a common designation for these several defects which the later authors recognize only under separate names and which all somehow involve violence, That our text has some special kind of antipathy against the act of purchasing is apparent from the fact that at one place (8.25) it is subjected to condemnation all alone. Two passages of our text seem to have some bearing on the problems of monastic jurisprudence. Thus one (25.1) speaks of the monks who are properly taught day in and day out by the wise ones but who when wandering alone prove unworthy of the task and as a consequence are rude to their former preceptor himself. Another passage (19.30) speaks of the diffic. ulties to be faced by a monk who has only newly started wandering alone. Both give the impression as if the period of a disciple's stay with his preceptor was not much long, In connection with the karma-doctrine the most noteworthy thing is that our text envisages just two alternative post-mortem states--yiz. one awaiting an evil person a monk or a householder - and involving birth among the hellish beings and animals, the other awaiting an ideal monk and consisting in moksa. This explains why it describes rebirth not only as a state characterized by a new entry into womb (garbha), a new birth (janma), a new death (marana) but also as one characterized by misery (duhkha), a birth among hellish beings (naraka), a birth among animals (tiryak); (this becomes most clear from the following items occuring in a series ennume. rating the various misfortumes possible befalling a man : garbha, janma, mara (=marana), naraka, tiryak, duhkha (14,16,2.10,8.8.) As for moksa, it is often (e.g. in 7.26) figuratively conceived as a process of crossing over the flood-tide (of misery, rebirth etc.) 10. In our text all worthwhile ontological discussion is confined to chapter one which first seeks to prove that soul exists and then that it might possibly inhabit six types of living bodies. 11. In connection with epistemology two more usages of our text deserve. consideration. First, it is acquainted with the distinction --whatever It might

Page #26
Some Noteworthy Features... 17 be --between jnana and darsana (6.23, 27.14). Secondly, It somehow distinguished between drsta, sruta, mata, vijnata (15.3, 15.18) -of which the first three seem to be respectively related to the classical concepts darsana, sruta, mati, the fourth seems to be generally related to no classical concept. 12. lo connection with mythology we only note that naraka is so often (e.g. 2.10,8.8,14.15) mentioned when rebirth is spoken of; (negatively we might note that gods are mentioned never). 13. The past, present and future arhats are mentioned in 4.22. To a period of Mahavira's biography -j.e. to the period marking the beginning of his ascetic career and characterized by a practice of very strong asceticism - is devoted the whole chapter 9. Some Relevant Passages From Sutrakstanga I Considered 1. In connection with the features under consideration it is also necessary to assess the testimony of Sutrakstanga I which quite often acts as a lucid and systematic commentary on the rather obscurely worded and tersely formulated thesis of Acaranga I. Thus so many strands of thought which in Acaranga I appear in a more or less loose fashion have combined into a more or less perfect system in Sutrakrtanga I. The result is that in a number of important cases we are left in no doubt whatsoever as to what these texts have to say on this question or that. Following the order here adopted by us let us first of all consider the circumstance that our texts lay unconditional emphasis on the desirability of worldrenunciation. The question is raised in Sutrakrtanga 1 several times but most prominent, perhaps, in chapter 2 which is essentially of the form of an appeal for recruitment to the monastic order. In the very begining (2.1.1-3) the point is stressed that there is no certainty about the length of one's life while one is doomed in case he stays in the company of his parent - the conclusion being that one ought to adopt the career of a monk without a moment's deiay. The same conclusion is explicitly drawn in the verses 18-19 of chapter 10 which are strongly reminiscent of certain passages of Acaranga I and which describe the worldling who, oblivious of the surely oncoming death, goes on accumulating wealth that is to be enjoyed by others when he himself is no more. How the social relations of a monk seek to tempt him back to worldly life is

Page #27
18 Early Jainism described in 2.1.16-21, a description which in still more graphic details appears in 3.2.1-13; (chapter 4 is exclusively devoted to a depiction of womanly temptation). And 3.2, 15-22 tell us how a monk is saught to be tempted back to worldly life by the leading personalities of the secular society. On the other hand, 3. 1.6-7, 9-11 convey an idea of how certain worldly people speak rudely to the monk, 3. 1. 14-16 an idea of how they torture bim physically. In view of all this particularly in view of the categorical assertion 'knowing all this who will like to stay at home (iti vijjam ko'garamavase) ? (2.2.10) it is somewhat puzzling that 2.2.13 envisages the possibility of one staying at home, leading a virtuous life and being next boso as a God. Such a possibility was certainly and enthusiastically envisaged by the later authors but it was beyond the thought-horizon of the authors of our texts, so in all probability the verse in question is a later interpolation. A monk's life of extreme physical hardship is extolled under the common designation ruksasevana (= experiencing things rough) [3. 1-3). Some detail occur in 3. 1. 4-5, 8, 12-13. while in 2. 2.13-17 is described how a monk fearlessly stays in a vacant quarter with terrific surroundings. In 2. 1. 14 the monk is called upon to weaken his body through fasting, etc., in 2. 2. 5 he is asked to stay steadfast in the midst of 'harsh touches (= parusasparia); (harsh touch' was a common designation for physical ships ). In 10. 3, 10 a monk is asked not to earn his livelihood through performing a secular job. Injunction similar to these here selected out occur elsewhere too. The description of moral vices in terms of two basic types - viz. arambha and parigraha is a recurring theme of Sutrakrtanga I. In the very beginning of the text the question is asked as to what is bondage' and the answer consists in a description of arambha (here called pranati pala) and parigraha (1. 1. 1-6). In chapter 7 a bad monk is the topic of description; here the verses 1-22 describe the acts of violence on his part, the verses 23-28 those exhibiting acquisitiveness. In chapter 9 dharma (=religion) is the topic of description; here the verses 2-9 deseribe arambha and parigr. ha. In chapter 11 the topic of discussion is marga (= the right pathway); here the verses 7-12 describe anarambha the verses 13-20 anarambha and aparigraha ( There are also numerous stray references to arambha, parigraha w both] A joint study of all these passages gives a clear idea of how the two vices in question were conceived and why they were understood to be the worst types of vices. Taken as a whole parigraha-signifies attachment for things world!y--- where 'things include both the material

Page #28
Some Noteworthy Features... goods and the social relatives and arambha the acts injurious to others Undertaken with a view to satisfying the demands of this attachment. The above referred passages dealing with parigraha make it clear that by Inanimate (acittavat) and animate (cittavat) objects of parigraha are to be understood the material goods and the social relatives respectively. The above referred passages dealing with arambha make it clear that the possible objects of arambha are the six types of living beings. The moral vices later known as kasaya are referred to several times though not under the common designation kasaya. But the noteworthy thing is that if in one verse ( 6. 26 ) they are given the ordinary designations krodha, muna, maya, lobha (and a common designation adhyatma dosa i. e. spiritual demerit ) in three they are given rather peculiar and obscure designations. Thus in 1.2.12 they are respectively called ( in Prakrit) appattiya, viukkassa, numa, savvappaga, in 1. 4. 12 jalana, ukkasa, numa, majjhattha, in 9.11 thandila, ussayana, paliumcana, bhayana. As for the 5 maha-avratas they are referred to several times but in most cases in a very cursory fashion. Thus: (i) in 2.3.3 we have a reference to maha-avratas in general along with ratribhojana Enightly eating). (ii) in 3.4.8 we have a reference to maha-avratas, in 3. 4.9-18 a long discourse on abrahma, in 3.4.19 a reference to mrsavada and adattadana, in 3. 4. 20 a reference to himsaviramana. Gii (111) 1 8. 19 we have a reference to pranati pata, adattadana, mysavada. (iv) in 9. 2-9 we have a long discourse on arambha and parigraha in 9. 10 a reference to mosavada, abrahmamana, adattadana, pranati pata. (v) in 16. 2 we have (as in 9. 10) a reference to mrsavada etc. There is something suspicious about all these references and in all probability they are all a later interpolation; in any case tbey accord ill with the impor. tance attached to the concept of maha-avratas in the later Jaina speculation. Chapter 3 is devoted to an exclusive treatment of the hardships of monastic life. These hardships are here called u pasarga and the later technical name for the same is parisaha. But the noteworthy thing is that hardly few of the 22 parisahas known to the later authors are recognizable

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20 Early Jainism in the present treatment. Thus we here have sitas parsa (3.1.4). usna sparsa (3. 1. 5), yanca (3. 1, 6) damsamasaka (3.1.12) tTnasparsa (3.1.12), vadha (3. 1. 15-16) and maybe a few more - but not always under these precise titles. As already noted, the word parusas parsa (or simply sparsa) is here often used in the general sense of physical hardship while 10.14 refers to those 4 sparsas - trnasparsa, sitas parsa, usnasparsa, damsamasa. kasparsa found mentioned in Acharanga I. 'Defects of alms' are found referred to at several places and in a stray fashion. Thus we have (i) putik'ta (= mixed with defective alms) in 1. 3. 1 (ii) ksta (i.e. not ud dista) in 1.4-4 (iii) vifuddha umcha (i.e, not sadosa bhiksa) in 2. 3. 14 (iv) uddista, krita, pramitya, whitya, putikTta in 9. 14 (v) samarabhya, u ldista in 11. 14, putikrta in 11. 15 (vi) sacitta bija and udaka, uddista in 11. 26 This Suggests that almost the same items which occur in this connection in Acaranga I also occur here (putikrta is absent there, acchedya and ani srsta are absent here.) The whole of chapter 14 is perhaps relevant for the devepolment of the later monastic jurisprudence; for here we find described a detailed moral code of conduct for one receiving lessons at the feet of his preceptor; ( a stray reference to a disciple being rude to bis preceptor occures in 13. 2). But the general impression that is created is that the disciple will take to wandering alone as soon as his education is completed - which completion should not take a very long time. The technical terminology of the later karma-doctrine is absent in Sutrakrtanga I as much as it is absent in Acaranga I. Only 2.3.11 refers to mohaniya karma and 7.4 to bandha and vedana - which are all certain tech. nical terms of the later karma-doctrine. Also noteworthy is the circumstance that in 15. 16, 24 the auspicious post-mortem state is described in terms of an alternative - moksa or godly birth; (This alternative is very much popular with the later authors but its occurence in Sutrakrtanga I is rather puzzling. 10 In its very first Chapter - as also in the twelfth - our text takes into consideration a number of rival ontological views but hardly ever does it counterpose a typical Jain thesis against a rival one; (perhaps an exception

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Some Noteworthy Features ... 'e'e occurs in 13.9 where various theories of world-creation are summarily and jointly refuted by asserting that the world never perishes--and so is never created at all). Thus in Sutrakrtanga I as in Acaranga I the only ontological thesis typical of Jainas is one according to which the types of living beings are six in all. 11 In connection with epistemology nothing is to be added to what has already been said, 12 Sutrakrtanga I is certainly acquainted with more mythological potions than Acaranga I, but here too certain points are noteworthy: (1) The concepts of an auspicious next birth among gods occurs in rather suspicious verses - viz. 2. 3. 13; 15. 16; 15, 24. (2) The concept of an in auspicious next birth among gods occurs in 1. 3. 16 and 2. 3. 9 (3) In 2. 15 the list of mythological species contains the items deva, gandharva, raksasa, asura, in 12. 13 it contains the items sura, gandharva. raksasa, yamalokin - both sets unfamiliar to the later Jaina speculation. (4) In the course of describing hells (e. g. in 5. 1. 6) paramadhamin gods are mentioned and they are familiar to the later Jaina speculation. (5) The eulogy of Mabavira contains several mythological concepts familiar to the later Jaina speculation, e. g. Sudarsana (=Meru) parvata (6.9). Damdakavana 6. 10, Ayata parvata Nisadha and Vartula parvata Rucaka (6, 15). Svayambhu-samudra and Nagendra Dharana ( 6. 20) Lavasaptama deva and Sudharma Sabha (6. 24 ), For the rest, there is little typically Jaina about the mythological noti. ons - including the so many occuring in the Chapter on hells and that on Mahavira - contained in Sutrakrtanga I 13 So many times does Sutrakrtanga I attribute a teaching to Maba vir (called by the names Mahavira, Kasyapa, Jnata, Brahmana and the like) either at the begining of a chapter (or section ) (e. g. in 5. 1. 1-2. 9. 1. 11. 1). or at its end (e. g. in l. I. 27, 2.3, 22, 3.3. 20) or somewhere in the middle of it (e. g in 2.2. 26, 11. 32, 15, 21). It is essentially a quesa tion of literary manner igen and means nothing more than that the author believed the teaching concerned to have been originated from Mahavira. That is to say, unlike the later Jain authors our text has not developed a special mythological theory as to how Mabavira is the source of all that Jainisin has to teach on this question or that.

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CHAPTER JI A HISTORICAL EVALUATION OF UTTARADHYAYANA AND DASAVAIKALIKA Uttaradhyayana and Dasayaikajika are two of the four oldest Jaina canonical texts, the other two being Acaranga I and Sutrak stanga I, Of these, Acaranga I and Sutrakstanga I are oldest, Uttaradhyayana and Dasavaikalika oldest after them. Of course, each of these texts contains material that is relatively old and material that is relatively new, it being of the form of an anthology of independent poetic pieces composed at different dates and by different anthors. Even so, they taken together do not fail to throw considerable light on the earlier stages of the evolution of Jaina thought and practice. To make study of Uttaradhyayana and Dasayaikalika from this standpoint is the purpose of the present note. As compared to Dasavaikalika Uttaradhyayana is much varied in style as well as contents. The former consists of ten chapters and two append. ices, all of the form of a homily addressed to a monk; the latter consists of 36 chapters, of which 12 are of the form of a homily, 11 of the form of a story, 2 of the form of a parable, 11 of the form of a systematic treatment of some topic or group of topics. So it should be profitable to take up for a special treatment Uttaradhyayana first and Dasavaikalika afterwards, What should strike a reader of Uttaradhyayana is its almost exclusive pre-occupation with the problems of a monk's life and its almost total disregard of those of a pious householder's life. However, since an exclusive preoccupation with the problems of a monk's life and a total disregard of those of a pious householder's life are also a characteristic features of Acaranga I and Sutrakitanga I the few exceptions that occur in this connection in Uttaradhyaya na deserve notice. A most clearcut recognition of the honourable status of a pious householder is made in the later half of chapter 5 which is devoted to a comparative consideration of death of the ignorant and death of the wise'. The early half of the chapter describes death of the ignorant that is the fate of an ordinary worldljpg. the later half death of the wise' that is the destiny of a pious Jaina-mopk or householder. In connection with the latter it is laid down that after his death a pious Jaina householder is next born as a god (v. 24), a pious Jaina monk is either next born as a god or he attains moksa (v. 25), a sition maintained by all later Jaina authors. The fate of a pious house. holder also finds mention in the later half of chapter 7. This half is

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Uttaradhyayana and Dasavaikalika mechanically tagged to the early half which is of the form of a parable and it compares the fate of three types of men to that of three types of traders; thus the man who is next born as a man is like the trader who just manages to save his principle-money, the man who is next born as a god is like the trader who earns a profit, the man who is next born as a hellish being or an animal is like the trader who incurs loss (vv. 14-16). In this analogy there is provided no room for the case of the man who attains moksa and the conclusion ought to be that it is exclusively concerned with the fate of a householder. An indirect reference to a pious householder occurs in the later half of chapter 3 too; this later half is virtually in the form of a gloss on the general thesis that a pious monk is either next born as a god or he attains moksa (vv. 12-13), a thesis which in its bare form occurs in the concluding verse of chapter 1. The later half of chapter 3 describes how a pious monk is next born as a god and after that as a prosperous and pious householder who attains moksa (v. v. 14-20); Thus what is here described is not a pious householder as such-that is, one who remains a householder for the whole of his life but one who eventually becomes a monk, monkhood being an indispensable condition for attaining moksa. Lastly, an incidental reference to a pious householder occurs in Chapter 9, which describes the story of Nami's world-renunciation; here (vv. 41-44), Indra disguiezed as a Brahmin asks Nami not to become a monk but to lead the life of a pious householder, a suggetion which Nami parries by pointing out that the performance of a plous householder is much too inadequate to lead one to moksa. These Uttaradhyayana-passages containing a direct, indireet or incidental reference to a plous householder are noteworthy but equally noteworthy is the circumstance that in this text no homily, no story, no parable, no systematic treatment of a topic is exclusively concerned with the problems of a pious householder's life. For baring the exceptions just noted the whole text is devoted to the problems of a monk's life (in a few cases to the problems of general theory). - The Uttaradhyayana treatment of the problems of a monk's life has its own special features. Precisely in the spirit of Acaranga I and Sutrakrtanga I the text lays unconditional emphasis on the describing of one embracing the career of a monk, an aspect of its teaching we will examine later on, But particularly interesting is its testimony on the question of lonely wandering on the part of a monk and this testimony deserves more than passing notice. In several independent passages it is here categorically asserted that lonely wandering is an ideal monastic practice. Thus in Chapter 35 (verse 6) we have 'In a cremationground, in a quarter permanently vacant, under the root of a tree, in an unoccupied quarter built for someone else he should take up residence all alone', in chapter 15 (v. 16) A monk is he who having taken leave of home 23

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24 Early Jainism wanders all alone', in Chapter 2 (v. 18) 'The poble one should wander all alone'. In chapter 19 (vv. 77 etc. ) the life of a lonely wandering mook is compared to that of an animal freely loitering in a wilderness, Yet we are elsewhere (11. 14) told Only he who permanently stays at the quarter of the preceptor is in a position to receive education. Here reference could be to the fairly old practice of a student staying with his preceptors for a period that was absolutely necessary for the former's education. But in chapter 17 more advanced conditions seem to have been envisaged, for here some of the epithets ascribed to a bad monk are one who does not take proper care of the acarya and upadhyaya '(v. 5), 'one who discards his acarya' (v. 17), 'one who wanders from gana to gana (gana=monastic unit)' (v. 17). Certainly, in the course of time it became a common practice for monks to wander about in the form of a unit functioning under the headship of an ucarya assisted by a staff made up of upadhyaya etc.) this replaced the old practice of a young student staying with his preceptor just for the duration of his education and it is this that seems to be reflected in the chapter in question. Similarly, only in the light of the latterday practice can one appreciate the following complaint made against bad disciples : 'They have been given lessons, they have been supplied with equipment, they have been nourished with food and drink, and yet they scatter away in all directions as do swans that have grown wings' (27.14). However, an intermediate stage seems to have marked the course of evolu. tion under considration. Thus in Chapter 32 we read: " One should look for food that is measured and acceptable, one should look for a companion who is skilled in matters intellectual. ... But in case one fails to have companion superior to oneself in merit or equal to oneself then one should wander alone ......" (vv. 4-5). So at some stage the practice must have been for a monk to seek the company of another one superior or equal to himself; (of course, a monk can receive the company of another one superior to himself only if this latter monk consents to have the company of another one inferior to himself, but let us not press that point). But even at this stage the old practice of wandering alone must haye appeared to have merits of its own, as is evident from chapter 29, which enumerates (in para 39) the advantages of doing without a companion just as it enumerates (in para 40) those of doing without food (i.e. of fasting); thus runs the former set of advanteges: "One doing without a companion generates loneliness for himself, and a lonely person enjoying his loneliness experiences little noise, little dispute, little quarrel. little passion, little mutual-abuse." Evidently the practice of wandering about along with a companjon was not an unmixed blessing; nay, it did not even have much survival value and the disadvantages of

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Uttaradhyayana and Dasavaikalika 25 lonely wandering were set aside not by this practice of monks wandering in twos but by that final practice of monks wandering in the form of a unit. This final practice must have grown out of that old practice of the young disciples staying with their preceptor; for this final practice must be the result as soon as disciples make it a point not to take leave of their preceptor even when their education was over. Thus several (two, three, or even more generations of monks would form a jointly wandering unit where the oldest member was the acarya with other senior members acting as his staff. The disadvantages enumerated by the just quoted Uttaradhyayana-passage in the practice of monks wandering in twos were certainly there--and were there in a gravest form - also in the practice of monks wandering in the form of a unit, but they were more then offset by the advantages offered by this latter practice. It should now be easy to see how the Uttaradhyayana treatment of the problems of a monk's life moves in the circle of ideas characteristic of Acaringa I and Sutrakrtanga I. Three most prominent features of this circle of ideas are (1) a general non-recognition of the problems of a pious house-holders life, (ii) an unconditional emphasis laid on the desirability of one adopting the career of a monk, (lii) recommending an extremely harsh monastic code of conduct [Here (li) is in fact a corollary of (i) it being the positive counterpart of the latter which is essentially negative in character.] We have already seen how scant notice Uttaradhyayana takes of the problems of a pious householder's life and so it should be natural to expect that the text lays unconditional emphasis on the desirabilily of one adopting the career of a monk. The expectation is more than fulfilled, as should be obvious from even a cursory glance at the contents of the text. Most striking in this connection is the fact that as many as of its 11 stories have for their central subjectmatter the glorification of a monk's career contrasted to that of a householder's. In three of here-- viz. Isukariya (ch. 14). Miga putriya (ch. 19), Samudra paliya (ch. 21)-certain young men seek leave of their parents - in the first two through a more or less lengthy argumentation and adopt the career of a monk-in the first the parents too following suit, in other three-viz, Cittasambhutiya (ch, 13), Samyatiya (ch. 18), a Mahanir granthiya (ch. 20)-a monk is pitted against a king and preaches to the latter the virtues of a monk's life - in the second the king himself turning a monk, in one - viz. Namipravrajya (ch, 9) - Jodra disguised as a Brahmin vainly

