Book Reviews

Author(s): J W De Jong
Publisher: J W De Jong
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/269685/1

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the poetical figures of the second chapter of the Kävyädarśa will also be published in the People's Republic of China. This should allow for a future appreciation of Dpal-khang Lo-tsa-ba as a poet. Finally, the publishers should be congratulated for the outstanding quality of the publication of this lexicon. It is perhaps a matter of slight regret that, in contradistinction to Skyogs-ston's Li-shi'i gur-khang, no index was added to Dpal-khang-pa's work.
Hamburg
LEONARD W. J. VAN DER KUIJP
NOTES
1 For a comprehensive listing of such works, see Dmu-dge bsam-gtan, Brda-sprod blo-gsal dga'ston, Lanzhou: Gansu People's Publishing House, 1981, pp. 213-216, L. Chandra, ed., Materials for a History of Tibetan Literature, Part Three, New Delhi, 1963 (hereafter MHTL), Nos. 13007-13020. To my knowledge the following Tibetan lexicons have been published in the People's Republic of China: Skyogs-ston Rin-chen bkra-shis, Brda gsar-rnying-gi rnam. gzhag li-shi'i gur-khang, ed. Mgon-po rgyal-mtshan, Beijing: People's Publishing House, 1981, 'Jigs-med dam-chos, Dag-yig shes-bya rab-gsal, 2nd ed., Lanzhou: Gansu People's Publishing House, 1981 - 'Jigs-med dam-chos was a student of Dkon-mchog 'jigs-med dbang-po on whom see below note 2 - and Gsung-rab rgya-mtsho, Dag-yig dang 'brel-bar gzhon-nu dag-la nye-bar mkho-ba'i tshig- 'ga'briod-pa, Xining: Qinghai People's Publishing House, 1982. 2 The same volume of his collected works contains on pp. 567-791 his critical bilingual edition of the Amara kośa. According to its colophon (p. 790), it was completed at some time during 1724 to 1725. The colophon, however, is a later addition to this edition for it explicitly states its indebtedness to Ngag-dbang brtson-'grus' biography which was compiled by his successor, the second 'Jam-dbyangs bzhad-pa'i rod-rje, Dkon-mchog 'jigs-med dbang-po (1728-1791), for which see the Mkhas-shing grub-pa'i dbang-phyug kun.mkhyen 'jam-dbyangs bzhad-pa'i rdo-rje'i rnam-par thar-pa ngo-mtshar skal-bzang jug-ngogs in The Collected Works of Dkon-mchog 'jigs-med dbang-po, Vol. 2, New Delhi, 1971, pp. 270-271. At around this time Ngag-dbang brtson-'grus also wrote his commentaries to the Kätantra and the Candravyákarana. However, Dkon-mchog 'jigs-med dbang-po's listing of his writings found on p. 300 of this biography mentions neither his edition of the Amarakośa, nor his work on the MNSM. 3 See the MHTL No. 16313: dag-yig thams-cad-las khyad-par-du 'phags-pa ni dpal-khang lo-tsa-bas mdzad-pa'i mkhas-pa'i ngag-sgron po-ta-la zhol-gyi par-ma de-yin /. 4 These are taken from Si-tu Pan-chen Chos-kyi 'byung-gnas / 'Be-lo Tshe-dbang kun-khyab, History of the Karma Bka brgyud-pa Sect - Sgrub-brgyud karma kam-tshang brgyud-pa rin-po-che' rnam-par thar-pa rab-'byams nor-bu zla-ba chu-sel-gyi phreng-ba, Vol. 2, New Delhi, 1972 (hereafter History), and Dpa'-bo gtsug-lag phreng-ba, Mkhas-pa'i dga'-ston, Part 3, New Delhi, 1961. 5 The first two are listed in the bibliography to Dung-dkar Blo-bzang 'phrin-las' Snyan-ngag-la jug-tshul tshig-rgyan rig-pa'i sgo-'byed, Xining: Qinghai People's Publishing House, 1982, p. 621 and were at least available to the author when this work was completed in 1962. There Dpal-khang Lo-tsa-ba is styled Dpal-sgang Lo-tsa-ba Chos-dpal rgya-mtsho. The orthographic variant of "Dpal-sgang" is also met with in 'Jigs-med nam-mkha'i rdo-rje's Gangs-can bod-kyi brda-skad ming-gzhi gsal-bar ston-pa'i bstan-bcos dgos-'byung nor-bu'i gter-chen (completed in 1954), in Bonpo Lexicographical Works, Dolanji, 1976, p. 293. 6 The first Karma-'phrin-las-pa (1456-1539) was recognized and so designated by the seventh Rgyal-dbang Karma-pa Chos-grags rgya-mtsho (1454-1506), and subsequently installed at the monastery of Chos-'khor lhun-po. He later founded the famous college of Legs-bshad-gling. The third Karma-'phrin-las-pa (1631-1700?) was the nineteenth abbot of Yangs-pa-can monastery, and the fourth is presently residing in Toronto, Canada.

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7 This work is embedded in its refutation by Mang-thos Bsod-nams rnam-rgyal, alias Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal, alias the third Klong-chen-pa, the Gsang-sngags rnying-ma-pa'i ring-lugs-pa rnams-la rtsod-pa 'i-lan legs-par bshad-pa dri-med gangga'i chu-rgyun, contained in Two Refutations of Attacks on the Nying-ma-pa School, Ngagyur Nyingmay Sungrab, Vol. 2, Gangtok, 1971, pp. 1-95. The work is not dated, but Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal started it in Gnyal Yangs-pa-can and completed it in Rtses-thang monastery. 8 The text reads: mkhas-pa du-mas mdzad-pa-yi // brda-yi bstan-bcos grangs-mang yang // 'ga'-zhig eshig-rgyas dgos-don nyung // 'ga'-zhig gnyis ka ha cang bsdus // 'ga'-zhig yig-rnying dang mi-mthun // 'ga'-zhig sum-rtags sogs dang 'gal // de-phyir tshig-nyung don rgyas-pa'i // legs-bshad 'di ni bdag-gis byas // 9 'Jam-dbyangs bzhad-pa'i rdo-rje identified these also in his annotations on p. 565 of his edition of the MNMS. 10 Zhwa-lu Lo-tsā-ba was of course the teacher of Skyogs-ston Lo-tsa-ba, alias Smin-grub Lo-tsa-ba, Mi-bskyod rdo-rje's teacher of linguistics. The Za-ma-tog bkod-pa has been published in Tibeto-Sanskrit Lexicographical Materials, ed. Sonam Angdu, Vol. I, Leh, 1973, pp. 1-65. It was written in the year dngos-po (= the wood-dog year), that is, in 1514; Sonam Angdu's text is the Dga'-ldan phun-tshogs-gling print. The first blocks for this work seem to have been prepared by Rab-brtan lhun-po of Yar-stod who, in 1526, requested the aged Zhwa-lu Lo-tsa-ba to add notes to this work as well as to provide Sanskrit synonyms. The Za-ma-tog bkod-pa also served as a major source for Legs' Bod-kyi brda'i rnam-bshad smra-bali nyi-ma-las dper-briod me-tog-gi chun-po in The Literary Arts in Ladakh, Vol. V, Darjeeling, 1982, pp. 363-502. 11 For some preliminary remarks on this man and his oeuvre see my "Sa-skya Pandita.Kun-dga' rgyal-mtshan on the Typology of Literary Genres", forthcoming in Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik. His work on lexicography is briefly referred to by Dkon-mchog 'jigs-med dbang-po (Coll. Works, Vol. 7, New Delhi, 1971, p. 539). 12 Dung-dkar Blo-bzang 'phrin-las, op. cit., p. 62 may have had such a diffuseness in mind when he characterizes such writers as Mkhas-grub Dge-legs dpal-bzang po, Rin-spungs-pa Ngag-dbang 'jig-rten grags-pa, Bod-mkhas-pa Mi-pham dge-legs rnam-rgyal, and the fifth Dalai Lama as "delighting in not being quite easily understood and in somewhat elusive phrasing". In his view, these Tibetan authors on the whole emulated the Gauda school of Indian poetry and poetics. 13 See his Rgyan-gyi bstan-bcos me-long pan-chen bla-ma'i gsung-bzhin bkral-ba dbyangs-can ngag-gi rol-misho legs-bshad nor-bu'i 'byung-khung, Thimphu, 1976, p. 414 in his discussion of the illustrations to the leśalamkāra (Kavyädarsa II: 268-69).