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26 Early Jainism seeks to dissuade the king Nami from adopting the career of a monk. The remaining 4 stories - viz. Harikesiya (ch. 12), Rathanemiya (ch. 22), Kesz. gotamiya (ch, 23), Yajniya (ch. 25) - raise certain miscellaneous problems of monastic conduct.] In all these stories two points come into picture most prominently, viz. (1) Why the world has to be renounced, (2) How harsh is the career of a monk. [For (1) see 9.15-16; 13.16-26, 31 - 32; 14. 12-15, 27-28, 39-47. 18.11-17; 19, 10-23, 44-74; 20. 16-37. For (2) see 19. 24-42, 76-85: 20.38-50; 21. 11-241 These are the same two points which we have marked out as the two most conspicuous positive features of the circle of ideas characteristic of Acaranga I and Sutrakrtanga I. And the same two points almost exhaust the contents of the 12 homilis and 2 parables, occuring in Uttaradhyayana some of which -- particularly those composed in various non-anustubh metres - are forceful in the extreme; here is a catalogue of them. 12 Homilies : Vinaya (ch. 1), Caturangiya (ch. 3), Asamskrta (Prakrit Asamkhaya) (ch. 4 -- non-anustubh), Akamamarana (ch. 5), Ksullakanirgra. nthiya (ch. 6), Kapiliya (ch. 8-non-anu.), Drumapatraka (ch. 10-non-anu.), Bahusrutapuja (ch. 11), Sabhiksu (ch-15-non-anu.), papasramaniya (ch. 17), pramadasthana (ch. 32-non-anu.), Anagaramarga (ch, 31). 2 Parables : Urabhriya (ch. 7), Khalumkiya (ch. 27). A careful perusa! of this much portion of Uttaradhyayana -i, e. of those 7 stories on the one hand and these 12 homilies and 2 parables on the other-should enable one to see clearly how this text carries forward the tradition of Acaranga I and Sutrakrtanga I. Deviations from this traditions here and there cer. tainly are, we have already had occasion to note one or two of them; e. g. we have seen how this text at times considers the problems related to the life of a pious house-holder, and how it at times consider the case of monks wandering about in twos or in the form of a unit - the two consi. derations which in Acaranga 1 and Sutrakrtanga I are conspicuous by their absence. But such deviations, though significant in their own way, are negligible, on the whole. There yet remains to be considered a group of 11 Uttaradbyayana chapters which are distinguished not so much for their style; for what they seek to undertake is a systematic treatment of some topics. Five of these viz. Parisaha (ch, 2), Brahmacaryasthana (ch. 16), Pravacanamatyka (ch.24). Samacari (ch. 26), Tapa (ch. 30) -deal with certain problems of monastic conduct.. one - viz. Samyaktya parukrama (ch. 29) - with a huge conglomerate of 72 miscelleneous items all pertaining to the field of general

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Uttaradhyayana and Dasavaikalika conduct, one viz, caranavidhi (ch. 31)- with another conglomerate of mis. cellaneous items pertaining to all sorts of fields, four viz. Moksamargiya (ch. 28), Karmapraksti (ch. 33), Lesya (ch. 34), Jivajivavibhakti (ch. 36) -- with certain problems of general theory. All these chapters are more or less relevant for a study of the evolution of the Jaina technical concepts but one is specially relevant also for our present purpose. This is chapter 2 dealing with 22 parisahas. Under the technical concept of parisaha the Jaina theoreticians comprehended the physico-social hardships which a monk might possibly encounter in the course of his everyday life. Of cour. se, vividly depicting the hardships of monastic life was an old preoccupat. ion, of the Jaina authors, Sutrakstanga I even had one whole chapter devoted to the topic. But the technical concept of parisaha with its 22 sub-divisions was a relatively late growth. This means that the present chapter of Uttaradhyana was relatively late composition but the noteworthy thing is that the understanding incorporated in it was fairly old; the conclusion aught to be that this old understanding held the field for a pretty long time. To be explicit, we are here referring to the understanding that a monk's life has to be a life of extreme hardships, In a way the root. cause of all extreme hardships that a monk faced was his practice of wandering about all alone - which explains why this practice had to be discarded eventually. But the present chapter of Uttaradhyayana, while dealing with parisaha - called carya (=wandering about), categorically enjo. ins "The noble one should wander all alone" (v. 18), a passage we have already considered earlier. Equally revealing is its treatment of the parisaha called nisadya (seating oneself), saiya(=taking up residence), roga (=ailment). Thus in connection with nisadya we read, "In a cremation-ground, in a quarter permanently vacant, under the root of a tree he should sit all alone and without making any unmannerly gesture '(v. 20). The practice of a monk seating himself in such horrible places was as old as Acaranga I but it did not continue in later times. Similarly, in connection with Saiya we read: "If he gets for residence an unoccupied quarter then whether it is comfortable or woeful he should put up with it saying to himself what havean will come in one night ? (v. 23) Here reference is to the old mona, stic practice of staying in a village for not more than one night (and in a town for not more than five ), a practice not even considered - let alone endorsed -even in the oldest disciplinary texts though mentioned in passing by a text like Aupa patika in the course of a legendary narrative (p. 8). Lastly, in connection with roga we read "on knowing that an ailment has arlsen. he. tormented by it, should put with it and should not welcome medical treatment" (vv. 32-33). Here again reference is to the old monastic practice of refusing medical care in case one developed bodily ailments, a practice gradually given up as is evident from the lengthy discussions

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Early Jainism pertaining to the problem of medical treatment undertaken in the later disciplinary texts. Certainly, the authors of the later disciplinary texts were confronted with the general task of reconciling their own various positions with the harsh injunctions like these laid down in so celebrated a text as Uttaradhyayana. And they came out with the ingeneous suggestion that monks are of two types those called Jinakal pikas who wander about all alone and those called Sthavirakalpikas who wander about in the form of a monastic unit, the harsh injunctions of a text like Uttaradhyayana being obligatory on the former, their own relatively mild injunctions on the latter. Be that as it may, the Uttaradhyayana chapter on parisaha-is of use in assessing the historical value of this text. 28 Dasavalkalika is a text very different in character from Uttaradhyayana and its historical importance too is very different. As already noted, it consists of ten chapters and two appendices all of the form of a homily addressed to a monk. And its intention seems to be to impart to a monk instructions on elements of monastic ethics and etiquette. However, since with a text like this even items of etiquette must be based on an ethical consideration it should perhaps be better to say that the intention of our text is to impart to a monk instructions on major and minor elements of monastic ethics. It remains to be argued as to what are here taken to be the major elements of monastic ethics and what the minor ones. The principle of non-violence as practised in relation to the six types of living beings -viz. earth, water, fire, air, plants, and creatures - was a basic ethical principle with the Jalna theoreticions since the days of Acaranga I and Sutrakrtanga I. It remained so in the days of Dasavaikalika too but in this text it is frequently coupled with the principle of six great VOWS viz. non-violence, truth, not accepting what is not donated, contin. ence, not accumulating possessions, not eating during night time. The whole of chapter IV (minus its concluding verses) is denoted to a consideration of these two principles, paras 7-12 taking up the first, paras 1-6 the second, similarly, in chapter VI verse 27-46 take up the first principle, verses 9-26 the second, while in chapter X verses 2-4 take up the first principle, verse 5 the second (here confined to the first five great vows.) Lastly, chapter VIII verses 2-12 explicitly discuss the first principle, verses 17-29 implicitly discuss the second. All this is indicative of the newly realized significance of the principle of six (or five) great vows, a principle which in the old texts like Acaranga I and Sutrakrtanga I was conspicuous by its absence. Of. course, these old texts said a lot about the renunciation of arambha (=violence) and parigraha and also enough about that of mrsa, adattadana, maithuna but the concept of a collective renunciation of these five under the title 'five great vows' was a relatively late growth; and a relatively late date to be

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Uttaradhyayana aad Dasavaikalika 20 ascribed to Dasavaikalika is a logical corollary of this circumstance [The same conclusion is to be drawn from the application (in VII. 57, IX (iii). 14, X.6) of the technical name Kasaya to the four vices krodha, mada, maya, lobha jointly mentioned. Since the days of Acaranga I and Sutrakrtanga I, for this name too was a relatively late growth.] Another group of concepts to which significance is attached in Dasavaikalika comes to view when one peruses chapter VI, where besides sixfold non-violence and six vows the following six apparently miscella neous items are subjected to investigation : (1) the prohibited (types of alms) (2) the householder's vessel (3) an easy-chair (4) sitting down (while on begging tour) (5) bathing (6) non decoration; (This is how these items are catalogued in VI. 9 while a detailed account of them occurs in VI. 47-50, VI. 51-53, VI 54-56, VI. 57-61, VI. 62-63, VI. 64-67 respectively). Here the importance of item (1) is obvious and perhaps so also that of items (5) and (6) but their juxtaposition with items (2)-(4) is somewhat curious. However, these rather old items too seem to have a history of significance being attached to them. For the old Sutrakrtanga I takes note of item (2) in 2.2.20 and of items (3)-(4) in 9.21; (as for item (1) it is here noted in 9. 14, item (5) and (6) somehow in 9, 13, 15). Similarly, Dasavaikalika chapter III which contains a lengthy misellaneous list of prohibited items records our item (2) in III.3, our items (3) -(4) in III. 5; (as for our item (1) it is here noted in III.2, our items (1)-(6) somehow in III. 2, 3). In view of the fact that neither Sutrakrtanga I nor Dasavaikalika chapter III says anything by way of explaining our items (2)-(4), it is fortunate that Dasavaikalika chapter VI elucidates them in the passages already referred to; one might yet remain unconvinced that importance should be attached to these items but one can at least know them for what they are. Also welcome is elucidation here offered of our somewhat obvious items (5) and (6), but the case of our item (1) deserves detailed consideration. For the question as to what constitutes a prohibited type of alms is the most fundamental question of a monastic disciplinary text and as such it has to be examined from all sides. Since very old days were the Jaina authors interested in compiling an exhaustive list of 'defects of alms', and so such lists occur in Acaranga I, Sutrakrtanga I and Dasavaikalika. However, the final classical list contains 16 items, of which many are altogether new (while one or two items that

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30 Early Jainism made their appearance in an earlier list are absent in this final one) [Strictly speaking, the final list contains 46 (or 47) items divided into four groups, but since no item of these groups not at least under its technical designation appears in an earlier list it would not be improper here to take note of just the first group with its 16 items.] It will be useful to note down these 16 items, they are: (1) adhakarma (3) putikarma (5) sthapana (7) praduskarana (9) pramitya (11) abhyahrta (13) malapahrta (15) anisrsta (1) auddesika (2) misrajata (6) pramrtika (8) krita (10) parivartita (12) udbhinna (14) acchedya (16) adhyavapuraka Now Acaranga I [8.2.1] records the items (2), (8), (9), (14), (15), (11) -as also a new item 'samarabhya' which might correspond to the above item (1). As for Sutrakrtanga (19. 14) it records the items (2), (8), (9), (11), (3). The performance of Dasavaikalika has to be reviewed in this background. We have already noted that here both III. 3 and VI, 47-50 record the prohibited types of alms; at both places these types are said to be four in number i.e. the items (2), (8), (11) of the above list and a new item nityaka. But in a similar context VIII. 23 records just 3 items -i. e. the items (2), (8), (11) of the above list. Two things are noteworthy about all these pre-classical lists-viz. (i) that they do not expressly claim to be exhaustive, and (ii) that they are accompanied by no explanation of the items concerned. This is true about the Dasavaikalika lists with one possible exception. For, as already noted, in VI. 47-50 there are sought to be enumerated the prohibited types of alms and since it is here proclaimed "There are the four prohibited types of alms enumerated by the great sage' the claim seems to be that the profound list of types is exhaustive. But granting that even this list is not supposed to be exhaustive there yet remains one question to be answered viz. what position in this connection is taken up by chapter V of Dasavaikalika, a chapter specially concerned with the problem of alms-gathering? The surprising thing is that this chapter does not at all conduct its discussion within the framework of any particular list of 'defects of alms'. What is still more surprising is that all of a sudden a list makes its appearance in verse 55 [ of the first sub-section where the items (2), (8), (3), (11), (16), (9), (4) of the classical list are just mentioned and the matter is considered finished, (on the other hand the single item (13) of the classical list is explained in details in three whole verses 67-69]. The chapter does say good many things about the -

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Uttaradhyayana aud Dasayaikalika 31 problems of alms-gathering (it is pretty lengthy and made up of two subsections, one containing 100 verses the other 50), but the question is whether these things are so much more important than those were to appear in the classical list as is suggested by the relative length of space devoted to the two, One possible explanation of the anomaly is that these items were treated as extremely well understood and so no need was felt to dilate on them. In any case, to our understanding of these items Dasavaikalika contributes as little as do those old texts Acaranga I and Sutakrtanga I, (such contribution is made by a classical text like Pindaniryukti where the problem of alsms-gathering is discussed within the frame. work of a standard list of 'defect-of-alms', but it is doubtful whether a text like this was in a position to correctly convey the significance that was originally attached to such an item of this list as was of long standing currency). The above consideration of the Dasayaikalika discussion of the prohibited types of alms-gathering should help us in forming an idea of the precise historical value of this text. The text was chiefly intended to supply a catalogue of prohibitions and injunctions pertajoing to the so many situations which a monk had to face in the course of his eyerday life. The tradition of framing such catalogues was somewhat old. For in Sutrakstanga I we have in 9. 12-24 a catalogue dealing with general matters, in 9.25-27 one dealing with the particular problem of a proper employment of speech; and it is the former that is somewhat expanded in Dasavajkalika chapter III while it is the latter that is much expanded in Dasavaikalika chapter VII. Dasavaikalika chapter IX (with four sub-sections) takes up the particular problem of a disciple's proper dealing with his preceptor, a prob. lem that was in a way mooted in Sutrakrtanga I chapter 14 and had grown in importance as time passed by. And we have already taken note of Dasavaikalika chapter V (with two sub-sections) which discusses the particular problem of alms-gathering. So it is these four chapters -viz. III. V. VII. IX- that constitute the kernel of Dasavaikalika-inasmuch as it is they that bring out what is truly specific to this text. It is in virtue of tbese chapters that Dasavatkalika acts as a prototype for the later monastic disciplinary texts. As for its remaining chapters, they speak of things more or less interesting and more or less important, but they do not add much to the essential worth of the text. Thus chapter IY considers the general ethical problem of sixfold non-violence and the equally general ethical problem of six great vows, while chapter VI considers in addition to these two problems those six miscellaneous items we have already noted in another conne. ction: in all this it is only the six miscellaneous items considered in chapter VI that are an intrinsic part of the specific subject-matter of our text. As

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Early Jainism for chapters VIII and X they only lay down certain broad etbical Injuncti. ons obligatory on a monk, injunctions too broad to be a part of the specific subject-matter of Dasavaikalika. And the first two chapters- both quite brief--are placed when they are for no apparent reason. Thus chapter I is made up of 5 verses whose central import is that a monk gathers alms without causing any harm to the donor just as a black bee gathers sap from a flower without causing any harm to it. Similarly, chapter II made up of 11 verses upon the problem of worldly temptations in general and womanly temptation in particular but its five verses (6-10) are a literal reproduction from the Uttaradhyayana story of Rajima and Rahanemi (ch.22), a reproduction containing so many specific references to this story that it is incomprehensible to one not already conversant with it. Lastly, there remain two appendices. Of these the first made up of 18 proseformulae and 17 verses addresses consolations to a depressed monk, the second made up of 17 verses describes a monk in a most general fashion as do chapters VIII and X. This much information should suffice to enable us to form a general idea of the overall contents of Dasavajkalika -as also an idea of wbat constitutes its kernel and why. The text represents the historical stage of evolution when a clear-cut distinction between the ebical problems of a disciplinary Dature and those of a more general nature had begun to dawn on the thought--horizon of the Jaina theoreticians, but the two sets of problems were yet thought to be so closely related to one another that a joint treatment of them was deemed possible and advisable (the same might be said of Uttaradhyayana even if its preoccupation with the ethical problems of a disciplinary nature is relatively meagre). It was only later on that two different sets of texts were devoted to these two sets of ethical problems, and it is viewed in this light that the kernel of Dasavaikalika ought to be those parts of it which make this text a pro. totype of the later monastic disciplinary texts. With Uttaradhyayana and Dasavaikalika there comes to an end an important earlier stage in the growth of Jaina thought, a stage whose beginning was marked by the speculations that now stand recorded in Acaranga I and Sutrakrtanga I. It is in this capacity that these four canonical texts are worthy of a closer study. A number of features pertaining to form as well as content are characteristic of them and it is time that attention be paid to these features. Three of them are outstanding: (i) Thus a noteworthy thing about our texts is a predominance in them of the old Vedic metres like Tristubh, Jagati and Anuqfubh. As is well known, in classical Sanskrit as well as Pali Anustubh was the metre more

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Uttaradhyayana and Dasavaikalika 33 usually employed in texts meant for popular edification, but the classical Jajna authors writing in Prakrit adopted the metre Arya for the purpose. In our texts, on the other hand, it is Anustubh that gradually gains predominence, it being more frequently employed by Uttaradhyayana and almost exclusively in Dasavaikalika; (as for Arya it here occurs thrice--in Acaranga I chapter 9, Sutrakstanga I chapter 4, Uttaradhyayana chapter 8 - but in an old form while stray stanzas in classical Arya that make their appearance in Uttaradhyayana are usually interpolations from later texts - as is shown in details by Alsdorf). The conclusion ought to be that in their cho. ice of metre the authors of our texts were yet exhibiting the same tendency as their contemporary Brahmanical and Buddhist counterparts, and the fact that this sharing of a tendency was absent with the later Jaina authors argues the relative antiquity of our texts. (11) A second noteworthy feature of our texts is their vigorous advocacy of asceticism. Some sort of vigorous advocacy of asceticism was never to be absent from Jaina speculation, but what makes our texts a class by themselves is their firm rejection of the possibility that pious life might somehow be led by a householder. It seems that in those olden days the intellectual elite of the Aryan community was divided precisely over the question whether a householder can possibly lead a pious life. The Brahmanical authors came out with an answer in the affirmative, the monastic authors like those who composed our texts with an answer in the negative. Eventually Jaina authors made some concession to the rival viewpoint and the conciliatory trend of thought appears in a stray fashion even in Uttaradhyayana, but the very fact that it appears here in a stray fashion argues its relative recency. (iii) A third noteworthy thing about our texts is their marked unfami. llarity with the Jaina technical concepts so well known to any student of Jainism, In four chapters of Uttaradhyayana -viz, 28, 33, 34, 36 - such technical concepts make their appearance on a mass scale - so to say. But the very fact that hardly few of these concepts are employed elsewhere in our texts argues the relative recency of these concepts. It will not do to say that the early Jaina authors were familiar with these concepts but that they had no occasion to employ them, nor to say that the early passages employing these concepts happened not be transmitted to the later generations. For in these early days of division of camps within the Aryan community it would have been only natural for an author to make a parade of his armory of technical concepts and for a later editor to pounce upon the passages where such a parade was made. It is really remarkable that our texts so free of the Jaina technical concepts were deemed worthy of higher respect by the later authors whose own stock of such concepts was pretty stupendous. This remarkable phenomenon is itself a testimony to the relative antiquity of our texts.

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CHAPTER III SUTRAKRTANGA II-A HISTORICAL EVALUATION Sutrakrtanga II is proved to be a relatively late text on the basis of the following three criteria : (i) Its being overwhelmingly a prose composition, (ii) Its touching upon the problem of a pious householder's duties. (iii) Its frequent employment of technical concepts. Let these be considered one by one. In the history of Jaina canon the earliest age - the age of Acaranga I, Sutrakytanga I, Uttaradhyayana, Dasavaialika - can perhaps be called an age of poetic composition, the subsequent age, an age of prose-composition. True, in Acaranga I there occurs a good amount of prose-composition but it is mostly of the form of commendation on verse-passages (while the remaining three texts of the age contain no prose-part worth the name); on the contrary, in the texts written in the age of prose-composition versepassages occur extremely seldom and in most cases these passages are composed in Arya --which again is an indication of their relatively late character). However, the mere fact that a canonical text is written in prose would not enable one to make out as to how late it actually is, for the 'age of prose-composition' covers a pretty long period. For example, Sutrakrtanga II is overwhelmingly a prose-composition, only two of its chapters being in verse (chapter V in Anuscubh, chapter VI in Tristubh): but this only means that it does not belong to the earlier age witnessed by Jaina canon. I The canonical texts belonging to the earliest age exhibit no acquaintance with the problem of a pious householder's duties, their chief preoccupation being what a monk has or has not to do. Even Sutrakrtanga II contains no systematic exposition of a pious householder's duties, but in two conte. xts it comes out with assertions which definitely prove that by the time of its composition the concept of a pious householder has emerged on the thought-horizon of the Jaina theoreticians. Thus the chief subject-matter of chapter VII is an opponent taking exception to the standard formulation of a particular vow taken by a pious householder -viz, the vow to desist from causing injury to the mobile type of living beings, It being impossible

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Sutrakrtanga 11-A Historical Evaluation 35 for a householder to desist also from causing injury to the static type of living beings. The details of the opponent's argument and the Jaina's coun. ter-argument need not detain us but the noteworthy thing is that in the course of argumentation there are here incidentally mentioned three increasing mild grades of a pious householder's performance-viz. (1) that which includes the observance of the regular monthly fast called pausadha, the desistence from the five basic vices (violence, falsehood etc.) in their gross form, the reduction of one's life-requirements, the fasting unto death (p.410); (ii) that which includes only the fasting unto death (p.411): (iii) that wbich includes the performance of the daily short service called samayika, and the desistence from causing injury to the living beings resid. ing within a voluntarily fixed geographical limit (p.417). Also noteworthy is the circumstance that all the items occurring here somehow make their appearance in the classical Jaina concept of the twelve ies of a pious householder with fasting unto death as the thirteenth.] The one context in which a pious householder's performance receives attention occurs in chapter II dealing with 13 kriyas - of which twelve are evil acts of various sorts while the thirteenth is the ideal life-activity of a monk. Instances of the twelve evil acts are mostly drawn from a householder's life-routine but that is nothing new; for the tradition of doing so was as old as Acaranga T, Sutrakrtanga I etc. Noteworthy is a long discu ch occurs when all the 13 krivas have been described and wbich twice develops three interrelated concepts, -viz. "life of utter impioushood', life of full pioushood', life of intermediate pioushood,' (pp. 294 etc.; pp. 309 etc.). Here in the second treatment the instance of the life of intermediate pioushood' is yielded by a pious householder's life-routine (p.325). In this context emphasis is laid on (i) a pious householder having firm faith in the Jaina scripture, (ii) his liberal offering of gifts to the monks. (iii) his adopting various restraints and observing the pausadha-fast, (iv) his fasting unto death. [Here there also occurs in the second place an item speaking of just the pausa lha-fasts in the manner of those passages from chapter VII. It was this item which was enlarged to yield the present item (ii) and the occurrence of both in our passage is anomalous. One of them must be an interpolation.] These incidental references to pious householder's performance are in striking contrast to the practice of the oldest Jaina texts where such a performance was hardly ever spoken of; (even in his capacity as the donor

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36 Early Jainism of gifts to the moaks a householder was not there considered worthy of commendation). III Most important conclusion can be drawn from the fact that Sutrakrtanga II frequently employs such technical concepts as are known to the latter-day Jaina authors. Of course, the text is a miscellaneous collection of seven discussions, of which each is itself more or less miscellaneous; moreover, each of these discussions betrays in a smaller or greater measure features that are characteristic of the earliest Jaina texts Acaranga I, Sutrakrtanga I etc. This, however, only means that Sutrakrtanga II is a relatively late text but not a very late text, and it should be advisable to make a special study of its different chapters from this standpoint: Chapter I Chapter I begins with an allegory and develops by way of elucidating its purport which consists in refuting four heretical doctrines and presenting forth the Jaina position in contrast to them all. These four doctrines respectively uphold (i) that soul is identical with body, (ii) that the five physical elements earth, water, fire etc. are alone real, (iii) that the whole universe is somehow a transformation of man (-the Supreme Man --i.e. God) (iv) that everything in this world is predetermined fatally. The tradition of refuting these four doctrines was somewhat old, for they are some among the rival doctrines refuted in Sutrakrtanga I (1.1). However, neither there nor here are ontological considerations offered against any of these doctrines - not even against the first three which are obviously ontological in their essence; for in both places what has been urged against each and every one of these is that on accepting it an ethically upright life becomes an impossibility. Again, the Jaina position as presented in the two texts in question (in Sutrakrtanga I before the rival doctrines have been considered, in Sutrakrtanga II after that) is exclusively concerned with ethical matters. Even so, it has to be noted that the presentation of the rival doctrines as well as that of the Jaina position are considered more lucid and elaborate in Sutrakrtanga II than in Sutrakrtanga I. As for the tradition of considering the rival doctrines it was not carried forward in the later canonical texts and so no technical concepts grew up in connection with it, and the two technical concepts that incidentally occur in this part of Sutrakrtanga II have both something anomalous about them.

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Sutrakrtanga 11-A Historical Evaluation For the second rival is made to say these five physical elements are all the astikayas that there are' (p. 251) white he third is made to say 'false are the 12 Anga-texts of the Jainag-i, e. Acaranga,, Sutrakstanga up to Destivada' (p.254); the first statement would suggest that astikaya is not a Jaina technical concept but a general concept meaningfundamental verity', the second in view of its containing a self-reference to Sutrakrtanga must be a later interpolation. As for the tradition of presenting the Jaina position on ethical matters it was certainly carried forward in the later canonical texts and a large number of technical concepts grew up in conn. ection with it, but the noteworthy thing is that the Sutrakrtanga II version of it essentially remains confined to the circle of ideas already developed in the old texts like Acaranga I and Sutraksianga I. Even so, one might take note of the following technical concepts which incidentally make their appearance here: jiva and ajiva (p. 264), the five vows (p.269), the eighteen evil acts (where, however, the first five items are not the five vows violated but the five sense-desires) (p 270), Karmanirjara (p. 274). Chapter II The subject matter of chapter II are 13 kriyas, of which 12 are certain evil acts, the thirteenth the ideal conduct of a monk. The later Jaina authors have classified kriyas in various manners but they always unders. tand by it an evil act. In the present chapter too the thirteenth kriya seems to be a later interpolation, for the treatment bcgios by saying, "Here begins consideration of evil acts' (p.277 a). In any case, no later canonical text has carried forward the practice of classifying kriyas into 12 types as here, and so no technical concepts have grown up in connection with it. Of se twelve kriyus the first five are five special cases of violence, the sixth 'falsehood', the seventh 'accepting what has not been donated', the eighth the four kasayas taken collectively', the nineth to twelfth the four kasavas taken individually';(the term "kasaya' is not employed here but the qualifying adjective 'adhyatma' used in connection with the item 8 had been once used by Sutrakrtanga I (6. 26) to characterize the four evil acts elsewhere called kasaya). As for the thirteenth kriya salled irya pathiki, it is a highly technical concept and its description here too is full of technicality: in addition, here there are enumerated the guptis and samitis -but. the list of samitis deviates from its later standard version. As was earlier noted in another connectior, the account of 13 kriyas is followed by a long digression which twice elaborates three concepts that might be called life of utter impioushood', 'life of full pioushood', 'life of intermediate pioushood'. The depiction of the ideal monastic life undertaken in this connection follows that of chapter I and that occurring in connection with the account of iryapathiki kriya; also noteworthy are the account of hell (p.

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38 Early Jainisin 316) and that of heaven (p. 323) which appear incidentally and are close to the corresponding standard accounts of later times, Chapter III It undertakes the treatment of a topic that was highly technicalized in later times (perhaps, first of all in Prajnapana) -viz. 'how the various types of living beings assimilate their nourishment. A comparative estimate of the two versions reveals that the present one on the whole moves within the circle of ideas that are understandably on a popular, non-technical level. Thus here we are told how plants, mon an animais a siinilate their nourishment. This account is as much notable for its classification of the types of living beings in question (that of plants being elaborate in the extreme and rather unique, that of men and animals brief and standing pretty close to its iater standard Version) as for its treatment of the topic of nourishment, but the latter is certainly free from all techoicalities. The chapter closes with a summary statement to the effect that there are also living beings of the form of earth, water, fire and air and that they receive their nourishment from the bodies where they take their seats (p. 352): this whole concept is a typical technicality of the Jainas but the noteworhy thing is that the present chapter of Sutrakitanga II does not make much of it. Chapter IV Here an interesting aspect of a Jaina ethical corcept is subjected to examination. As a thesis it has been laid down that one who has not renounced evil acis is an evil--doer even at the time when one is not undertaking an acting through body, speech or mind (p. 356). On crossexamination the explanation is forthcoming that such a one is disposed to act in an evil manner even when he is not actually acting thus and that it is this his disposition which makes him an evil-doer (pp. 357-61). But then arises a different sort of difficulty. For only such a being can be possibly guilty of evil-doing who can distinguish between good and evil, but according to the Jainas there are also living beings of the form of earth, water, fire, air, plants - as also tiny insects - which can make no such distinction and the question is how the present thesis is to be applied to the living beings such as these. The answer forthcoming is that such living beings are to be deemed evil-doers simply in view of the fact that they have not positively renounced evil acts (pp. 362-65). The technical character of the latter question-and-answer is obvious, but it is indicative of a germine apprehension that must have exercised the mind of the Jaina theoretician at an earliest stage; (the question has been often asked and answered in an essentially similar fashion also in Bhagayatisutra which is a good repository of fairly old pieces of Jajna theoretical speculation).

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Sutrakrtanga II-A Historical Evaluation Chapter V This chapter- a verse-composition in Anustabh metre - begins with certain observations, often obscure, where one is enjoined to avoid two extreme positions that can possibly be taken in relation to the topics under consideration. This seems to be an carly harbinger of the doctrine of anekantavada (= non-extremism) so characteristic of later Jainism. Then follows another series of observations where one is enjoined to avoid disbelief in certain concepts - almost always mentioned couplewise. A good number of these concepts are so many technical concepts of later Jainism but the most important of them are those yielded by the following five couples jiva-ajiva (v. 13), bandha-moksa (v. 15) punya-papa (v. 16.) asravasamvara (v.16), vedana-nirjara (v. 17). For these include the famous 9 tattvas of later Jainism and the question arises as to why the tenth was discarded in later times. A comparative study of the two lists suggests that the two are meant to serve two different though related - purposes. Thus the above list of couples enumerates all that is relevant for an understanding of the doctrine of karma; and here it is directly useful to announce that nirjara takes place through vedana. On the other hand, the list of nine tattvas enumerates all that is relevant for an understanding of the problem of bandha and moksa; here even if it is directly useful to announce that moksa takes place through nirjara, it is not directly useful to announce that nirjara takes place through vedana. 39 Chapter VI This chapter-also a verse-composition though in Tristubh metre offers an account of the polemics which a Jaina successively holds with several of his rivals. Generally speaking, the conversation is conducted on a popular level and technicalities are avoided almost always. Thus the first rival levels certain charges against the personal conduct of Mahavira-e.g. (i) that he was a solitary wonderer before but addresses crowds now (v. 1), (ii) that for the fear of being defeated in debate he avoids places where competent disputants are to be found (v. 15), (iii) that in the manner of a shrewd businessman he gathers company with a view to earning private profit (v. 19). These charges the Jainas rebuke by saying (i) that Mahavira is as much self-controlled now as he was before and this is what matters, (ii) that he is afraid not even of kings but he avoids places where persons loose in faith and conduct are to be found, (iii) that he is after spiritual gains no doubt but it is unfair to compare him with the businessmen who indulge in all sorts of sins. The remaining rivals propound certain positions to which the Jaina takes exception. (Even the first rival had

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40 Early Jainism propounded a position to the effect that there is no harm if a monk enjoys the drinking of cold water, a diet of green seeds, a woman to which the Jaina replied that in that case the monk would be no better than a householder (vv. 9-10). ] Thus the second rival maintains (i) that in case one mistakes an inanimate body to be animate and hits it one commits a sin while in case one mistakes an animate to be inanimate and hits it he commits no sin (vv. 26-27), and (ii) that it is meritorious to invite and feed 2000 competent monks a day (v, 29). To this the Jaina answers (i) that the mistakes here spoken of are difficult to conceive while one commits a sin only in case one hits an animate body, and (ii) that in case a monk accepts invitation for a feast he is participant in all the sins that are incurred when preparations for such a feast are made. Similarly, the third rival majotains that it is meritorious to invite and feed 2000 competent Brahmins a day (v. 43). To this the Jaina answers that one who invites for meals the Brahmins so full of greed rather goes to hell. The fourth rival expresses argument with the Jajna position on condut but goes on to assert that one Supreme person is equally present in all the beings of the universe (vv. 46-47). To this the Jaina replies that on accepting this asser. tion it should be impossible to distinguish one being from another. The fifth rival maintains that it is proper to kill one elephant a year and feed oneself on its meat, thus avoiding in jury to other living beings (v. 53). To this the Jaina replies that this type of behaviour too after all involves violence and so is sinful. In the course of none of these polemics a question has been raised that is of special relevance for the growth of any technical concept, and it is probable that what we are here having before us is an old piece of poetic composition, Chapter VII The chief subject-matter of this chapter is the Jaina's reply to an obiection that is essentially based on some sort of hair-splitting. Thus a Jaina pious householder is supposed to take a vow to the effect that he would desist from causing injury to the mobile type of living beings, it being impossible for him also to desist from causing injury to the static type of living beings. Against this position it is objected that since a living being that belongs to the static type in this birth could well have belonged to the mobile type in an earlier birth a Jaina pious householder's Vow should be to the effect that he would desist from causing injury to the living beings which now belong to the mobile type (pp. 396-98). The crux of the Jaina's answer to this objection lies in the analogy of a monk who has gone back to the life of a householder. Thus just as so many things that could be said of a person when he was a monk cannot be said of him when he is again a householder similarly a being that belonged to the

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Sutrakrtanga II - A Historical Evaluation 41 mobile type in an earlier birth cannot be said to belong to the mobile type in the present birth when it actually belongs to the static type (p. 404). Hence it is that the phrase 'not to injure beings which belong to the mobile type' is absolutely equivalent to the phrase not to injure beings which now belong to the mobile type'. In the course of argumentation the life of a pious householder is incidentally described employing good many concepts that are technical; (we have already taken note of these concepts to another connection). An ontologial thesis of some interest is also laid down-viz, that even if any being belonging to the mobile type can be next born as belonging to the static type and vice versa, it will never happen that all the beings of the universe belong to the mobile type or that all of men belong to the static type (p. 422). This cursory review of the contents of Sutrakstanga II should enable one to make a proper assessment of its historical value,

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CHAPTER IV THE FOUR OLD CHEDASUTRAS Certain texts belonging to the Jaina canon are designated Chedasutras. The reason for the designation is not quite clear but maybe it has someth. log to do with the circumstance that these texts deal with the problems of monastic discipline while 'cheda' is the name of a typical punishment possibly awarded to an erring Jaida monk. In any case, the problems of monastic discipline were bound to attract the attention of Jajna theoreticians and it is in Chedasutras that these problems have been taken up by them for an elaborate consideration. For within the fold of the monastic religious sects like Buddhism and Jainism the monk occupied the same position as the Brahmin did within the fold of Brahmanism--that is to say, the position of spiritual leadership. As a result, the question as to what an ideal monk should or should not do looms largely in the discussions of social problems undertaken by the Buddhist and Jaina theoreticians just as the question as to what an ideal Brabmin should not do does in those undertaken by the Brahmin theoreticians. The topic as pursued in the Jaina Chedasutras deser. ves an independent investigation. (Four Chedasutras-viz. Dasa, Kalpa. Vyayahara and Nisitha-are treated as the oldest and most authoritative by the Jaina tradition; they are certainly the oldest and the following remarks mostly refer to them.] So far as the style of composition is concerned Dasa belongs to one category and the remaining three Chedasutras to another. Thus in the latter the injuoctions and prohibitions obligatory on a monk are explicitly laid down and that is their exclusive subject-matter. Dasa is divided into 10 chapters each pursuing its own course. So let Dasa be disposed of first of all. Here chapter I barely enumerates - under the title asamadhisthana In case of perturbation) - 20 vices partly vitiating the conduct of a monk. chapter II similarly enumerates - under the title savala (=blemish) - 21 such vices, chapter III similarly enumerates - under the title asatana (=disesteem - 33 vices which are all so many cases of impertinent behaviour on the part of a disciple in relation to his preceptor, Four things are particularly noteworthy about these chapters-viz. c) the fact that they barely enumerate certain qualities of human character. (il) the fact that all these qualities are blameworthy. (ill) the fact that they are possible only in a monk.

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Four Old Chedasutras 43 (iv) the fact that the number of qualities is found increased as one proceeds from chapter to chapter. In the next four chapters there are enumerated certain praiseworthy qualities of human character and here too the number of them is found increased as one proceeds from chapter to chapter; the points of contrast are the following two: (i) the fact that to some extent or other all these chapters deal with the qualities in question going beyand bare enumeration, (ii) the fact that one of these chapters takes up qualities that are possible only in a householder. To put it explicitly: (i) Chapter IV considers - under the title gari-sampat (= meritorious qualification of a group-leader), eight qualities possibly possessed by a monk occupying the part of group-leader ( =gamin). (11) Chapter V considers - under the title citta-samadhisthana (=case of mental equanimity)- 10 super-ordinary capacities possibly possessed by a worthy monk. (iii) Chapter VI considers - under the title upasaka-pratima(=behaviour pattern of a pious householder)-the 11 stages gradually traversing which a householder makes spiritual progress. (iv) Chapter VII coniders--under the title bhiksu-pratima (= behaviour -pattern of a mopk) - 12 cases of an increasingly high mode of life which a persevering monk might pursue for the period specific for each case. The last three chapters are unlike each other and unlike the earlier seven. Thus (1) Chapter VIII contains three independent parts offering (a) a biography of the 24 Tirthankaras - detailed and real in the case of Mahavira, brief and stereotyped in that of the rest (b) a chronologically arranged list of the post-Mabavira church leaders (c) the rules to be followed by the monks stationing during rainy season (11) Chapter IX describes - under the title mohaniya-sthana (= case of deluded behavioursome 30 items of blameworthy social conduct-possible in the case of a monk, a householder or both (iii) Chapter X describes - under the title ajati-sthana (=case of future birth) -nine cases of the desire for an increasingly auspiclous

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Early Jainism future birth resulting in a corresponding future birth-the tenth case being that of a desire for no future birch resulting in moksa. Thus strictly speaking, Dasa is found to touch upon the problems of monastic discipline only in its chapters I, JI, III, IV, VII and VIII (iii). Of these too, only chapters VII and vill (iii) adopt a style of composition that is in line with that of the other Chedasutras while the rest are esse. ntially of the form of a cataloguing of cardinal points done for the benefit of the beginner. As a matter of fact, it can easily be seen that here chapters I -III have drawn inspiration from Uttaradhyayana chapter XVII which is of the form of an elementary popular exposition of the qualities of a bad monk; what is peculiar to these chapters is the attribution of a fixed number to the concerned sets of qualities and it is as thus enumera. ted that these sets became familiar to the later generations who were not interested in the question of their historical origins. With a view to better approciating the poiot it is necessary to take special note of the style of composition characteristic of the three Chedasutras Kalpa, Vyayahara and Nisitba. In connection with various problems faced by a monk in the course of his everyday career injunctions and prohibitions have been laid down in Kalpa, Vyavabara and Nisitha. Of these Nisitha takes within its purvi most comprehensive mass of problems - which means that it takes within its purview the problems of a primary importance as well as those of a secondary importance; as contrasted to it, Kalpa and Vyayabara take up only such problems as are considered by them to be of a primary importance. Then there is another point of contrast between Nisitha on the one hand and Kalpa and Vyayahara on the other. Thus Njsitha is of the form of a huge compilation of prohibitions whose non-observance on the part of a monk results in his incurring a punishment of one of the four types that might be called (i) beavy one-month exclusion (ii) light one-month exclusion (iii) heavy four-month exclusion (iv) light four-month exclusion The prohibitions related to the first type of punishment are enumerated in chapter I, those related to the second type in chapters II-V, those related to the third type in chapters VI-X1, those related to the fourth type in chapters XII-XIX; (chapter XX is concerned with certain general problems arising in connection with the award of punishment particularly the problem of adding a new punishment to the running one.) The procedure of Kalpa and

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Four Old Chedasutras course, Vyavahara is rather different. For these texts indiscriminately lay down a series of injunctions and prohibitions while in a relatively few cases also mentioning as to what punishment is to be awarded to one who fails to observe the concerned injunction or prohibition. At the same time a certain difference is to be observed between the material collected in Kalpa and that collected in Vyavahara. Thus Kalpa mostly takes up problems that a monk faces in connection with his dealing with society at large that is to say, problems arising in connection with his moving about, his begging for alms, and the like; on the other hand, Vyavahara uostly takes up probl. ems that a monk faces in connection with his dealing with his fellow monks that is to say, problems arising in connection with settling the question of status within the church hierarchy, those arising in connection with the award of punishment to an erring monk, and the like. Of there are obvious material cases of overlapping where characteristic of Kalpa has found place in Vyavahara or vice versa; but the very fact that a broad subjectwise differentiation of the material contained in these two texts is possible is something noteworthy. In this connection Schubring has applied a formal criterion to distinguish the material characteristic of Kalpa from that characteristic of Vyavahara. Thus in his introduction to his edition of Vyavahara und Nisitha (published in 1918, pp. 5-6) he noted that the passages charactertstic of Kalpa begins with words where the Jaina monk is referred to as 'nirgrantha' while those characteristic of Vyavahara begins with words where he is referred to as 'bhiksu'; the former passages he called 'nirgrantha-sutras', the latter 'bhiksu-sutras' and it was his contention that the original Kalpa exclusively consisted of the former, the original Vyavahara exclusively consisted of the latter. [Schubring also speaks of certain other classes of passages e. g. those which he calls 'sramana nirgrantha-sutras' but let us ignore them for the present.] Then in his introduction to his work on Dasa, Vyavahara and Nisitha (published in 1966, pp. 2-3) he has further argued that there was an original mass of nirgrantha-sutras composed at a certain place-andhave been time out of which the presently available nigrantha-sutras selected and, similarly, there was an original mass of bhiksu-sutras composed at a certain place-and-time out of which the presently available bhiksusutras have been selected. All this is apparently marked by much brilliant insight, but perhaps it might be possible to somewhat simplify and somewhat modify the great scholar's thesis. It should certainly be nobody's position that some one author wrote out either Kalpa or Vyavahara; the two texts are too much unsystematic for that and the conclusion is legitimate that they are of the form of a compilation of certain pre-existing passages composed by different authors at different places and different times. But the impression need not be created that while making compila 45

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46 Early Jainism tion deliberate omission was made of passages that were equally available and were deemed equally authoritative. That however is a minor difficulty. A major difficulty with Schubring's thesis is that it does not seem to be impossible that one and the same author should compose a nirgranthasutra and also a bhiksu-sutra. What seems to have happened is that in a passage where the word monk' was understood to mean an ideal monk the employment of the honorific epithet 'nitgrantha' was considered proper but that in a passage where it was understood to mean a monk falling short of the ideal the employment of the neutral epithet bhiksu was considered proper; eg, in the injunction 'a monk should not accept a raw palm--fruit as alms' (Kalpa 1.1) the word 'monk' means an ideal monk and so is translatable as 'nirgrantha', but in the injunction 'a monk who has quare. lled with his fellow-monks should bury the hatchet' (Kalpa 1. 35) it means a monk falling short of the ideal and so should better be translated as bhiksu. Perhaps, the process of the growth of the Chedasutras has to be envis. aged gomewhat as follows. In the early post-Mahavira period there grew up in the different parts of Eastern India different Jaina monastic cen. tres. Now the monks belonging to these different centres must have come to encounter all sorts of disciplinary problems - such as related to their dealing with society at large as also such as related to their dealing with one another. In connection with all these problems rulings must have been given by those occupying the position of leadership in the monastic centres in question. And it was the most important of these rulings that were later on compiled in the form of Kalpa and Vyavahara--the former mainly governing those related to a monk's dealing with society at large, the latter those related to his dealing with his fellow-monks. Somewhat still later another such compilation was made which also contained rulings related to the questions of a relatively secondary Importance; another speciality of this compilation was that in it the rulings whose violation entailed the same punisment were located at one place. It is this compila. tion that is our present-day Nisitha. Thus emerged, Nisitha must have proved to be an extremely handy guide to the Jaina church functionaries - first because it covered a huge number of likely contingencies, secondly because in the case of each and every ruling it prescribed due punishment for the violators. Hence it was that in certain rulings which were later interpolated in Vyavabara--they are later interpolations because they contain a reference to Vyayahara itself-it was held out that a church functionary must be conversant with Nisitha at least (3.3) while in case he had also mastered Kalpa and Vyavahara he would be entitled to a suitably high post (3,5). The intriguing thing about these rulings is that they mention Nisitha by the title Acaraprakalpa and

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Four Old Chedasutras Schubring hos even suggested (DC, p.3) that here Acaraprakalpa should be equated not with Nisitha but with Acaranga II which too is a monastic disciplinary text. This suggestion is based on the consideration that other. wise one will have to concede that the Vyavahara rulings in question are silent over an important text like Acaranga II. The merit of Schubring's position is that it makes possible the identification of Acaraprakalpa with a text whose title contains the word 'Acara., but otherwise it has its own weakness. For elsewhere (VN, p.9) he has himself argued that Acaranga II in view of its better systematization should be taken to be a text composed later than Nisitba - so that if it be anomalous that the Vyayahara rulings in question maintain silence over Acaranga II which is a relatively later disciplinary text then it should be still more anomalous that they maintain silence over Nisitha which is a relatively early disciplinary text. Even so, one cannot help wondering why these rulings do not mention Nigitba by the title under which it was known to all later generations. Maybe the text originally called Acaraprakalpa was later called Nisitha just as the text originally called Vyakayaprajnapti was later called Bhagavati. In the ease of a Chedasutra it is also necessary to know as to what sort of church organization it envisages. The earliest Jaina (as well as Buddhist) texts definitely give the impression that their ideal of monastic life was a monk wandering all alone. In the earliest stage of the evolution of the monastic institution - a stage reflected in the texts in question that should also be natural. But the logic of the situation also demanded that newly ordained monk should have received due instruction at the feet of an experienced teacher who too must have a monk. So what would happen was that only the experienced monks wandered about along with an entourage - that is, in the company of fresh disciples who would take to lonely wandering as soon as their education was over. This much about the earliest stage characterizing the evolution of the monastic institution. As for the concerned latest stage we find it reflected in the commentarial literature devoted to the Chedasutras; therefrom we learn that by that time the usual practice was for the monks to wander about in the form of a monastic unit called gaccha and equipped with a well-ordered administrative staff. Our Chedasutras seem to reflect a stage of evolution that is midway between that earliest one and this latest one. In these texts the usual monastic unit is gana equipped with a well-ordered administrative staff - this like the latter-day gaccha; but a gana would not move about in the form of a unit - this uolike the latter-day gaccha. For only thus can he understood the practices like sambhoga (=joint taking of meals) (Kalpa 4.4, Vyav.7.4], samvasa (= joint residence ) [Kalpa 4.4, Vyav.7.4]

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Early Jainism ubhinisadya (= joint study ) [Vyav.1,21), abhinisithika (=jolnt nightly, est) (Vyay. 1.21], abhinicara (=joint wandering about) (Vyav. 4.19) which these texts speak of and for which the concerned group of monks had to seek special permission from the church superiors. Certainly, if it was only used for a gana to wander about in the form of a unit such seeking of special permission would have been almost pointless. Of course, the practice in question foreshadowed a latter-day church unit like gaccha. Particularly striking in this connection seems to have been the practice of sambhoga which soon extended much beyond a mere joint taking of meals; for epigr. aphic evidences are available to the effect that at a certain historical period the monks would refer not only to their appropriate gana but also to their appropriate sambhoga as a sub-unit of the gana. [Even the Chedasutras seem to imply that sambhoga was a relatively steady church unit. The very frequency of references to it might lead one to think so.) It has neverth. eless to be noted that in the commentarial literature devoted to the Chedas. utras the graded hierarchy of church units consists of four members-viz. gaccha, kula, gana, samgha, where gaccha constitutes the lowest unit and sangha the highest; that is to say sambhoga as a definite church unit seems to have become obsolete in later times. So in later times gaccha was the church unit functioning on a day-to-day basis while kula, gana and samgha were higher standing units taken into reckoning for certain special purposes. And even though the Chedasutras do not posit so fixed a church unit as gaccha functioning on a day-to-day basis they do exhibit a marked tend. ency to view as a rather odd phenomenon the practice of lonely wandering on the part of a monk; hence their so meagre references to such a practice (e, g. Vyav. 1. 25). In this connection certain rulings of Vyavahara are particularly instructive, For here it is laid down that in a quite big town (lit. a town with many walls ind many gateways) even an experienced and well-instructed monk should not stay alone (6.6) while in a modestly big town (lit. a town with one wall and one gateway) only that monk might stay alone who is experienced and well-instructed (6.7); still, it is here laid down that even a number of monks with meagre learning might not stay together in a town of apy description - unless they are accompanied by someone who is well-versed in Acara-prakalpa (6. 4-5). So it seems that the time-honoured practice of lonely wandering was proving to be out of time with the growing sophist. ication of the country's social life. It is equally remarkable that the old ula which calls upon a monk to stay for not more than one night in a village and for not more than five nights in a town is nowhere endorsed in the Chedasutra, They rather came out with the injunction that a monk might stay for one month in a moderately big town (lit, a town without an outside suburb) and for two months in a quite big town; (the period is

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Four Old Chedasutras doubted in the case of a nun) [Kalpa 1,6-9] (The later commentators of the Chedasutras understood this to mean that a monk should not stay for less than one month in a moderately big town and for less than two months in a quite big town, an understanding which should enable one to appreciate the direction in which the Jaina theoretician's mind was moving from the oldest days down to the latest.) The treatment of another problem in Chedasutra also throws some light on an aspect of the evolution of Jaina thought. This is the problem of prayascitta or atonement. The problem could not assume a very great importance in the days when a monk would wander about all alone. Not that such a monk was not expected to abide by the rules that were presribed for him by his school, but the only thing that he could do in case he happened to violate such a rule was to see to it that the mistake was not repeated; the task con'd well have proved arduous enough but this is where matters would end. The things became different when a monk would move about under the spiritual supervision of a gana-leadership; for now in case he happened to violate some rule of conduct he would also be awarded due punishment by this leadership. Two types of punishment were designed by the Jaina theoreticians-one was called 'cheda' and consisted the in an appropriate reduction in the offender's seniority among church membership, the other was called 'parihara' and consisted in the oflender being excluded from the rest of the church membership and made to undertake appropriate penances. In the case of very few of their rulings do Kalpa and Vyavahara make an explicit mention of the atonement due for violation but when they do so their prescription is mostly to the effect that the offender is to be punished either by way of cheda or by way of parihara; in several cases (mosty occuring ia Kalpa) this prescription is to the effect that the offender is to be punished by way of 'anudghatima parihara running for four months', in rare cases it is to the effect that he is to be punished by way of 'udghatima parihara running for four months'. What anudghatima and udghatima mean is explained nowhere though Kalpa 4.1 says about three particular offences that they are of the nature of anudghatima. About three other offences Kalpa 4.2 says that they are of the nature of parancika, while about three others Kalpa 4.3 says that they are of the nature anavasthapya. In Vyavahara 2.18-23 things are said about anavasthapya and paramcika and from them we gather that one undergoing these types of punishment is compelled to lead the life of a householder before he is allowed re-entry in the gana but that he might be relived of this obligation by the gana concerned, The later commentators of Chedasutras often speak as if the three offences enumerated in Kalpa 4.2 are the 7 49

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50 Early Jainism only cases of parancika while the three enumerated in Kalpa 4.3 the only cases of anavasthapya but even they cannot say that the three offences enumerated in Kalpa 4. 1 are the only cases of anud ghatima for so many other cases of anud ghatima are cited in Kalpa and Vyayabara themselves. What is still more noteworthy, Nisitha speaks as if parihara is the only type of punishment; for the total mass of offences catalogued bere are distributed among the following four types of punishment: (i) anud ghatimaparihara running for one month (ii) ud ghatimaparihara (iii) anud ghatimaparihara four months (iv) ud ghatima parihara The later commentators of Chedasutras employ the word guru for anud ghatima and laghu for uud ghatima and they also speak of a parihara running for six months; besides they posit a new type of punishment called mula which consists in making a monk start his monastic career de novo. (However mula can easily be treated as an extreme case of cheda, for a monk starting his monastic career de novo is equivalent to his seniority being reduced to the minimum. ) Thus according to these later commentators there are ten atonement-types in all and as follows: (1) laghuparihara running for one month (2) guruparihara (3) laghuparihara ,, four months (4) guru parihara ) laghuparihara , six months (6) guru parihara (7) cheda (8) mula (9) anavastha pya (10) parancika The list merits comparison with that formulated in Jitakalpa, a 7th century work by Jinabhadra specially devoted to the problem of atonement and often counted among Chedasutras. Here too the total number of atonement -types is ten but as follows: (1) alocana (2) pratikramana (3) ubhaya (4) viveka (5) vyutsarga (6) tapa

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Four Old Chedasutras (7) cheda (8) mula (9) anavasthapya (10) parancika As can be seen, the item3 4-6 of this list are not recognized as such in the Chedasutra tradition, but the case is somewhat different for the first three items. For even Kalpa and Vyavabara speak of a set of activities that are supposed to procede the act of underaking atonement. Kalpa 4.25 giyes it in full and its first two items are alocana and pratikramana which roughly mean "repeating' and 'repenting' respectively; as for its remaining items their net meaning might be taken to be 'making a resolve not to repeat the offence concern:d'. So the items 1 and 2 of the Jitakalpa list are somehow recognized in the Chedasutra trardition while the third item of this list is a mere combination of the first two and is virtually reduodant (for a case of pratikramana must necesssarily be a case of both alocana and pratikraniana ). Even so, the discrepancy obtaining on this question between the Chedasutra tradition and Jitakalpa is remarkable. (The Jitakalpa list also somewhat differs from the corresponding list given in Tattvarthasutra 9. 22. The first seven items are common to both lists but in place of the last three of the four the latter has two - viz. parihara and upasthapana,) It seems that several iadependent groups of Jaioa theoreticians were working on the problem of atonement and that they felt no particular need to make their findings tally with one another. In his introduction to his edition of Kalpasutra (published in 1905, pp. 12-15) Schubring explains the 10 items of the Jitakalpa list and concludes his enquiry by asking as to what use is made of these items by the Cheda-texts. His answer to his own question amounts to saying: 'Practically nil, virtually uscless being the first five items - in particular, the items 3-5 which are mentioned never. The supposition might be ventured that this list has only a scholasticschematic, and no practical significance. Lastly, let us also enter into some details of the social problems taken up in Chedasutras. As bas already been noted, none of these texts presents its subject-matter in a systematic forn - so that in each it is found that one and the same topic is treated over and over again. Even so, it should not be difficult to make out as to what questions are uppermost in the minds of authors of these texts. For example, it might legitimately be said that the most important question considered in these texts is as to what is the proper method for a monk to procure things needed by bim- first of all food, then shelter, then clothes, and so on and so forth. As regards food four points have received much emphasis - viz. (1) that it should not have been provided by one who has also provided shelter (e: g. Kalpa 2. 13-28)

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Early Jainisin (2) that its preparation cte. d) pot involve injury to the living beings of any sort whatsceyer (e. g. Kalpa 5. 11-12), (3) that it should not be taken during nighitime (e. g. Kalpa 5. 6-10), (t) that it should not have been provided by the king or any of his high officials; (the last point occurs only in Nisitha though prominently enough - 2. g. ja 9. 1-5). As regards shelter it is emphasized (e. . in Kaipa 2. 1-10) that such a one is to be avoided as should somehow estange in worldly affairs the monk residing there; (naturally, in this conneciio.-.g. in Kalpa 1.12-13, 22-24 - Duos are placed under heavier restrictions than monks). And as regards the rest of the requisites the cardinal injunction turns out to be (e. g. in Kalpa 3. 5-10, 15-16) tha: they should not be too much in quan. vity, too fine in quality; (it is a logical croilary to this that Nisitha-in 3. 16-66 etc. -- condemns in so great details all attempts on the part of a monk to decorate himself). A general consideration which is always there in the background - and often enough also there in its oruuad - is that the things offered to a monk should not have ben procured by the doner specially for the sake of this monk; (it is a logical soroltary to this consi. deration that these texts do not envisage the possibility of there being standing shelter houses specially meant for the residece of Jaina monks). The second most important questioa belonging to the sphere of monastic discipline considered in these texts relates to the duration etc, of a monk's wandering about and his stationing at one place. Some points pertaining to this question we have already touclied upon in another connection, An interesting ruling occurs in Kalpa 1. 31 which calls upon a monk not to proceed beyond the land of Aryans, a land extends upto Anga-Magadha in east. upto Kausambi in south, upto Sima in vest, upto Kunala in norto: (thence follows an execption in all probabity a later interpolation -which permits a monk to proceed to any land whatsoever where right cognition. faith and conduct fiourish). Another interesting ruling occurs in Nisitha 9. 19 which calls upon a nonk not to visit more than twice or thrice a month the following ten capital towas: Campa, Varanasi, sravasti. Saketa, Kampilya, Kausambi, Mitbila, Hastizapura, Rajagrha. These two rulings incidentally give us an idea of the probable time when the material collected in Chedasutas was composed; it was the time when the Jainas were yet confined to the areas covered by modern Bihar and U. P.-which means a fairly early time. Two more interesting rulings occur in Kalpa 1 38 and 3. 34 the former calllag upo? a mnoak not to visit too frequently an area that is politically disturbed, the latter calling upon a monk to hooiro-tour and return back without fail to his village or town of residence in case an army be enca a ped outside his village or town. Tha interpretation of all these rulings might be a matter of opinion but they are certainly indicative of a positive attiiudo. maybe an altitude of anxiety

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Four Old Chedasutras 53 --shown towards the political developments that were then taking place on the historical scene. [The detailed rules obligatory on a monk while stationing at one place for four months during rainy season are laid down in Dasa chapter VIII (iii). ] Lastly, we might note a group of rulings which do not strictly belong to the sphere of monastic discipline-they rather belong to the sphere of general morals- but to which considerable import, ance is attached in Chedasutras. These are rulings pertaining to the ques. tion of sexual misconduct; so many of the in occur even in Kalpa --e. g. 4, 9-10, 5. 13-14 --(where, again, nuns are placed under hvavier restricti. ons than monks) but a truly large number of thein do so in Nisitha (e.g. the whole chapters VI, VII, VIII).) The bearing of these rulings on the right maintenance of monastic discipline is only too obvious, for after all continence is one thing whose possession so sharply demarcates a monk from a householder. Closely related - because equally intended to counter the spirit of worldliness - are the detailed Nisitha prohibitions against a monk greedily attending to the pleasing spectacles (12. 17-29) and pleasing sounds (17. 135-38) of this or that sort.

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CHAPTER V ACARANGA II Acarang Il- in its chapters 1 and 2- treats the problems of monastic discipline in a considerably systematic and detailed fashion - this ia contr. ast not only to the old Credasutias Kalpa and Vyayahara which deal with these problems in a rather summary fashion but also to the relatively late Chadasutra Nisitha whose treatment of these problems though detailed is yet upsystematic. As a matter of fact, in spite of much material being common to both Nisi'ha and Acaranga II the latter is to be regarded as a relatively late composition precisely in view of its relatively systematic form. (The cases are not rare where more than one canonical text contain the same material and the question of chronological relationship between them has to be settled by applying all sorts of criteria) From this standpoint it should be advisable to examine in some details the contents of the chapters in question of Acaraoga II. Here chapter one is divided into seven sections, each further divided into sub-sections; this as follows :1. Section 1 (with 11 subsections) takes up the problem of procuring food (pindaisana) 2. Section 2 (with 3 subsections) takes up the problem of procuring shelter (sayyaisana) 3. Section 3 (with 3 subsections) takes up the problem of moving about (Irya) Section 4 (with 2 subsections) takes up the problem of employ ment of speech (bhasa) 5. Section 5 (with 2 subsections) takes up the problem of procuring (clothes vastraisana) 6. Section 6 (with 2 subsections) takes up the problem of procuring bowl (patraisana) Section 7 (with 2 subsections) takes up the problem of procuring miscellaneous requirements available at a place (avagrahaisana) Similarly, chapter two is divided into seven sections and as follows: '. Section 1 takes up the problem of procuring place for bodily posturing (sthana) Section 2 takes up the problem of procuring a place for study (nisithika)

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Acaranga 11 55 3. Section 3 takes up the problem of evacuation and urination (uccaraprasrava) 4. Section 4 takes up the problem of greed for pleasing sounds (sabda) 5. Section 5 takes up the problem of greed for pleasing forms (rupa) 6. Section 6 takes up the problem of one monk taking special care of another's body (parakriya) 7. Section 7 takes up the problem of two monks taking special care of each other's body (anyonyakriya) It can easily be seen that chapter 1 becomes still more systematic if the last three sections are placed after the second. In any case, the first two and the last three sections consider a problem that was technicalized under the concept esanasamniti (= caution as regards procuring alms), section 3 a problem that was technicalized under the concept iryasamiti (=caution as regards moving about), section 4 a problem that was technicalized under the concept bhasasamiti (=caution as regards employment of speech) (The fourth samiti uccara prasravasamiti (=caution as regards evacuation and urination) is covered in chapter two, section 3, while the fifth samiii-viz. adananikse pasamiti (=caution as regards receiving and placing things) remains unrepresented in these chapters.) So logic demands that chapter I be studied by dividing it into 3 parts-viz. (1) a part covering sections 1, 2, 5, 6, 7 and dealing with the problem of procuring alms (2) a part covering 3 and dealing with the problem of moving about (3) a part covering section 4 and dealing with the problem of employ ment of speech What special contribution to this important treatment of monastic disciplinary problems is made by chapter 2 can be considered in the sequel.1 I. Tbe Problem of Procuring Alms The Jaina monks -- for that matter all monks in ancient India - depended for their livelihood' on alms collected from the public at large. It was therefore but natural for them to be very particular about seeing to it that the alms collected by them were proper in their make-up and were properly procured. Injunctions and prohibitions pertaining to the matter must have begun accumulating soon enough. Good many of them are found collected in Kalpa, some also in Vya vahara, while Nistha has them in a large number. But in these texts they are scattered in the midst of injunctions and prohibitions of all sorts. The merit of

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56 Early Jainism Acaranga II chapter 1 lies in its collecting at one place a fairly large number of injunctions and prohibitions pertaining to the question. The most important in this connection is section 1 (divided into 11 subsections which is devoted to the most important problem of food-collection; a closer perusal of it should give one a fairly clear idea of the type of scruples developed by the Jaina theoreticians in relation to this problem. Broadly speaking, these scruples fall in two categories-viz. (i) while those which seek to assure that no injury is inflicted on living beings while procuring or taking food and (ii) those which seek to assure that no greediness is exhibited while doing the same. So far as the call for avoiding injury to the living beings was concerned it was no mere insistence on a vegetarian diet. For the Jainas were of the view that not only are the animals normally slaughtered for food are animate beings but so also are the ordinary particles of earth, water, fire, air and all growing as well as as freshly cut plants. In this background is to be understood the very first prohibition laid down in chater 1, section 1; it is to the effect that one should avoid food that is somehow got mixed up with live entities, moss, raw seeds, green vegetables, cold water, dust particles' (523-24). Likewise, there is next prohibited the eating inadequately fried vegetables, beans, rice and the like (525-8). Subsequently, it is said about a large variety of fruits, fibres, leaves and the like that they are not to be consumed in a raw state (601-14). Then there is a prohibition to the effect that things placed at a height and taken out from there should not be accepted as alms; the fear that in his endeavour to dole out such things the donor might slip and fall and might injure himself or the other living beings existing around (587). Similarly, there is a prohibition to the effect that things placed under a claylid and taken out from there by breaking open this lid should not be accepted as alms; the fear was that all this might involve injury to the living beings existing around (589). Regard for the safety of the living beings existing around is also had in mind when the monk is asked to so conduct his begging-tour that the obstacles lying on the way are skirted around rather than crossed over (568-71). These illustrations should make possible the appreciation of those injunctions and prohibitions which are aimed at assuring that no injury is inflicted on the living beings while procuring or taking food. Then there are the injunctions and prohibitions which are aimed at assuring that no greediness is exhibited while procuring or taking food. Thus the monk is asked not to visit for alms a house where on the occasion of some festival food is specially prepared to be doled out to the monk, the brahmin, the guest, the poor, the begger (540, 543); the fear was

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Acaranga II 57 that under such conditions good food in adequate quantity might become available without any special endeavour on the part of the piosk, For the same fear it was laid down that a monk was not to specially visit for alms the houses of his former relatives and acquaintances (566, 617). Similarly, repeated prohibitions call upon the monk not to participate in common feasts - where he might doubtlessly receive dejicious food and drink but at the cost of spiritual disequilibrium (546-54). Then the monk was asked not to enter for alms a house where others were already seeking alms; the fear was that the donor might override the claim of those early entrants in favour of our monk (573-74). Obvious is the import of the injunction which asks the monk not to select out for himself delicious things out of the food that he has received on behalf of several monks (575)-por so pick out for himself delicious things out of the food that he is jointly taking with several monks (576). Particulary noteworthy is the rule that a monk is not to receive as alms food that is prepared specially for him - for him personally or for the monks in general (533-36, samuddesa part); an associated rule is that the monk is not to approach for food the person who has already provided him shelter (537 Purusantaraksta-bahyani. rhrla part). in this as in the earlier case the likelihood being that the monk should get good fooi witbout inuch endeavour. One rule lays down that the high royal officials are not to be approached for food (560); the fear must have been that royal patronage facilitates alms-collection in the domain concerned. The spirit of self-denial lying at the back of all these injunctions and prohibitions is unmistakable, After food shelter was the next most important requirement of a monk and so chapter 1, sectio: 2 takes up the question of shelter. In this section so many rules are repeated from the earlier in a rather mechanical fashion and they need not detain us. The new point to emerge is that the monk is asked not to accept a shelter where he might be forced to alone with the family-members of the host; its import is almost obvious but the noteworihy thing is that it has been worked out in great detaiis (662-65, 685-90). Two further reqirements of a monk have received attention in Acaran. ga II. Thus its chapter 1, section 5 takes up the problem of procuring clothes, its chapter 1, section 6 the problem of procuring bow). Here too so many rules have been repeated from section 1 in rather mechanical fashion. The new point to emerge is that neither the clothes of a monk nor his bowl should be luxurious (for clothes 808, for bowl 845)(chapter 1, seciion 7 takes up what it calls the problem of procuring avagraha. But avagraha only means 'domain of ownership'--so that for a monk to procure

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Early Jainism avagraha means to procure a place lying in someone's ownership. As thus understood the proplem of procuring avagraha is really the old problem of procuring shelter and as a matter of fact much in section 7 (e. g. 874-81) repeats what has been said in section 2. The new point to emerge is that in connection with avagraha a monk is said to procure not only shelter but also certain other requisites possibly available nearby (e. g. 872-73, 884-896.] 58 II. The Problem of Moving About The problem of moving about was another important problem that had to be faced by a Jaina monk. In this connection the most important rule was that a monk was to lead a stationary life for the four rainy months and a life of constant wandering for the remaining eight months of the year. Acaranga II in its chapter 1, seetion 3 takes up for consideration the life of constant wandering led by a Jaina monk for the eight non-rainy months of the year. Here too the injuctions and prohibitions that have been laid down fall into two categories-viz. (i) those which seek to assure that the monk while moving about inflicts no injury on the living beings, and (ii) those which seek to assure that he while doing so does not involve himself in worldly affairs. To the first category belongs the rule that a monk is to move about keeping his downcast eyes fixed at a distance of one yoke so that no living creature gets crushed under his feet (718). To the same category belongs the rule that a monk with muddy feet is not to walk trampling down grass under his feet and thus seeking to cleanse his feet of mud (745)-for all injury to grass is to be avoided at all cost. More Interesting are the rules that seek to assure that a monk while moving about does not involve himself in worldly affairs. Thus a monk is advised to avoid travelling the regions inhabited by the non-Aryan brigands (720), the politically disturbed regions (721), the places where an army is encamped (748); for in all these cases the monk is likely to be mistaken for a spy and maltreated accordingly. [But in case the monk is actually maltreated thus he is expected not to feel bad about it (749).] Then the monk is asked not to reply to the queries put forth to him by the people meeting him on the way-e. g. a query about the path leading to a particular town (762), one about the number of elephants and horses present in this town (750), one about the quantity of grain and water available in this town (750), and so on and so forth. Similarly, in case a monk is travelling by boat while the boatmen and his fellow travellears ask him to cooperate with them in making the boat proceed smoothly the injunction to him Is that he is to refuse cooperation outright (726-31, 733)- even at the risk of being thrown out into the water (734-35). Lastly, in case a monk is robbed of his belongings by thieves he is not to lodge complaint against the miscreants in the criminal court (765).

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Acaranga 11 III. The Problem of Employment of Speech This rather curious problem is conspicuous by its absence in the old Chedasutras Kalpa, Vyavahara and Nisitha; on the other hand, it is present In an essentially similar fashion in Dasavaikalika chapter VII and Acaranga II, chapter 1, section 4. So many things said in this connection are obscure in their import but the general drift of the whole discussion is pretty clear. The following points easy to follow-are made first : (1) One must not speak untruths and half-truths (775); (2) One must not speak such truths as cause pain to others (775); (3) One must call others by not abusive but endearing names (776 777). 59 Then there follows a series of injunctions apparently aimed at avoidIng such forms of speech as seem to condone violence. For example, an animal become first to be slaughtered or milked or yoked is not to be described this way (788, 90); what one has to say is that this animal is now full-grown (789, 791). Similarly, a tree become fit to yield wood for furniture is not to be described this way; what one has to say is that this tree is now full-grown (792-93). Lastly, a fruit become fit to be eaten up or a vegetable become fit to be cooked is not to be described this way (794, 796); what one has to say is that this fruit or this vegetable is now full-grown (785, 797). As can be seen, the most important problems of monastic discipline are considered by Acaranga II in its chapter 1; similar problems, though of a secondary importance, are considered by it in its chapter 2. This chapter is divided into 7 sections, but of these the first two very briefly touch upon an aspect of the problem of procuring shelter-the first saying things about the procurement of a place for bodily posturing, the second about the procurement of a place for study. Nothing particularly noteworthy comes to view in these two sections. But the remaining five sections take up three problems that are of some importance, here section 3 standing alone, sections 4 and 5 going together and sections 6 and 7 again going together. Thus section 3 takes up the problem of a proper disposal of urine and excreta, a problem much considered in Jaina monastic circles; (it is interesting to recall that the famous Jaina doctrine of 5 samitis, in one of Its items, has to do with this very problem). The injunctions and prohib itions laid down in this connection are primarily aimed at assuring that the disposal of urine and excreta involves no infliction of injury on the living beings - also that it is performed at no public place. Almost all

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60 Early Jainism these injunctions and prohibitions occur, mostly in this very form and at one place, also in Nisitba (3. 70-79, 15.66-74, 16. 40-50). Sections 4 and 5 take up two allied problems - the former that of renouncing greed for pleasing sounds, the latter that of renouncing greed for pleasing forms. Section 4 catalogues a few types of sounds likely to be found pleasing (947-50), but for the most part it catalogues general spectacles likely to be accompanied by pleasing sounds (951-64) - the idea being that these spectacles are not to be attended to with a view to enjoying such sounds. Similarly, section 5 catalogues a few types of forms likely to be found pleasing, but for the rest it simply refers to the specs tacles catalogued in section 4 - the idea being that these spectacles are not to be attended to with a view to enjoying the pleasing forms accompanying them. Here agajn, amost all these injunctions and prohibitions occur, mostly in this very form and at one place, also in Nisitha (12.17-29, 17.135-38). Lastly, sections 6 and 7 again take up two allied problems -- the former laying down that a monk is not to get his body beautified or his bodily wounds tended by someone else, the latter laying down that two monks are not to get their bodies beautified or their bodily wounds tended by one another. Almost all these injunctions and prohibitions too occur, mostly in this very form and at one place, also in Nisitha (3. 16-68, 4. 49-101). Thus it is that Acaranga II in its chapters 1 and 2 undertakes a treatment of the problems of monastic discipline. But it contains two more chapters of an altogether different nature. Thus chapter 3 offers a predominently legendary biography of Mahavita to be followed by an exposition of the five great vows each along with its appropriate 5 bhavanas; as for chapter 4 it offers a poem of 12 stanzas camposed in the metre Jagati and praising an ideal monk in a general fashion. The legendary Mahavira-biography here occurring in chapter 3 is the first of its type to occur in a canonical text (a similar version of the same was later on interpolated in Dasa chapter VIII which on this very account came to receive much widespread independent currency - under a misleading ti "Kalpasutra'.) Similarly, the five great vows each accompanied by its appropriate 5 bhavanas constitute a standard technical concept of classical Jainism and have found the earliest treatment in the chapter 3 of Acaranga II. (Roughly speaking, bhavana means a strengthening factor - so that the 5 bhavanas of a particular vow are the five factors which lend strength to one in one's endeavour to undertake the observance of this vow.) As for chapter 4 of Acaranga II, Schubring (DC, pp. 3-4) has come out with the surmise that at some stage it got interchanged with Sutrakitanga I chapter 16; for if the present chapter 4 of Acaranga II is treated as

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Acaranga II 61 chapter 16 of Sutrakrtanga I the latter becomes a wholly verse_text, some bihing in harmony with its old title Gathasodasaka meaning 'a text made up of sixteen verses'. [No difficulty ensues if the present chapter 16 of Sutrakrtanga I is treated as chapter 4 of Acarana II, for the latter remains as miscellaneous in one case as in the other ) Schubring's surmise sounds plausible but even if it is accepted Acaranga II in its chapter 4 would be offering nothing that is of historical importance.

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CHAPTER VI THE FIVE ANGA TEXTS OF THE FORM OF A STORY-COLLECTION Five Anga-tex's--viz. Jnatadharmakatha, Upasakadasa, Antakrddasa, Anuttaraupapatikadasa, Vipakasruta--are of the form of a collection of stories. But with a view to appreciating their proper historical significance certain other canonical texts containing stories too have to be kept in mind. Thus five Upanga-texts--viz. Nirayavalika, Kalpavatamsika, Puspika, Puspacula, Vrsidasa-are exclusively of the form of a collection of stories while the Anga-text Bhagavati has some 18 stories - big and small-scattered in its different parts. A noteworthy thing about so many of these stories is that they possess virtually no independent plot of their own; sometimes they differ from one another only in having a different name for their heroes, sometimes in respect of a minor detail about the doings of these heroes. Thus these stories are purported to narrate how a particular person renounced the world, became a Jaina monk, studied such and such scriptural texts, performed such and such penances, undertook fast-unto-death for so many days, and eventually attained moksa or rebirth in a particular heaven. Naturally it would have been tedious to repeat these details in the case of each of the stories in question and as a matter of fact they are actually offered only rarely (e.g. in the Skandaka-story of Bhagavati, the Meghakumara-story of Jnatadharmakatha); in the remaining cases these details are just hinted at. Even so, the question remains to be asked as to why these stereotyped stories were composed at all and in so large a number; and the answer to it throws light on certain historical matters. The stereotyped stories under consideration occur in two Anga-texts Adtakrt and Aduttaraupapatika and four Upanga-texts Kalpavatamsika, Puspika, Puspacula, and Vssnidasa; (in the Upanga-texts Nirayavalika the stereotype is altogether different but it is all the same used to yield ten stories on the basis of just one). Thus Antakit consists of 8 vargas respectively contajaing 10, 8, 13, 10, 10, 16, 18 stories - 80 is a text containing 85 stories in all; but of these only the following four are stories with an independent plot : 1. Gajasukumara (Varga 3) 2. Padmayati (Varga 5) 3. Mudgarapani (Varga 6) 4. Atimukta (Varga 6)

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Five Anga-texts - story-collection 63 Similarly, Anuttaraupapatika consists of 3 Vargas respectively containing 10, 13, 10 stories--So is a text containing 33 stories in all; but none of these is a story with an independent plot. As for those of 4 Upanga-texts, Kal payatamsika has 10 stories, Pus pacula 10, Vrsnidasa 12 and they are all stereotyped, while Puspika has 10 stories of which only two-viz, Somila and Bahuputrika possess an independent plot. In the case of the Upangatexts one might surmise that some later author (or circle of authors) was in possession of just three independent storles, of which one was turned into a stereotype to yield the 10 stories of Nirayavalika, two were presented in an independent form, while 40 stereotyped stories of the usual form were superadded to them -- thus making up five texts (here called "five Vargas pertaining to the U pangas") with 52 stories in all. But why should the clumsy practice of presenting 81 stereotyped stories along with 4 independent ones (as is done in Antakst) or of presenting 33 stereotyped stories all alone (as is done in Anuttaraupapatika) should be followed in the case of a text pertaining to the class Anga which is the most fundamental class of canonical texts? Perhaps this question can be answered on the basis of a testimony coming from Sthananga chapter 10 where the chapter-titles of 10 texts with a name ending in 'Dasa' are given out: (as is natural to expect the number of chapter-titles is 10 in each case). Now 4 of these ten texts have not come down to us in any form at all while the following six are somehow recognizable as follows: (i) Karmavi pakadasa is our Vipakasruta I (ii) U pasakadasa is our Upasakadasa (iii) Antakyddasa is our Antaktddasa (iv) Anut taraupapatikadasa is our Anuttaraupapatikadasa (v) Acaradala is our Acaradasa (vi) Prasnavyakaranadasa is our Prasnavyakarana In the case of Upasakadasa and Acaradasa tbe chapter-titles present no anomaly at all, in the case of Karmavipakadasa some very minor anomalies. As for Prasnavyakarana it seems to have nothing to do with our Prasna. vyakarana whose chapter-titles are altogether different from those given in Sthananga, but the noteworthy thing is that the same is the case with Antakrddasa and Anittaraupapatikadasa which too seem to have nothing to do with our Antakyddasa and Anuttarau pa patikadasa whose chapter-titles are altogether different from those given in Sthananga. As a marter of fact, our Antakyddasa and Anuttaraupapa tikadasa are not at all a text with ten chapters, for they are both divided into Vargas which in turn are divided into Adhyayanas-so that the former comes to have 85 chapters in all the lattter 33. Under these circumstances it is a matter of minor significance that 2 chapter-titles - viz. Kimkamma and Sudamsana - are common to the Stha

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64 Early Jainism nanga list and our Antakyta - while 3 chapter-titles - viz. Dhanna, Sunakkhatta, Isidasa-are common to the Sthananga list and our Anuttaraupapatika, this is so particularly in view of the fact that the stories going under these titles are as much stereotyped as most others. The conclusion seems to be that the original Antakrddasa and Anuttarau papatikadasa were both a text with 10 chapters and that their chapter-ticles were broadly the same as are given in Sthananga. In the course of time these original Antakrddasa and Anuttarupapatikadasa came to be lost - just as did the original Prasnanyakaranadasa;then it was thought necessary to compose new Antakyddasa and Anuttaraupapa. tikadasa to replace the original ones -- just as it was thought necessary to compose new Prasnavyakarana to replace the original one. By this time, the practice might have been current to compuse story-texts made up of Vargas which were further subdivided into Adhyayanas and to dole out in this connection a few independent stories along with a huge number of stereotyped ones, a practice followed in the case of those 5 Upanga-texts-wbich are nowadays called the last five of the twelve Upanga-texts but which call themselves 'five Vargas of the Upangas'. And it was this very practice that was followed in the case of the presently available Antakyddasa agd Anuttaraupa patikadasa which came to replace the corresponding original texts that were somehow lost. A further considuration might lend some confirmation to this surmise. For in this very period were composed two more texts containing stereotyped stories and superadded to certain old texts. These are our Vipakasruta II and Jnatad harmakatha Il. Thus Vipakasrula I contains 10 stories which narrate how a person reaped in this life the unbappy consequences of the evil acts perforined in the earlier; (it is these ten stories whose titles are given in Sihananga as the chapter-tities of Karmavi pakadasa--which is why we have identified Karmavi pakadasa with Vipakasruta I). As against this, Vipakasruta Il narrates 10 stereotyped stories telling how a person reaped in life the happy consequences of the good acts performed in the earlier; these stories must have been written in the period under consideration and superadded to the old Karmavipakada. sa which was then rechristened Vipakasruta. Similarly Inatadharmakatha contains 19 stories, of which some-e.g. Megha, Sailaka, Malli, Draupadi, Manduka, Tetali putra, Pundarika-Kandarika have a content with an independent religious significance but the rest are thoroughly secular (some are not even stories but bare similes) and assuinc a religious significance only when a moral is explicitly drawn therefrom. It seems that originally the former type of stories were called Dharmakatha (=religious narrative), the latter type Jnata (=illustration) and so it was understood that Jnatad harmakatha is a collection of 19 stories of a Jnata type or a Dharmakatha type. But in the period under consideration the understanding seems to have been evolved that all these 19 stories belong to the Jnata type (the task

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Five Anga-texts - story-collection 65 might have been facil tated by explicitly drawing a particular moral even in the case of stories with an independent religious significance) and so the need was felt to compose 206 stereotyped stories supposed to belong to the Dharmakatha type; thus it could come about that those 19 original stories were called Jhatadharmakatha I, those 206 new stories Inatad harmakatha II (made up of 10 Vargas respectively covering 5, 5, 54, 54, 32, 32, 4, 4, 8, 8, Adhyayanas). Many of the points made use of in the above argumentation were first raised by Schubring in bis introduction to 'Worte Mahaviras (Published in 1926, pp. 5-8). Thus be noticed that so many stories of the Dasa texts are no independent stories, that there are discrepancies between the chaptertitles of Dasa texts given in Sthananga and the chapter-titles of the same as presently available, that in this connection the Sthananga list is more reliable, and so on and so forth. But he tended to think that all the cases of stereotyped stories were the cases of replacing some old material by a new one. To us that appears to be the case only with Antakyddasa and Anuttaraupapalikadasa, for there is little ground to suppose there once existed texts which stood in the place of our 5 U panga-texts, our Jnata. dharmakatha II, or Vi pakasruta II. So much consideration given to the questions of history and text-composition let us next have a close look at the contents of the Anga-texts of the form of a story-collection. These Jaina texts have been composed primarily with a view to edifying the laity- just as are the Epics and Puranas of the Brahmins and the Jutakas and Avadanas of the Buddhists. Not that these texts are exclusively concerned with the problems arising in connection with the life of a layman, but that is not the point. For compositions coming from a monastic religious sect like Jainism are bound to lay all out emphasis on the problems arising in connection with the life of a monk and our texts are no exception to the rule. What is noteworthy about them is their form rather than their content. The very fact that these texts are story-texts tends to suggest that they are primarily meant for a readership - rather listenership - not versed in the niceties of theory. Of course, a newly converted monk too could read these texts with profit but his studies being oriented towards grasping the essentials of theory he would not linger long with elementary texts such as these; but it was through these very elementary texts that a layman was to be instructed in whatever theoretical matters he was. It is perhaps symptomatic that the study curt. iculum of a Jaina monk laid down in Vyavahara (10.20-33), even while mentioning the remaining Anga-texts and so many other texts DOW not available to us, is absolutely silent about these story-texts. Be that as it

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66 Early Jainism may, these story-texts are most suited to impart to an elementary reader certain most fundamental points of the Jajna theoretical thought. Let us See how. Ever since the days of Acaranga I and Sutrakrtanga I the Jaina theo. rcticians had been emphasizing that a person leading the life of an ideal Jaina monk was bound to attain moksa at the end of his present life, the corollary being that everyone else was bound to remain entangled in the cycle of rebirths. The idea that an ideal Jaina monk at the end of his present life would attain not moksa but rebirth in a heavenly region was not mooted in the beginning, for it must have been considered prep, osterous that an ideal Jaina monk at the end of his present life should attain anything short of moksa. But in the course of time this idea was duly recognized and two post-mortem possibilities were granted to an ideal Jaina monk--viz. the attainment of moksa and rebirth in a heayenly region. As for the householder, he was since ever and for ever denied the possibility of attaining moksa at the end of his present life; but in the course of time the idea was duly recognized that a person conducting his life according to the prescriptions laid down for a pious householder would be next born in a heavenly region. This whole scheme of thought as it finally evolved has been kept in mind while planning the composition of the storytexts under consideration. Thus Karmavipakadasa (the old name for Vipakasruta I) elucidates how a person acting in an evil fashion in this life reaps an appropriate unhappy consequence in the next, Antak rddasa cidates how an ideal Jaina monk at the end of his present life attains moksa, Anultarau pa patikadasa elucidates how an ideal Jaina monk at the end of his present life is born in the uppermost heavenly region. Upasaka. dasa elucidates how a person conducting his life according to the prescriptions laid down for a pious householder is next born in a heavenly region. As has been noted, Antakrddasa and Anuttaraupapatikadasa contain very few independent stories. The point has already explained and is not much relevant for the present part of our discussion. For that matter, the last ries of even Upasakad asa are a stereotyped repetition of the first and the likelihood is that they are a substitute-version of some lost original. Only this much can be said that our understanding of the matters under consideration would have been fu ler if we were in possession of the texts in question in their complete, original version. ] As compared to these four story-texts Jnatadharmakatha is different and rather miscellaneous in cbaracter; but things most essential for an understanding of its basic char. acier have already been said in an earlier context. Just above, the Jaina story-texts under consideration were compared with the Brahmanical Epics and Puranas and the Buddhist Jatakas and

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Five Anga-texts story-collection Avadanas. There is some likelihood of this comparison being misunderstood. For our Jaina texts are too tiny to seem to be any sort of match for those voluminous Brahmanical and Buddhist literary compositions. But these Brahmanical and Buddhist compositions were not the growth of one day and, strictly speaking, they merit comparison not with our Jaina texts but with the entire mass of Jaina story literature at whose head these texts stand, So in the above context the precise point of comparison between the Brahmanical, Buddhist and Jaina texts in question was not their volume but the fact that they are all primarily aimed at edifying the laity. Certainly, the sociocultural evolution of the country had then reached a stage which required that the lay followership of a religious sect be provided with a mode of worship specially suited to its life-circumstances and a literature specially suited to its tastes and intellectual capacities. In the sphere of mode of worship the response of the hour was the cult of imageworship (including stupa-worship) while in the sphere of literature it was the mass of compositions we are considering now. As time passed on these compositions became more and more ornate in style, a fact signifying the growing maturity of the tastes and intellectual capacities of the Indian people. Confining ourselves to the Jaina camp, we might note that good many stories of Jnatadharmakatha (e. g. the very first story) are composed to an extremely ornate style reminisent of such admittedly late texts as Aupapatika, Rajaprasniya, Jinacarita and the like. A still more masterly employment of literary skill is to be observed in the still later Jaina storytexts composed in verse as well as prose. It is in the background of this entire subsequent development that judgment has to be passed on the five Anga-texts that are of the form of a story-collection. 67 We have already taken summary note of the content of the Angic story collections, viewing it from the standpoint of the theoretical points elucidated therethrough. Note might also be taken of this content, viewing it from another standpoint. Thus a story appearing here develops either a social theme or a mythological one. By social theme is to be understood a theme exclusively taking up the doings of human beings, by mythological theme one also (or exclusively) taking up the doings of gods and goddesses. Particularly noteworthy in this connection are the stories compiled in Vipakasruta I (=Karmavipakadasa) which all develop an almost exclusively social theme. As has been noted, these stories narrate how a person com. mitted some sinful act in his past life and how he reaped the evil conse quence of it in his present life. As such they offer an interesting insight into the working of a Jaina author's mind on the questions of what constitutes a sinful act and what constitutes the punishment for such across ten cases of what an act. For in these ten stories we is considered to be a sinful act and ten cases of what is considered come

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68 Early Jainism to be the punishment for such an act. The two sets deserve a separate treatment. Of the ten sinful acts nine somebow involve recourse to violence--the exceptional case being that of the usual sinful life of a prostitute (X). Of the acts involving recourse to violence three baye. got a pronounced social aspect-two being the cases of misdeed on the part of two public officials, a regional administrator (I) and a prison-in-charge (VI), one being the case of private vengeance on the part of a king who instigated by his favourite wife trapped and killed his other 499 wives along with their mothers (IX). Somewhat class by itself is the case of the Brahmin priest who would resort to human sacrifice od too often (V). The remaining five are the cases of indulging in or encouraging meat-eating; thus we hear of a royal animal-trapper who was exceseively fond of meat-eating (I), an egg-selller (111), a meat-seller (IV). a royal physician who would too often recommend a non-vegetarian diet (VII), a royal cook who would too often serve a non-vegetarian dish (VIII). Then there is the set of ten acts considered to be a punishment for some one or other of the ten sinful acts just catalogued. Of these, four are the cases of a bodily discomfort suffered by the person concerned; thus we hear of a prince who was born with an exceedingly ill-formed body (1), a trader's son who simultaneously developed 16 incurable bodily ailments (VII), a fisherman whose throat was incurably obstacled by the scale of the fish he was eating (VIII), a queen who developed an incurable ailment of the sex-organ (X). The rest six are the cases of legal punishment ipflic. ted on a criminal, four of men having to do with sex: thus we hear of a trader's son punished for contacting a woman reserved for the king (II),a trader's son similarly punished for contacting a woman reserved for the king's minister (IV), a priest punished for contacting the royal lady (V),a queen punished for killing the royal mother whom her husband would serve devotedly and who was therefore considered by her to be the cause of his denying her his company (IX), a prince eager for throne punished for having instigating the royal barber to kill the king (VII), a thief-leader trapped and duly punished (III). All this is interesting and instructive. The cotalogue of sinful acts is remarkable in that as many as five of its ten Items have to do with meat-eating. Apparently, their excessive concern for vegetarianism often deprived the Jaina authors of an opportunity to take note of sins with a clear-cut social implication. The catalogue of acts supposed to be a punishment for the sinful acts of the past life has another difficulty. Since the Jaina authors were convinced that punishment for the past sinful acts might possibly ensue in the form of bodily ailment they were bound to describe in this connection the cages of bodily ailment wbich in their eyes was of the nature of punishment for some past sinful act: but such a description has no direct relevance for a study of the social

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Five Anga-texts - story-collection 69 scene. Again, it was perhaps natural for these authors to pay special atte. ntion to the cases of punishment inflicted on a criminal, for they must have thought that their thesis of rebirth would be vindicated if punishment for a crime of his life was given out as punishment for a sip of the past life. Such an attempt at vindication might fail to convince a plain student of the social scene who would nevertheless be thankful to these authors for having provided him with material relevant for an investigation into the problem of crime and punishment as viewed by the contemporary society. Vipakasruta II aims at supplying 10 stories wbich should demonstrate how a virtuous act performed in this life is rewarded in the next. In fact, how. ever, what is forthcoming there is just one story repeated ten times; but even this one story is revealing in its own way. For it tells us how a pious householder properly fed a well-bebaved monk and how as a reward for this virtuous act of his he in his next birth had the good opportunity of first becoming a pious householder and then a well-behaved monk who would be next born in the uppermost heavenly region. What is noteworthy is that not only in this story but even elsewhere religious zeal on the part of a Jaina--whether householder or monk-is held out to be bis greatest virtue. This attitude is somewhat understandable in the case of a monk who has after all taken leave of the regular society, though in view of the fact that monks are the heroes in our stories in an overwhelming majority of cases that would mean that in an overwhelming majority of cases these stories will not be placing before us the ideal conduct of a morally upright social man. But curiously, when a text like U pasakadasa which depicts incidents from the life of ideal Jaina householders never depicts ao incident that should throw light on the ethico-social attitude of any of these householders. True, these householders are said to be the practisers of the 12 duties prescribed for a pious Jaina householder and many of these duties-particularly what are called the 5 anuvratas--have obvious social significance, but the point is that a pious householder is extolled in these stories not for his practice of any of these socially significant duties but for his religious zeal, Here three stories - viz. I, IX, X-have got virtually no plot, while the first of these is remarkable rather for its detailed descr. iption of the 12 duties of a Jajna householder. In four-viz. II-V-a hou. seholder is shown to refuse to renounce faith in Jainism even when threa. ts of all sorts are showered on him by a god; in one story-viz. VI-a householder punctures a god who seeks to convince him of the correctness of the Ajivaka view, in another-viz. Vil -an Ajivaka householder is converted to Jainism by Mahavira, refuses to renounce his new faith even in the face of Gosalaka's own pleadings, and finally remains steadfast even when threatened by a god in the manner described in stories II-V, in a third-- viz. VIII-a householder refuses to give up pious meditation even when coaxed and cajoled by his own wife who seeks his company for car.

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70 Early fainism nal purposes. In this background it comes as a somewhat pleasant surprise when two monks are depicted as behaving in an ideal fashion in relation to their fellow human beings. Thus Gujasukumara the hero of Antakrt III.8 does not lose his balance of mind even when fatally struck by the father of the girl wbo was to have been married to him but was not; similarly, Arjuna, the hero of Antakyt VI-3, who when possessd by a yaksa had tortured citizens of Rajagrha in various ways but when rid of the malady became a monk, did not lose his balance of mind even when these citizens of Rajagrha would harass him in all sorts of ways. / In Cajasukumarastory there is also related the moving incident of Kssna cleverly relieving an old weakling of the burden of the task of carrying a load of bricks from the street to the inside of his house; later on, Gajasukumara's preceptor says to Krsna that in attainiog moksa Gajasukumara was assisted by his prospective father-in-law who struck him fatally just as in unburdening himself of the heavy task that old weakling was assisted by Krsna. ] This relative absence of a depiction of positive moral action on the part of a social man is already striking in itself but it is particularly so in view of the fact that such a depiction is a most conspicuous feature of the Buddhist Jataka-stories all aimed at demonstrating how Buddha in an earlier life acted as a noble hero in relation to his fellow-beings (they also covering cases when Buddha was an animal-hero of an animal-mass). In this connection Thatadharmakatha deserves a separate treatment. For unlike U pusakadasa, Antakrddasa, Anultaraupa patikadasa and Vipakasruta it is not a text with a common thread running through the entire body of its inventories. It rather is of the form of a miscellaneous collection of bare similes, illustrative stories and religious narratives. Of these, the both similes and illustrative stories have little about them which might be construed as something typically Jaina; what has happened is that they have been marked with a Jaina stamping suitably as a result of drawing from them a moral appropriate for a Jaina-particularly a Jaina monk. Howe, ver, this performance is noteworthy for one reason. For it is a testimony to the Jaina author's capacity to portray the details of secular life and to draw upon the currents of secular wisdom flowing all around them. It should therefore suffice for our present purpose if we just mention the subject-matter of the similes and the illustrative stories in question. Thus the similes cover four chapters in all and as follows: Ch. VI. The simile of gourd-bowl which sinks down to the bottom of water when heavy with clay-smearing and comes up to the surface when rid of this clay-smearing. Ch. X - The simile of moon which waxes during one half of the month and wanes during the other half.

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Ch. XI Ch. III Ch. XII - The simile of most obnoxiously polluted water which can nevertheless be purified with efforts. Similarly, the illustrative stories cover eight chapters in all and as follows: Cb. II The story of a trader who in prison shared food with the murderer of his own son. Ch. IV - Ch. IX Ch. VII - Five Anga-texts story-collection The simile of sea-coast trees of which most bloom and some wither when the Island-breeze blows, some bloom and most wither when the sea-breeze blows, all wither when neither breeze blows, all bloom when both breezes blow. 11 The story of two friends each of whom had one peahen-egg and of whom one spoiled his egg throgh constant checking while the other did not. - The story of two tortoises of whom one could manage to protect its body against jackals by remaining well hidden within its shell while the other could not because of its anxious movement of limbs. The story of four daughters-in-law, of whom one threw away, the second ate up, the third preserved, the fourth sowed in the field the five paddy-grains offered by the father-in-law. The story of two shipwrecked trader brothers stranded in an island, and fallen in the clutches of the island-ogress, of whom one could make good his escape because he paid no heed to the wailings of the ogress the other could not because he succumbed to those wailings. Ch. XV The story of a trader's co-travellers, of whom some followed the caravan-chief's instructions and avoided the trees whose leaves, fruits, shadow etc. were to prove harmful eventually: the others did not. Ch.XVII - The story of horses inhabiting a far-off island, some of whom were trapped because they succumbed to the temptations offered by the trappers while the others were not trapped bedause they resisted those temptations. Ch.XVIII - The story of a trader and his five sons who managed to survive an ordeal by living upon the dead body of the trader's daughter killed by a thief-kidnapper. [As can easily be Imagined, in most cases these similes and illustrative storles are made use of for contrasting the behaviour of an ideal monk with that of one falling short of the ideal.] The case is somewhat different

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72 Early Janism with the religious narratives which cover the remaining seven chapters. For these narratives have for their central theme the doings of some Jaina-in most cases a monk, in some cases a householder; this as follows: Ch. I - The story of Meghakumara, a prince who overcame his sense of demoralization - born of discomforts usual in monastic life - when told that in a past birth he was an elephant which once kept standing with its one leg upraised for the fear of crushing the rabbit that had sought shelter at that very place at the very moment when the leg was upraised. Ch, V. The story of Sailaka, a king turned monk who when sick was put up at a royal palace but who was lured by the comforts available there, the situation being saved by Sailaka's own disciple Panthaka who reminded him of his duties as a monk. Cb.VUI - The story of Malli, the 19th Tirthankara, who generated the feeling of world-renunciation in the mind of her six suitors by demonstrating to them as to how full of rubbish was the body of even a most beautiful woman. Cb.XIII - The story of the pond-builder trader who after his death became a frog in the pond built by bimself, a frog converted to Jainism and next born as a god after being crushed to death when it was on way to attend a sermon delivered by Mahavira. Ch. XIV - The story of the royal minister Tetaliputra who was reluctant to keep a promise earlier given by himself and so became a monk but who embraced monkhood when circumstances were so created that he was humiliated from all sides. Ch, XVI - The story of Draupadi, her Svayamvara-marriage to the five Pandavas her beipg kidnapped to a far-of land, her being released by Krsna--all this preceded by the stories of two past births of Draupadi where in one she acted as a malicious food-donor to a monk, in the other as a nun excessively interested in tending her body. Ch. XIX - The story of two princely brothers Pundarika and Kandarika of whom the former became king the latter a monk, but then the latter exhibited weakness in the manner of Sailaka ( of Ch. V) and so the two exchanged their roles. This catalogue of subject matter brings to light the specific religious theme of the chapters in question. But the noteworthy thing is that this them is here always embedded in a more or less well-structured plot which touches upon so many facets of the human situation. As a matter of fact

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Five Anga-texts - story-collection it is this what makes these chapters a close kin of those containing illus. trative stories which too are similarly equipped with a more or less wellstructured plot. To argue further, so far as depicting the hnman situation is concerned Jnatadharmakatha with its illustrative stories and religious narratives is even richer than Vipakasruta I which is the richest of the four Angic story-texts reviewed above. [In passing, let it also be noted that to the original Jnatadharmakatha with its 19 chapters was later on added a new section with 206 stereotyped stories based on just one that tells of a nun excessively interested in tending her body ( a motif already present in the Draupadi-story of Ch. XVI), the same story also belng the basis of the 10 stereotyped stories collected in the Upanga Puspacula. As a result, the original Jnatadharmakatha came to be called Jnatadharmakatha I, this new section Jnutadharmakatha II.) These general observations regarding the socialt hemes developed in the Angic story-texts might be further concretized on the basis of detailed studies but we cave them at that and turn our attention to the mythological themes developed in these texts. In the course of time the Jaina authors came to formulate a whole lot of mythological notions characteristic of their school and it was only natural that a good number of those notions should find expression in the story-literature produced by this school. Perhaps, the most fundamental of these notions was one to the effect that as a result of performing some noble act a person-even an animal-might be next born as a god residing in a particular heavenly region, and this notion is present in our story-texts in a most conspicuous fashion, Thus it is said ahout the hero of each and every U pasakadasa story that he will be next born as a god; similarly, it is said about the hero of each and every Anuttarau papatika story that he will be next born as a god residing in the uppermost heavenly region called Anuttara. (A statement like this could not have been made about the heroes of Antakyddasa stories for the obvious reason that they are all said to have attained moksa at the end of their present life.) And as we have seen, the Vi pakasruta I stories are of the form of a doublet narrating two births of the hero concerned, but there is always appended to them a statement regarding the future births of this hero which are often a case of birth in some heavenly region; (in Vi paka II too the hero of the story is said to be next born as a god). Lastly in the Jnatad harmakatha stories the characters like Meghakumara, Draupadi, Pundarika and even that frog are said to be next born as a god, Sailaka, the five Pandavas and Telaliputra to have attained moksa at the end of their present "Ife), Malli and her six suitors are said to have been gods in their past births; (in Jnatadharmakatha II the very purpose of the story is to describe the past human birth of the female-consorts of the god-chiefs pertaining 10

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74 Early Jainism to the different heavenly regions). All this is impressive so far as it goes but the fact remains that these references to a godly birth are essentially such as fall outside the body proper of the story concerned. A more intrlcate part of the story are the godly doings of a particular sort. Thus in the case of some contingency a god might come to the assistance of a man, the two possibly having been friends in some former birth. For example, in the Meghakumara story of Jnatadharmakatha a god a tificially creates the atmosphere of rainy season because such was the desire of the pregnant queen when Meghakumara appeared in her womb; the assistance of this god was sought by a step-son of the queen, this god and this step-son having been friends in some former birth. Similarly, in the Draupadi story of the same text a god kidnap Draupadi on the request of a king who was his friend in some former birth, (on Krsna's request another god created an oceanic path traversing which on chariot Krsna and the five Pandavas reached the capital of this king and released Draupadi ). There is also another maneuver for a god to intervene in human affairs, for he might appear there to test the worth of some person. Thus in so many Upasakadasa stories a god applies various strategems with a view to testing the firmness of a character's faith in Jainism, (the motif is also prevalent in the Malli story of Jnatadharmakatha where a trader-Jaina traversing the ocean by ship is subjected to a similar testing). An altogether different type of godly participation in things human takes place in the case of a Tirthankara; for the gods are supposed to attend on a Tirthankara when he enters the mother's womb when he is born, when he renounces the world, when he attains omniscience, and when he dies. Since Malli, the heroine of a Jnatadharmakatha story, is the 19th of the 24 Tirthankaras we have here an opportunity to learn as to how the gods discharge this part of their responsibility. Closely related to the mythology of heaven and heavenly beings (and that of hells and hellish beings) is the concept of the cycle of 63 mighty personages posited by the Jaina authors, a cycle supposed to appear here in the world at regular intervals of an astronomical dimension. Of these 63 mighty personages 24 are Tirthankaras, 12 Cakravartins, 9 Vasudevas, 9 Baladevas, and 9 Prativasudvas - a member of each group possessing a definte set of superhuman capacities. Our story-texts nowhere refer to this whole cycle of 63 personages. And though Mahavira and Aristanemi - two of the 24 Tirthankaras of our part of the world in our times - are often mentioned there we seldom come across any of the biographical details pertaining to them; it is only Mall - another Tirthankara like Mahavira and Aristaneml-who has the details of her biography described in a Jnatadharmakatha story. Similarly, though Vasudeva Krsna often appears as a character in our stories there are only one or two of his doings which

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Fire Anga--texts -- story-collection 75 throw light on the mythological concept of Vasudeva, Thus in the Padmavati story of Antakyt Vagga V ) we find him lamenting out the fact that he does not have the good fortune of embracing monkhood - listening to which Aristanemi explains to him that it is in the very nature of things impossible for a Vasudeva to embrace monkhood, he having performed a particular evil act in his past birth; (Krsna is however assured that after being next born in a hell he will be born as a person destined to become a Tirthankara. Again, in the Draupadi-story of Jnatadharmakatha the situation so develops that the arrival of Vasudeva Krsna in the world-continent Dhataikhanda - a world-continent different from the one called Jambudvipa in which we live - is gomchow noticed by Vasudevas Kapila born in that world-continent; Kapila is astonished because he knows that no two Tirtharkaras, two Vasudevas or two Baladevas can simultaneously appear in the same world-region, bis astonishment subsiding when Tirthankara Suvrata tells him that it was a case of a Vasudeva from another world-region visiting his world-region and that the two Viisudevas in question will not come face to face with one another. Another information often (e.g. in the Meghakumara story of Jnita dharmakatha conveyed in this connection is one to the effect that the mother of a Tirthankara or Cakravarti when he enters into her womb seeg 14 particular dreams, that of a Vasudeva 7 of them, that of a Baladeva 4 of them; however, no independent plot of a story is ever constructed on the basis of this piece of information. Thus viewed the social as well as mythological themes of the Angic story-texts should help one in appreciating the entire body of Jaina story-literature. For themes similar to these are to be met with in this entire body of texts. tire body of Saina

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CHAPTER VII PRASNAVYAKARANA Prasnavyakarana today included among the Angas has perhaps only pame in common with the text that was originally included there. This conclusion is forced on us when notice is taken of an information conve. yed by Sthananga chapter 10. For there we are made acquainted with the chapter-titles of ten texts each with ten chapters and one of these texts is Prasnavyakarana (really Prasnavyakaranadasa where the ending dasa signifi. es that here is a text with ten chapters). But Prasn wyakarana with its ten chapters bearing the titles cited in this connection seems to have nothing to do with our text of the same with its two sections, the first expounding wbat it calls 'fiva asravadvaras (=gateways of inflow)' the second what it calls 'five samvaradvaras (= gateways of protection). In the classical Jajna terminology an asrava is so called because it causes the inflow into a soul of the karmic physical particles while a samvara because it bars this inflow and thus protects the soul by preserving its pristine purity. The same could have been the connotation of these terms in our Prasnavyakarana. In any case, under the title *Asravadvara' this text considers the five vices violence, falsehood, theft, incontinence and acquisitiveness; under the title "Samvaradvara' the five corresponding virtues - non-violence, truthfulness non-theft, continence and non-acquisitiveness. In view of the great Importance attached by the classical Jaina authors to the five virtues in question which are called by them 'five basic vows (=mulavrata )' one might say that the Prasnavyakarana exposition of its subject-matter is significant in its own place even if the text is not as old as might be supposed on the ground of its inclusion among the Angas, That need was felt for substituting a new text for the lost original is obvious but the reason why this text was selected for the purpose is not; maybe it was selected because it could somehow be construed as a text with ten chapters. However, Prasnavyakarana is noteworthy not only on account of its coile tent but also - perhaps cven more so - on account of its literary form. For here we come across an extremely orpate style of composition reminiscent of the classical Sanskrit prose authors with their long winding compounds and all that. This style is characteristic of the Upanga-texts du papatika, Rujaprasniya Jambudvi paprajnapti etc. -as also of Jinacarita (now included in Acaradasa chapter VIII) which should therefore be contemporary with these texts. As a matter of fact, the style is conspicuously present even in Inatadharmakatha and the conclusion seems inescapable that this text was

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Prasnavyakarana 77 heavily retouched in the period in question though its basic content was fairly old. Accordingly, our Prasnavyakarana too should be assigned to this very period. In any case, it is always advisable to keep in mind the specific literary form of this text even while proceeding to make a special study of its content, In this background the two sections of Prasnavyukarana should be examined separately. Section 1 As bas been said above, this section considers the five vices - violence, falsehood, theft, Incontinence and acquisitiveness. In the case of each there are first enumerated what are regarded as its particular cases and then comes an account of the ill consequences to be reaped by one who indu. Iges in it. In connection with the latter point it is always emphasized that the sinncr is next born as a hellish being, an animal or an unfortunate man; in the case of theft and incontinence it is also shown as to how he suffers discomfiture in his this very life. To take the vices in question one by one the detailed situation is somewhat as follows: (i) Violence: While working out the cases of violence it has been found necessary to divide thc beings into classes, for the position to be maintained is that one might possibly practise violence in relation to so many classes of living beings. Here is first given a catalogue of the five. sensed beings (further divided into several subclasses) and then that of the four-sensed, the three-sensed and the two-sensed ones; also pointed out are the purposes for which these dfferent classes of living beings are subjected to violence. Finally comes the statement regarding the five sub. classes of one-sensed beings - that is, regarding earth, water, fire, air and plants; here mention is made of the different ways of consuming earth, water, fire, air and plants, it being understood that these are so many ways of committing violence in relation to the living beings of the earth-bodied, water-bodied, fire-bodied, air-bodied and plant-bodied types. This enume. ration of the cases of violence is followed by an enumeration of the types of persons practising violence; the list includes on the one hand the professionals like hunters, fishermen etc. on the other hand the mleccha (=non-Aryan) peoples like Sakas, Yavanas etc. Lastly, by way of enume. rating the ill-consequences of violence to be reaped in the next birth there is first offered a detailed account of the hardships to be suffered in hells, then a relatively brief account of those to be suffered by an animal, in the end a very brief account of those to be suffered by an unfortunate man like one born with a deformed body or a defective sense-organ: (the first two types of hardships are the common fate of all

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78 Early Jainism singers and so they have not been repeated in the case of the remaining four vices, but the third type, though it too is the common fate of all sinners, is described differently in the case of some vices). (ii) Falsehood : Here is first enumerated the case of ordinary liars, then the case of false philosophers who preach all sorts of faulty doctrines, then the case of those who level a false accusation against others, then the case of those who report to a killer the whereabouts of his prospective victims, then the casc of those who utter a speech involving violence. In the end by way of enumerating the ill-consequences of falschood to be reaped in the next birth there are cited the hardships suffered by unfortunate men like one born with speech-defect or one wbo is maligned by everybody, (iii) Theft : Here is first enumerated the case of ordinary thieves, then the case of kings going o war, then the case of seapirates, then the case of forest-dwelling thieves. In the end, by way of cnumerating the ill-consequences of theft reaped in this very life there is given a detailed account of the court-puuishments meted out to a thies; and by way of enumerating the ill-cosequences to be reaped in the next birth there are cited the ha: dships suffered by unfortunate iren like one born poor or one fallen Into slavery. (iv) Incontinence ; Here is first enumerated the case of the luxurious and luxury-loving gods who yet die sex-hungry, and then one by one the similarly fated Cakravartins (svorld-rulers), Buladevas, Vasudevas, Mundalikas (regional rulers) men born in the world-regions called bhogabhumi = the regions where one enjoys the luxories of life without doing any work), women born in those regions. In the end, by way of enumerating the ill-consequences of incontinence to be reaped in this very life there are cited the physical and social dangers faced by one mad after sex-pleasure, the historic battles people have waged for the sake of women; (here nothing particular is said about the ill-consequences to be reaped in the next birth). (v) Acquisitiveness : Here is first enumerated the case of the muci. possessing gods who yet die possession-hungry, then in one stretch the case of the similarly fated Cakravartins, Baladevas, Vasudevas etc. (Nothing particular is said by way of enumerating the ill-consequences of aoquisitiveness. 1 This kernel of the Prasnavyakarana account of vices is to be separated out carefully, for it is invariably accompanied by a plethora of details which are often of a purely literary value,

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Prasnavyakarana Section II As has been noted, this section offers an account of the five virtues-- non-violence, truthfulness, non-theft, continence, non-acquisitiveness. In the case of each a virtual eulogy is followed by an account of five bhavannis - translatable as factors meant to strengthen the virtue concesoed.' As is usual with most eulogies the eulogy-part of the present account of virtues too contains so much that is of a purely literary value. Only it is noteworthy that in this part too in almost each case somewhere or else occasion has been created to bring to light some specific details of the monistic life. Thu: in connection with non-violence it is emphasized that the alms received by a monk should be free from the defects pointed out In the scriptural texts - the understanding being that the concerned scriptu. ral prohibitions are aimed at buttressing the spirit of non-violence. Simil. arly, in connection with non-theft it is emphasized that a monk should receive all his requirements by way of properly procured alms -- the under. standing being that alms procured improperly are a case of theft. Again, in connection with continence it is emphasized that a monk should desist from all bodily decoration the understanding being that such decoration is bound to nurture a spirit of incontinence. Lastly, in connection with non-acquisitiveness it is emphasized that a monk should not possess things who e rossession is not sanctioned by the scriptural texts - the understand. ing being that such possession would argue a spirit of acquisitiveness. As for the present account of the five sets of five--bhavanas, it is of some interest from a historical angle, The 25-bhavanas are known to the classical Jaina authors in a version that is practically the same as is found in Acairanga II chapter 3. E. g. Umasvati in his Tattvarthahhusya diters from Acaranga II only in ordering his items differently at a few places. But the present account of bhavanas differs from Acaranga II in a more thoroughgoing fashion. Thus apart from the cases of ordering items differ. ently there are also cases where this account seems to be describing the same thing as Acaranga Il but employing a different technical terininology and even cases where it seems to be describing things not at all envisaged in Acaranga U. These discrepancies are observable in connection with the virtues-non-violence, non-theft and continence, and as follows: (i) Non-violence : Here in Acaranga II the items 4 and 5 are Adananik se pasamiti and Alokitapanabhojana and the same is the case with Uinasvati. But in the present account these items ought to be Aharaisanusamiti and Adananik se pasamiti; so for one thing the former's order is reversed in it but in addition its item aharaisanasamiti is samewhat different from the former's item alokita panabhojana.

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80 Early Jainism (ii) Non-theft : In Acaranga If the five items are : (1) anuvici-aragrahayacana (2) anujnaptapanabhojana (3) avagrahavadharana (4) abhiksna-avagrahayucana (5) sadharmikaanuvici-avagrahay@cana In Umasvati the items are the same but their order is 1. 4, 3, 5, 2. But in the present account there are so many novelties. Thus its items 2. 4 and 5 can somehow be equated with the items 3, 2 and 5 of the above list, but it has to be noted that though it uses no technical term in connection with its Item 2 (somewhat like Acarunga II in connection with its corresponding item 3) its titles for its items 4 and 5 are Sadhara na pindapatalabha and Sadharmikavinaya respectively, titles different from those of the items 2 and 5 of the above list. What is still more noteworthy is that the items 1 and 3 of this account should rather be called Viviktavasa and Upasrayadaty-saiyagrahana respectively, but items as these are not provided for in the above list (in return, the Items 1 and 4 of the above list are not provided for in the present account). (iil) Continence : Here Umasvati has the same 5 items as Acurtinga II but its item 5 has been made by him into his own item 1. Tlie present account agrees with Umasvati. All this raises one question : why does Prasnayyakarana diller from Acaranga II and Umasvati on the question of so standarized a concept as 25 bhavanas. One might jaswer it by saying that Prasnavyakarana arose in the midst: of a circle of authors different from those who composed Acaranga II, the latter being a kin of Umasvati. But it is also possible that Prasnavyokarana is older than Acuranga Il and as such presents a pre-classical version of the doctrine of bhavanas. In any case our text must belong to an early enough period when the would-be classical version had possible rivals in the field, riyals on which this text occasion. ally diaws upon,

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CHAPTER VIII RSIBHASITA Rsibhasita is a miscellaneous collection of didactic verses preaching asceticism. The text is divided into 45 sections each attributed to a different person and it is called Rsibhasi a precisely because it is supposed to contain the utterances of these 45 sagely personages. However, the persons in question are mostly unknown to us from other sources, Jaina or other. wise, though the presence here of a name like Yajnavalkya which is the name of a well-known Upanisadic teacher tends to support the surmise that some-even many-of these persons are non-Jajna. In the very nature of things it is impossible to be very certain about that and an altogether different surmise remains equally plausible, viz. that some-even many-of these persons are fictitious, Be that as it may, one thing admits of no doubt. In our text the cases of employing a Jaida technical terminology are quite rare and this rarity might be explained either by supposing that the authors represented here are mostly non-Jaina or by supposing that the discussions collected here mostly belong to a fairly old period when the classical techDical terminology of the Jainas had not yet been evolved. The former explanation has the additional merit of suggesting some sort of reason why the text lost currency among the latter-day Jainas living in an atmosphere of acute religious sectarianism and finding it irksome to give publicity to the views of those considered heretic. But this loss of currency remains Understandable even on the supposition that only a few of the authors in question are non-Jaina - the rest being either Jaina or fictitious, for in an atmosphere of acute religious sectarianism even a slight admixture of heresy s deemed abhorrable. In any case, it has to be kept in mind that this text continued to be venerated as late as the time of the author of the verses wbich are now found at the beginning of Avasyakaniryukti-rather Avasya. kaniryukti proper--and which promise the composition of a niryukti (= com. mentary) on the canonical texts - viz. Acaranga, Sutrakstanga, Uttaradhyayana, Dasavajkalika, Dasa, Kalpa, Vyavahara, Rsibhasita, Avasyaka, Suryaprajn. apti. Most of these texts are admittedly old but that is not the point just now; the point is that the author of the verses in question mostly have come later enough and that Rsibhasita was venerated as late as his time. In the subsequent period the text did lose currency and the reason most probably was that it was considered to be somehow tinged with heresy. But even that argues the relative antiquity of this text; for considerable interval may have divided the time when it was composed from the time

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82 Early Jainism when it was deemed part-heretical. These historical considerations apart, Rsibbasita throws ample light on the cardinal thesis of all Indian asceticism. thesis which alone must have been emphasize i originally and winich only gradually came to be accompanied by the sectarian teachings of this or that ascetic school. In view of all this the material contained here deserves a close analysis. Before the contents of Rsibhasita are analyzed in details certain preliminary remarks are in place. The whole lot of teachings presented here is addressed to a world-renouncing monk. This is obviously the case with the passages (e. g. in Sections 12, 25, 41) where a monk is asked to pro. cure his alms in a proper fashion but it is no less the case with the rest. Of course, the teachings which are of a general nature can well be given an elucidation that specially suits the life-circumstances of a householder but the point is that such circumstances had not been kept in mind when the passages collected here were originally composed. Among these teachings of a general nature a specially important place is occupied by those devoted to the karma-doctrine-not only because in the subsequent period the intricacies of this doctrine were zealously sought to be imparted to the pious householders but also because of the intrinsic high significance acquired by this doctrine within the body of the Indian religious thought in general and the Jaina religious thought in particular. In our text five sections- 2. 8, 9, 15 and 30 -are centrally occupied with the karma-doctrine but only two of them-viz. 9 and 15--are detailed in a fair measure. In all these sections the point is emphasized that one involves oneself in the cycle of transmigration as a result of the acts performed by oneself and that one gets rid of this involvement as a result of reiraining from acts. As is particularly evident from Section 15 the point makes prefect sense only when 'act' means evil act but it is also often (e. g. in Section 9 and most clearly in Section 30) conceded that good acts lead to a good future fate. Another noteworthy point is that here conspicuous use of the Jajaa technical terminology is made just twice in one section. Thus in Section 9, verse 5 enumerates the five causes of karmic bondage-viz. mithyatva, anivitti, pramada. kasaya and yoga, while verse 12 avers that the fruition of a karma can be variously mitigated except in the case of one called nikacita. For that matter. in connection with the other teachings as well the Jaina technical terms are conspicuously used anly once-i.e, in section 31 where loka is said to consist of jiva and pudgala and the latter two described in various ways: in a stray fashion such terms are used even elsewhere (e.g, in the very first section an evil act is said to be of three types performed in three manners 'trividhan trividhena,' a typical Jaina way of putting things). This much said the following table of contents should be rather selfobvious :

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Rsibhusita 833 Serial Number Author Topic 1. Narada 2. Vajjiyaputta 3. Davila (Devala) Angarisi Pupphasala 5. 6. Vakkalaciri 7. Kummaputta Ketali putta Mahakasava One should avoid the five vices, violence etc., of three types performed in three manners Cycle-of-transmigration when karma, no cycle-of-transmigration when no karma The eighteen vices from pranatipata down to mithyadarsanasalya conceived as a lepa (= smearing) causing cycle-of-transmigration One best judge of one's own mind Renounce violence, falsehood, incontinence, acquisitiveness, anger, pride It is not proper to remain unguided by the thread of scripture One should be patient and persevering One free of worldly entanglement is rid of the cycle-of-transmigration Pain due to karma, no pain due to no karma; karma got rid of through noble performances like meditation Self-lamentation followed by the advice given to him that he receives pravrajya (This is really the concluding part of the Tetali putra story of Jnatadharmakatha and is incompre, hensible without a reference to that story. An expert spiritual guide like an expert physician Alms are to be procured properly and with a calm mind One should not seek revenge for the harm done to oneself by others One free of desires versus one full of desires () The worldly pains are due to one's own pagt misdeeds One's five senses are to be kept under control The Great-Science (= the spiritual science) cures spiritual ailments just as medicine cures the bodily ones 10. Tetali putta 11. Mankhaliputta 12. Jannavakka Bhayali Bahuka Madhurayanijja 15. 16. 17. Soriyayana Vidu

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Early Jainism 18. Varisava The 18 vices from pranatipata down to mithyadarsanasalya are to be avoided if moks Is to be attained The aryan (= noble) deeds are to be performed, the opposite ones to be avoided Five anti-spiritualist views (2) Ayariyayana 20: Ukkala (no name but a concept connoting mighty (= utkata)] . Gahavati putta 22. Dagabhala (Gaddabha) 23. Ramaputta 24. Harigiri Ambada Matanga Varattaya Addaya Ignorance the root of all ailment A sense of detachment has to be developed towards things worldly - particularly women Bad death (leading to transmigration) versus good death (leading to moksa) The worldly enjoyments transitory and conducive to a painful futuro Rebirth due to four vices violence, falsehood, misappropriation, incontinence The ideal Brahmin and the comparison of noble life with agriculture The ideal monk detached from all worldly activity The worldly desires conducive to an endless cycle-of-transmigration The five sense-organs to be kept under control The good and bad experiences are a result of the good and bad acts Jiva and pudgala-these two types of entities make up the loka (2 versions) The noble life compared with agriculture The good and bad men are to be known from their good and bad behaviour-the former to be saught after, the latter to be avoided The five increasingly noble cases of forbearance One must be ever wakeful as to one's own spiritual interests Anger is to be suppressed One must properly conduct one's movements Vaddhamana Vayu Pasa Pinga Aruna 33: 34. Isigiri Addalaya 36. 37, Tarayana Sirigiri

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Rsibhasita 38. Sai putta Good behaviour vs. evil behaviour Samjaya Good behaviour vs. evil behaviour Divayana The evil fruits of desiring Imdanaga The alms are to be gathered properly not improperly Soma The sjpless man commits no evil Jama One should not be puffed up with gains, disheartened at losses 44. Varuna One should not succumb to attachment and aversion 45. Vesamana Preaching against evil acts in general, violence, unsteadiness of religious faith [The last four names the names of four dikpalas seem to be fictitious, And here are some cases of a stray employment of certain Jaina technical concepts : (i) 'The 18 vices from pranatipata down to mithyadarsanasalya spoken of in sections 3, 18, 24 (ii) "The four aspects of a phenomenon dravya, ksetra, kala, bhava spoken of in sections 9, 32, 39, 40 (iii) The Dumerically arranged concepts, catuskaya, pancendriya, sadjiva etc. occurring in section 25 (lv) The concept of sad jiva occurring in secton 26 (v) The concept of 5 samitis, 22 parasahas, 4 kasayas occurring in section 35 Besides, there occasionally appear manners of expression well known from other Jaina works -- which might be either a later interpolation or an indication that the author concerned is a Jaina. On the whole, however. even such cases are not very many. ]

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CHAPTER IX A SPECIAL RELEVANCE OF SUTTANIPATA FOR JAINA STUDIES It is generally conceded that Suttanipata contains the largest mass of the oldest pieces of Buddhist speculation. Not all passages collected in this text are equally old but a good many of them are certainly very old. In this connection three rather simple criteria should enable one to demarcate the relatively old passages from the relatively recent ones. (1) The first of these criteria bases itself on the considerations of metre. For tristubh and anustubh are two metres mostly employed in this text but tristubh is an old Vedic metre that soon became obsolete in classical Sanskrit as well as Pali. So the conclusion is legitinate that the passages here composed in tristubh are relatively old. As for anustubh it too is an old vedic metre but far from becoming obsolete in classical Sanskrit and Pali, it here became the standard metre for purposes of theoretical exposition. Hence in the case of a Suttanipata passage composed in anustubh there is almost equal likelihood of its being relatively old and its being relatively recent-So far as the criterion in question is concerned. (2) Our second criterion bases itself on the considerations of social outlook. For the earlier texts emanating from an ascetic sect like Buddh. ism are bound to be exclusively preoccupied with the problems of monastic life. Hence the Suttanipata passages where the problems of tho life of a pious house holder are touched upon are likely to be relatively recent. (3) Our third criterion bases itself on the occurrence or otherwise of the standard technical concepts. For it is only natural to expect that in the course of the growth of an ideological tradition newer and newer technical concepts make their appearance with the passage of time. For example, it is easy to note that so many technical concepts appearing in Abhidhammapitaka are absent in Suttapitaka or are present there in a rather rudimentary form; in a like maoner, so many technical concepts appearing in the other texts of Sutta pitaka are absent in Suttanipata or are present there in a rather rudimentary form. Hence more Suttani pata passages which exhibit a greater acquintance with the relatively more advanced technical concepts of Buddhis: speculation are likely to be relatively recent. Broadly the same position as is occupied by Suttanipata in relation to the Buddhist canon is occupied in relation to the Jaina Canon by Aca. ranga I, Sutrakrlanga I, Uttaradhyayana and Dasavaikalika. This means

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A Special Relevance of Suttanipata for Jaina Studies that the three criteria posed above are applicabie in the case of these four Jaina texts almost as much as they are in the case of Suttanipata; (only we have to remember that the standard metre of classical Prakrit is arya -so that in our Jaina texts a passage composed in anustubh is less likely to be recent). This aspect of the relationship obtaining between Suttanipata on the one hand and the Jaina texts in quastion on the other might profitably be made the subject-matter of a detailed investigation; for the present, however, we are interested in another aspect of their mutual relationship. Thus there are Suttanipata passages which throw interesting light on certain technical concepts of Jainism, concepts which obviously are not current among Buddhists. The supposition ought to be that these passages represent that part of the common ancestral heritage of the Buddhists and Jainas which, for one reason or another, was taken special note of by the latter. Let the concepts in question and the relevant passages be considered in some details. (1) The concepts of asrava, samvara and nirjara as understood in later Jainism are never elucidated in our old Jaina texts. Even in later texts the first tendency was to couple asrava with samvara, nijara with vedana, and it was only in due course that these three concepts asrava, samvara and nirjara were understood in terms of the analogy of a leaking boat stranded in the midst of water. Thus ultimately asrava was likened to the act of water entering such a boat, samvara to the act of closing its leaks, nirjar to the act of emptying it of the water already entered. It is in the same circle of ideas that the following Suttani pata passage moves, 87 savanti savvadhi sota sotanam kim nivaranam [ sotanam samvaram bruhi kena sota pidhiyyare || V. 59. [Here sram na is parallel to asrava, nivarana parallel to nirjara, while samvara effected through pidhana is parallel to samvara. ] The world of transmigration compared to the flooded waters was an extremely favourite theme of our old Jaina texts as well as Suttanipata, and in the background of this comparison it was not difficult for the later Jaina concepts of asrava, samvara and nirjara to make their appearance. Even then, the way these concepts appear in later Jainism has a ring of suddenness about it. The present Suttanipata passage should render understandabie the transition from the old thought-world to the new. (2) The later Jaina concept of 22 partsahas is represented in our old Jaina texts under the general title sparsa. Soon it was also customary to speak of four sparsas-viz. sitas parsa, usnasparsa, damsamasakasparsa,

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88 Early Jainism trnas parsa. In the final list of 22 parisahas all these four appear but the word sparsa is appended to the fourth alone; (people even forgot that sparsa was in olden times what parisaha was now). In Suttanipata parissaya (meaning the same thing as parisaha) is a word of frequent occurrence (e. g. 42, 45, 52; 770, 921, 960, 965, 966 and once (923) we even hear of "sparsena sprstasya". In 52 the following six parissayas are enumerated: sita, usna, ksudha, pipasa, vatatapa, damsasaris;pa; all these except the fifth appear in the final list of 22 parisahas-darsasarisypa under the title dambamajaka. In 960 the question is posed exactly in the manner of the later Jaina texts: "How many parissayas are there ?" The answer is forthcoming in vv. 964-966 and runs roughly as follows: "The monk should not be afraid of the following five things: damsadhi patis, sarisspas, manusyas parsas, catuspadas, param, adharmika. He should also put up with the other parissayas; sprsta by atanka. sprasa and ksudha he should reside in sita and atyusna places, sprsta by all these in various manners he should persevere." This answer introduces two more items of the final list of 22 parisahas, for atamkas parsa is equivalent to roga and manusyasparsa might well be equivalent to vadha, (as for the remaining two items-viz, caluspada and paramadharmika--they are absent in the final list). Even otherwise we here find interesting light thrown on the concepts of parisaha, sparsa and all that. (3) A conspicuous injunction of the Jaina disciplinary texts is to the effect that a monk should not beg for alms in return for religious preaching. On the face of it the injunction is rather intriguing, for it is through religious preaching alone that a monk can possibly 'earn' his livelihoc On further consideration it appears that this injunction was formulated at the time when the monastic institution had just taken its rise and the monk was uncompromising in his criticism of the life of a householder. But since a monk must inevitably receive alms from the householders themselves the fear was that just at the time of begging for alms he might become mild in his criticism of the life of a householder. Hence the injunction that a monk must not undertake religious preaching just at the time of begging for alms. Some confirmation of this surmise comes from Sutta nipata 81 where Buddha refuses to receive the professed alms because the donor had earlier entered into disputation with him and had to be silenced by putting records straight; (the same verse recurs as 480 where too the alms has been refused though the 'exchange of words' preceding this refusal is relatively mild.) (4) A conspicuous feature of the Jaina treatment of ethical problems had been to say about an evil-doer that he either himself commits a particular evil act or gets it committed by someone else or approves of It when committed by someone else. The tradition of saying that one commits ag

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A Special Relevance of Suttani pata for Jaina Studies 89 evil act either through body or through speech or through mind evolved comparatively later. As a matter of fact, this new formulation was meant to replace that original one inasmuch as an evil act com nitted by oneself was equated with such an act committed through body, an evil act got committed by someone else was equated with it committed through speech, while an evil act approved of when committed by someone else was equated with it committed through mind. In course of time this relationship between the two formulations was forgotten and it became customary to speak of a triple evil act committed in a triple manner-i. e. an evil act committeci through body, speech or mind and in each case it either committed by oneself or committed by someone else or approved of when committed by someone else. As for the standard list of evil acts one that gradually crystallized contained five items-viz. violence, falsehood, theft, Incontinence, acquisitiveness; and to it was often added a sixth item in the form of nightly eating. The culmination of this whole development is to be seen in Dasayaikalika Chapter IV where the six evil acts in question are spoken of and in the case of each mention is made of 'a tripl: evil act committed in a triple manner.' Something like the same development Is hinted at in Suttanipata 393-401. For here in vv. 394-399 five evil acts are spoken of and in each cise mention is made of 'an evil act committed by oneself or got com nitted by someone else or approved of when committed by someone else' As for the identity of these five evil acts they are the same as those included in the basic Jaina list but with one exception; for here the item 'drinking' takes the place of the item 'acquisitiveness' of that list. This whole treatment seems to b self-closed but in v. 400 a bare mention is made of six evil acts-viz. the five just described and a sixth in the form of 'nightly eating'. This latter too might be a self-closed treatment but maybe it is not so. For v. 401 mentions two more evil acts, viz. 'employment of garlands-and-perfume' and 'sleeping except on bare ground-or-cot', and it concludes by saying, "This eightfold pious conduct (in the form of desistence from the eight evil acts under consideration) has been made public by Buddha'-so that it might be likely that v. 400 and v. 401 were composed together. Viewing thus one should be in a position to detect in the present section of Sutttanipata certain tendencies characteristic of Jaina speculation. They are : (i) To speak of an evil act as committed by oneself or got committed by someone else or approved of when committed by someone else; (ii) To for nulate a basic list of five evil acts - where four items are violence, falsehood, theft, incontinence; 12

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90 Early Jainism (iii) To add to the basic list of evil acts a supplementary item in the form of 'nightly eating', an item about which it is difficult to be certain why it has been accorded as important a status as the five items of the original list. [Also to be noted are its two tendencies not characteristic of Jaina speculation; (i) To treat 'drinking' rather than 'acquisitiveness' as an item in the basic list of evil acts; (ii) To add to the basic list of evil acts three items in all about which it is difficult to be certain why they have been accorded as important a status as the five items of the original list.] (5) At some stage in the growth of Jaina thought the concepts of gupti and samiti began to be employed and the trend culminated in the final formulation of the technical concepts of 'threefold gupti' and 'fivefold samiti. Some sort of distinction between gupti and samiti is also known to Suttanipata as is evident from its expression kayagutto vacigutto ahare udare yato (78) (That there was a tradition of treating samita and yata as somehow equivalent can be gathered from that old standing of synonyms 'sahie samie saya jae') (6) kevala is a word very frequently employed in the later Jaina texts. When used as an adjective of jnana it means 'all-comprehensive'. So that the word kevalajnanin (or simply kevalin) means 'omniscient'. The word kevalin is also known to Suttanipata but it generally (e. g. in 82) occurs in the midst of commendatory epithet attributed to some personage or other and it is difficult to make out its precise import. But in one case at least this word occurs in a different sort of context and that proves to be of great help in this connection. Thus in v. 595 two Brahmin to introduce themselves Buddha by saying youngmen tevijjanam Kevalino'samase yadakkhatam tatra meaning 'we are thoroughly conversant with what the three Vedas have to say'. So in respect of any field of knowledge whatsoever that person is to be called kevalin who is thoroughly conversant with it. And since in a text like Suttanipata the chief subject-matter is moks the word kevalin, when used here as a commendatory epithet without qualification, should usually mean 'one thoroughly conversant with the problem of moksa'. The same should be the case with the oldest Jaina texts, though the later Jaina authors are unanimous in their understanding that the word simply means 'omniscient'. These later Jaina authors perhaps argued to themselves that one thoroughly conversant with the problem of moksa must be omniscient. Their argument -

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A Special Relevance of Suttani pata for Jaina Studies 91 might or might not be valid but it certainly resulted in their attributing to the word kevalin meaning which it did not possess originally. In any case, the word as thus understood remained confined to the Jaina camp; (the later Buddhist authors simply gave up this word and even when of them would attribute omniscience to Buddha they used in this connection not this word but the simple word sarvajna.) (7) Certain passages of Suttanipata tend to throw light on az aspect of the growth af Jaina epistemological thy'ght. The later Jaina authors divide cognition into two types- viz. darsana and jnana and they divide jnana into an ordinary type and an extraordinary type; the ordinary type of jnana is divided into two sub-types-viz. mati and sruta. Now the origin of the words darsana, multi and sruta is to be traced in that old series of adjectives diftham, suyam, muyam, vinnayam--wbich twice occurs in Acaranga I and the origin of the words mati and sruta is also to be traced in the expression 'atha puna tam janejja sahasammuiyae paravagaranenam annassa va antike socca' which too occurs twice in the same text. The noteworthy thing is that the series of adjectives dittham, sutam, mutam, vinnatam, (wholly or in part) frequently occurs in Suttanipata IV and V (e. g. in vy. 790, 793, 797, 798, 802, 812,839-40, 887,901, 1078, 1086, 1122) and the word sammuti too occurs several times in Suttanipata (e. g. in 897, 904, 911) while the word mutima occurs in Suttanipata 61, 321, 539, 385. Of course, in these Suitanipata passages the cognition characterized as dittham, sutam, mutam, vinnatam has generally come in for condemnation-- the one exce tion occuiring in 1122 where such congnition is attributed to Buddha himself: similarly, the cognition called sammuti has here always come in for condemnatiou, (on the other hand, muttima is apparently a commendatory epithet). What all this signifies can be a matter of dispute. Maybe the authors of these passages wanted to condemn all humanly attained cognition on account of its vacuity, maybe they wanted to condemn it on account of its relativity. But in any case, they must have meant dittha, suta, muta, vinnata possibly qualify humanly attained cognition and that sammuti is a possible case of humanly attained cognition, aud in this they would be one with the authors of Acaranga I who on their part had no intention to condemn all humanly attained cognition either on account of its alleged vacuity or on account of its alleged relativity. It seems that diftha stood for the type of cog attained through vision, muta for the type of cogition attained through one's own cogitation, and suta for the type of cognition attained on the basis of someone else's testimony. As for sammuti it seems to have been but a later synonym for the muta type of cogoition; (its lateness is supported by the consideration that by the time it made its appearance sammuti perhaps became a better comprehensible word than it and so the

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Early Jainism Bnddhist manuscripts begin to have sammati as an alternative reading for it (muttima-meaning sagacious-too seems to be a later derivation because in its case too the Buddist manuscripts begin to have matttima as an alternative reading). Viewed in this light that Acatanga I passage speaking of sahasammuiya etc. turns out to be a considerably precise commentary on the words muya and suya occurring in that old formula dittham, suyam, muyam etc. A still more precise commentary on the same (more precise because from an unnecessary duplication of suya) is to be found in Sutrakrtanga 8.14 (where the employment of the word sammai instead of sammui is also noteworthy); on the other hand, Sutrakplanga I. 13. 19, though otherwise similar, oddly uses the phrase "saym samecca (=svayam sametya') while presumably paraphrasing saha sammuiyze. The word mai itself first occurs in Dasavaikalika 5. 1. 76 where dams:rna too is taken within the puivie w but where suya is described essentially in the old manner of Acaranga I. Be that as it may, the later Jaina concepts of darsana, mati and sruta are ultimately traceable to a formula that was as much familiar to the old Buddhists as it was to the old Jainas - this much can be demonstrated with tolerable certainty on the basis of the Suttanipata passages Under consideration, These are some of the major questions in connection with which a study of the relevant passages of Suttanipata should facilitate the understanding and appreciation of the concerted Jaina position. An average student of Suttanipata is more likely to pass over these passages without paying any special attention to them for such a student would be looking here for things essentially Buddhist while it is the very nature of the passages in question at least of them as viewed from the standpoint of the aspects under consideration-that they bring to light things essentially Jaina rather than m re essentially Buddhist. The real value of a study of these passages as has been made here lies in that it contributes towards the settlement of a historical question of some importance. As contrasted to Brahmanism both Buddhism and Jainism are ascetic traditions and both made their appearance near about the same time. It is therefore very natural to expect that the older texts of the two traditions should share such features as pertain to the essentials of asceticism; however, whon in addition it is discovered that an old text of one tradition contains ideas wbich were later given prominence not by this tradition but by the other the presumption is strengthend that the two traditions were particularly close kins in the beginning. It is this latter point that we have sought to underline by making a study of those rather obscure passages of Suttanlpala where such ideas are expressed as were later developed not by the Buddn sts but by the Jainas,

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INDEX I SANSKRIT AND PRAKRIT TERMS Abhidrta 16 Abhik sna-ava grabayacana 80 Abbinicara 48 Abhinisadya 48 Abhinisithika 48 Abrahma 15, 19 Abhyabrta 30 Acaraya 24 Acchedya 16, 20, 30 Acittavat 14, 19 Adananiksepasamiti 55, 79 Adattadana 15, 19, 28 Adhakarma 30 Adhyatma 37 Adhyatma dosa 19 Adhyavapuraka 30 Abaraisanasamiti 79 Ahrtya 20 Ajatisthana 43 Ajiva 37, 39 Alocana 51, 52 Alokitapanabhojana 79 Ananta 11 Anantadarsana 10 Anantajnana 10 Anaran bha 14, 18 Anavstbapya 49-51 Anekantavada 39 Anga 3 Anisrsta 16, 20, 30 Anivrtti 82 Anudghatima 49, 50 Anudghatima-paribara 49, 50 Anujnatapanabhojana 80 Anumana 10 Anuvici-avagrahayacana 80 Anuvrata 69 Anyonyakriya 55 Aparigraha 14, 18 Appattiya 19 Arambha 3, 5, 6, 7, 14, 15, 18, 19, 28 Arhat 12, 17 Asamadhisthana 42 Asatana 42 Asrama 21 Asrava 39, 76, 87 Astikaya 37 Asura 2 Atankasparsa 88 Auddesika 30 Avagraha 57, 58 Avagrahavadharana 80 Avagrahaisna 54 Baladeva 12, 74, 75, 78 Bandha 20, 39 Bhasa 54 Bhasasamiti 55 Bhava 85 Bbavana 60, 79, 80 Bhayana 19 Bhiksa 20 Bhiksadosa 4, 7 Bhiksu 45 Bhiksupratima 43 Bhogabhumi 78 Bija 20 Brahmacarya 2 Brahmacaryasthana 26 Brahmacaryavasa 2 Brahmavit 2 Cakravartin 12, 74, 75, 78 Caranavidhi 27

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94 Early Jainism Carya 27 Caruskaya 85 Catuspada 88 Cheda 42, 49-51 Cittasamadbistbana 43 Cittavat 14, 19 Damsadhipati 88 Damsam asaka 20, 88 Damamasakasparsa 15, 87 Damsana 92 DamsasarisTpa 88 Dars:na 10, 11, 17, 91, 92 Deva 21 Dbarma 18 Dharmaka ba 64, 65 Dikpala 85 Dittham 91, 92 Dosa 14 Dravya 85 Drsta 17 Duhkba 16 Dvesa 5, 14 Esanasamiti 55 Gaccba 47, 48 Gana 24, 47-49 Gandharva 21 Ganin 43 Gani-sampat 43 Garbha 16 Gshastba 2 Gupti 37, 90 Guruparihara 50 Himsa 15 Hipsaviramana 19 Irya 54 Iryapathiks Krija 37 Iryasamiti 55 Jalana 19 Janejja 10 Janma 16 Jinakalpika 28 Jiva 37, 39, 82, 84 Jivajivavibhakti 27 Jnana 10, 11, 17, 90, 91 Kala 85 Karma 39 Karmanirjara 37 Karmapraksti 27 Kasaya 3, 7, 15, 19, 29, 37, 82, 85 Kevala 90 Kevaladarsana 10 Kevalajnana 10, 90 Kevalin 90, 91 Krita 16, 20, 30 Kriya 35, 37 Krodha 15, 19 Krta 20 Ksetra 85 Ksudba 88 Kula 48 Laghuparibara 50 Lepa 83 Lesya 27 Lobha 14, 15, 19 Loka 82, 84 Maha-ayrata 15, 19 Mahavrata 3, 7, Maithuna 28 Majjhattha 19 Malapabrta 30 Maoa 15, 19 Mandalika 78 Manusyasparsa 88 Mara 16 Marga 18 Marana 16 Mata 17 Mati 10, 11, 17, 91, 92 Mattima 92 Maya 15, 19 Misra jata 30 Mithyadarsanasalya 83-85 Mithyatva 82 Mleccha 77

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Index 1 OS Moha 14 Mobaniyakarma 20, 43 Moksa 9, 16, 20, 22, 23, 39, 44, 62, 66, 70, 73, 84, 90 Moksamargiya 27 Mrsa 28 Mtsavada 15, 19 Mula 50, 51 Mulavrata 76 Mutam 91 Mutima 91 Muttima 92 Muya 92 Muyam 91, 92 Nacca 10 Naraka 16, 17 Nikacita 82 Nirjara 39, 87 Nirgrantha 45 Nisadya 27 Nisithika 54 Nityaka 30 Numa 19 Paliumcana 19 Pancendriya 85 Papa 39 Parakriya 55 Paramadhamin 21 Paramadharmika 88 Parancika 49-51 Parigraha 3, 5-7, 14, 15, 18, 19, 28 Paribara 49-51 Parisaha 4, 7, 15, 19, 26-28, 85, 87, 88 Parissaya 88 Parivartita 30 Purusasparsa 18, 20 Patra isana 54 Pausadha 35 Pidhana 87 Pindalsana 54 Pipasa 88 Praduskarana 30 Pramada 82 Pramitya 16; 20, 30 Pramrtika 30 Pranatipata 15, 18, 19, 83-85 Pratikramana 50, 51 Prativasudeva 12, 74 Pratyaksa 10 Pravacanamatska 26 Pravrajya 83 Prayascitta 49 Preyas 14 Pudgala 82, 84 Punya 39 Putikakarma 30 Putikrta 20 Raga 5, 14 Raksasa 21 Ratribhojana 19 Roga 27 Rupa 55 Sabda 10, 55 Sacitta 20 Sacitta bija 20 Sadbaranapindapatalabba 80 Sadharmika-apuvici-avagrahayacana 80 Sadharmikavipaya 80 Sadjiva 85 Sadosa bhiksa 20 Sahasammuiya 92 Saiya 27 Saka 77 Samacari 26 Samarabhya 16, 20 Sambhoga 47, 48 Simgha 48 Samita 90 Samiti 37, 55, 59, 85, 90 Sammai 42 Sammati 92 Sammui 92

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96 Early Jainism Sammuti 91 Samuddista 16 Samvara 39, 76, 87 Samvasa 47 Samyaktvap trakrama 26 Sanyasa 2 Sarisspa 88 Sarvajna 91 Sasta 8 Savala 42 Savvappaga 19 Sayyaisana 54 Sita 88 Srlasparsa 15, 20, 87 Sparsa 13, 87 Sruta 10, 17, 91, 92 Sthana 54 Sthapana 30 Sthavara 6 Sthavirakalpa 28 Sura 21 Sutam 91 Suya 92 Suyam 91, 92 Tapa 26, 60 Tattva 39 Tejahsparsa 15 Thandila 19 Tirthankara 12, 43, 72, 74, 75 Tiryak 16 Trasa 6 Trividham trividhena 82 Trnasparsa 15, 20, 88 Ubhaya 50 Uccaraprasrava 55 Uccara prassavasamiti 53 Udaka 20 Udbhinna 3. Uddista 20 Udgamadosa 16 Udgbatimi 49 Udghatima-parlbara 49, 50 Ukkasa 19 Umcba 20 Upadhyaya 24 Upasaka pratima 43 Upasarga 15, 19 Upasrayadatr-saiyagrahana 80 Usna 88 Usnasparga 15, 20, 87 Ussaya 19 Utsarpint 12 Vadha 20 Vanaprastha 2 Vastraisana 54 Vasudeva 12, 74, 75, 78 Vatatapa 88 Veda 90 Vedana 20, 39, 87 Vedavit 2 Vijnata 17 Vinnatam 91 Vinnayam 91 Visuddha umcha 20 Viukkassa 19 Viveka 50 Viviktavasa 80 Vyutsarga 50 Yaksa 70 Yamalokin 21 Yanca 20 Yata 90 Yavana 77 Yoga 82

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INDEX II NAMES OF PERSONS WORKS ETC. Abhidhammapitaka 86 Acaradasa 63, 76 Acaranga 1-4, 10, 12, 17, 20, 21, 22, 25-37, 47, 54, 56, 53-61, 66, 79-81, 86, 91, 92 Acaraprakal na 46-48 Addalaya 84 Addaya 84 Ajivaka 69 Akamamarana 26 Alsdorf 33 Ambada 84 Anagaramarga 26 Anga 62, 65, 67, 76 Anga-Magadha 52 Angarisi 83 Antakrddasa 62, 63, 65, 66,70, 73, 75 Antakrt 64 Anustubh 1-3, 26, 32-34, 39, 86 Anuttaraupapatika 63, 64, 73 Anut taraupapatikadasa 62, 65, 66, 70 Aristanemi 74, 75 Arjuna 70 Aruna 84 Arya 1-3, 33, 34, 87 Asamkha ya 26 Atimukta 62 Aupa patika 27, 67, 76 Avadana 65, 67 Avasyaka 81 Avasyakaniryukti 81 Ayariyayana 84 Ayataparvata 21 Bahuka 83 Bahuputrika 63 Bahusruta puja 26 Bambhaceraim 3 Bhagara tisutra 38, 47, 62 Bhayali 83 Bhiksusutra 45, 46 Brahmacaryani 3 Brahmana 21 Buddha 70, 89, 90 Campa 52 Caturangiya 26 Chedasutra 42, 44, 47-53, 59 Cittasambhutiya 25 Daga bhala 84 Dasa 42, 44, 53, 60, 65, 81 Dasavaikalika 22, 28-34, 59, 81 86, 89, 92 Devala 83 Devila 83 Dhanna 64 Dharana 21 Dhatakikhanda 75 Divayana 85 Draupadi 64, 72-75 Druma patraka 26 Drstivada 37 Gaddabha 84 Gahayatiputta 84 Gajasukumara 62, 70 Gathasodasaka 3, 61 Gosala 69 Harigiri 84 Harikesiya 26 Hastinapura 52 Imdadaga 85 Indra 25

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98 Early Jainism Isigiri 84 I sukuriya 25 Jagati l, 32, 60 Jama 85 Jambudvipa 75 Jambudvipu prajnapti 76 Jannavakka 83 Jataka 65, 66, 70 Jinabhadra 50 Jinacarita 67, 76 Jitakal pa 50, 51 Jnata 21, 64 Jnatadharmakatha 62, 64-67, 70, 73, 74, 83 Kalpa 42, 44-47, 49-55, 59, 81 Kal pasutra 51, 60 Kalpavatamsika 62, 63 Kampilya 52 Kandarika 64, 72 Kapiliya 26 Karmavipakadasa 63, 64, 66, 67 Kasyapa 21 Kausambi 52 Kesigotamiya 26 Ketaliputta 83 Khalurkiya 26 Kimkamma 63 Krsna 70, 72, 74, 75 Ksullakanirgranthiya 26 Kummaputra 83 Kunala 52 Lavasaptamadeva 21 Madhurayanijja 83 Mabakasava 83 Mahanir granthiya 25 Mabavira 10-14, 17, 21, 39, 43, 60, 65, 69, 72, 74 Malli 64, 72-74 Manduka 64 Mankhaliputta 83 Matanga 84 Megha 64 Meghakumara 62, 72-75 Meru 11, 21 Mithila 52 Mrga putriya 25 Mudgarapani 62 Nagendra 21 Nagendra Dharana 21 Nami 23, 26 Nami pravrajya 29 Nandana 11 Narada 83 Niraya valika 62, 63 Nirgranthasutra 45, 46 Nisadha 21 Nisitha 42, 44-47, 52-55, 59, 60 Padmavati 62, 75 Pandakavana 21 Pandava 72 Papasramaniya 26 Pasa 84 Pindaniryukti 31 Pinga 84 Prajna pana 38 Pramadasthana 26 Prasnavyakarana 63, 64, 76-78, 80 Prasnavyakaranadasa 63, 64 Pundarika 64, 72, 73 Pupphasala 83 Purana 65, 66 Puspacula 62, 63, 73 Puspika 62, 63 Rahanemi 32 Rajagrha 52 Rajaprasniya 67, 76 Rajimai 32 Ramaputta 84 Rathanemiya 26 Rsibhasita 81, 82 Rucaka 21 Sabhiksu 26 sajlaka 64, 72, 73 Saiputta 85

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Saketa 52 Salmali 11 Samjaya 85 Samudrapaliya 25 Samyatiya 25 Schubring 1, 3, 45 46,51, 60, 61 Sirigiri 84 Skandaka 62 Soma 85 Somila 63 Soriyayana 83 Sramana-nirgranthasutra 45 Sravasti 52 Sthananga 63-65, 75 Sthuna 52 Sudamsana 63 Sudarsanaparvata 21 Sudharma Sabha 21 Sunakkhatta 64 Suryaprajnapti 81 Sutrakrtanga 1-4, 7-12, 17, 20, 22, 23, 25-38, 41, 60, 61, 66, 81 86, 92 Suttanipata 86-92 Suttapitaka 86 Suvrata 75 Svayambhusamudra 21 Tarayana 84 Tattvarthabhasya 79 Tattvarthasutra 51 Index II * Tetaliputra 64, 72, 73, 83 Tristubh 1-3, 33, 34, 39, 86 Ukkala 84 Umasvati 70, 80 Upanga 62, 63, 65, 73, 76 Upasakadasa 62, 63, 66, 69, 70 Urabhriya 26 Utkata 84 Uttaradhyayana 22, 23, 25-28, 32-34, 44, 81, 86 Vaddhamana 84 Vaitaliya 3 Vajjiyaputta 83 Vakkalaciri 83 Varanasi 52 Varattaya 84 Varlsava 84 Vartulaparvata 21 Varuna 85 Vayu 84 Vesamana 85 Vidu 83 Vinaya 26 99 Vipakasruta 62, 63, 64-67, 70, 73 Vrsnidasa 62, 63 Vyakhyaprajnapti 47 Vyavahara 8, 9, 42, 44-52, 54, 55, 59, 65, 81 Yajnavalkya 81 rajniya 26

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