Karl H. Potter (ed.), Indian Metaphysics and Epistemology. The Tradition of Nyaya-Vaisesika up to Gangesa. Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1977. XIII, 744 pp. $55.50 Karl H. Potter (ed.), Advaita Vedānta up to Samkara and His Pupils. Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1981. X, 636 pp. $36.00
The inaugural volume of The Encyclopedia of Indian Philosophies, the Bibliography of Indian Philosophies, was published in 1970 (cf. IIJ 16, pp. 145-147). The second volume, published in 1977, comprises the philosophers of the Nyāya-Vaiseșika school up to Gangesa, the founder of the Navyanyāya school, who flourished around A.D. 1350. The third volume, published in 1981, analyses the Advaita Vedānta philosophers Gaudapäda, Samkara, Mandana Misra and
Indo-Iranian Journal 28 (1985).

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Samkara's pupils: Suresvara, Padmapada, Totaka, and Hastāmalaka. The use of the expression *up to' in the titles of these two works is rather ambiguous. In volume two Gangesa is excluded whereas in volume three Samkara and his pupils are included.
Both volumes contain a long introduction by Karl Potter followed by summaries of works. Many of the summaries in both volumes are also written by Potter himself. Ten other scholars have contributed to the second volume, three to the third volume. In the preface to the second volume Potter explains that the work is addressed to philosophers primarily, and Indologists secondarily. According to Potter philosophers without extended training in Sanskrit and Indian studies are not in a very good position to appreciate the contributions made by classical Indian philosophy towards the solution of perennial philosophical problems. He believes that this is partly due to the fact that the Indian tradition is foreign to Western philosophers and also partly to the type of translations that have been produced by Indian and Western Sanskrit scholars. Potter remarks that these translations do not always bring out what a professional philosopher will find most interesting and identifiable in the material. It is, of course, not reasonable to expect a detailed justification of these statements in a preface, but it is necessary to point out that they imply a number of presuppositions. In the first place, the existence of perennial philosophical problems which are being studied by both Western and Indian thinkers. Secondly, the possibility of extricating the treatment of these problems by Indian thinkers from the tradition to which they belong. If one accepts these presuppositions, there is a danger that more attention will be paid to those aspects of Indian thought which can be compared more easily to Western philosophical doctrines and that less attention will be paid to other aspects which may be of much more fundamental importance for the Indian tradition. It is perhaps not surprising that Potter seems to feel more at ease in his treatment of the NyāyaVarseșika than in his study of the Advaita Vedānta.
The volume on Nyāya-Vaiseșika contains summaries of the works of some 50 authors, of which many are known only to specialists. As is to be expected they vary greatly in length. Detailed summaries are given of the following texts: Nyāyavärttika, Nyāyamañjari, Vyomavati, Nyāyavärttikatātparyaţikā, Atmatattvaviveka and Nyāyakusumāñjali. The so-called footnotes are to be found at the end of the volume (pp. 687-715), followed by a detailed index (pp. 717-744). The index contains a great number of technical terms both in Sanskrit and in English. In most cases Sanskrit technical terms are translated. Some Sanskrit terms are found only under their English equivalents. For instance, the index has: "injunction (vidhi, codana), negative (nisedha). Under vidhi the index refers to injunction but both codanā and nisedha are not found in it. It would perhaps be useful to publish in future volumes a separate Sanskrit index comprising Sanskrit technical terms and their English equivalents.
The volume on Advaita Vedanta is almost entirely written by Potter alone. Allen W. Thrasher contributed an excellent and detailed summary of the Brahmasiddhi (pp. 347-419) and S. Subrahmanya Sastri summarised Sureśvara's voluminous Bịhadaranyakopanişadbhäşyavārttika (pp. 420-520). Edeltraud Harzer translated Hacker's German version of the Hastāmalakaslokah (pp. 601-602). Potter refers to the studies by Hacker and Mayeda on the authenticity of works attributed to Samkara. However, he rightly includes summaries of works which are of doubtful authenticity. In his introduction on Gaudapāda Potter writes that “Bhāvaviveka. . . offers one stanza that is identical with the fifth stanza of Book Three of the Karikās" (p. 103). The same statement can be found in Max Walleser Der ältere Vedānta (Heidelberg, 1910, pp. 7 and 18) and in the introduction to Vidhushekhara Bhattacharya's The Agamasastra of Gaudapada (Calcutta, 1943, pp. Ixxv-lxxvi). However, only the first half of the stanza is the same although the word order is different, Agamaśāstra III. 5: yathaikasmin ghatākāse rajodhümădibhir yute/na sarve samprayujyante tadvaj jivāḥ sukhadibhiḥ; Bhāvaviveka's Madhyamakahțdaya VIII. 12: ghatākase yathaikasmin rajodhūmadibhir vrte/tadvatta na hi sarvesam sukhāder na tathā'tmanah (cf. V. V. Gokhale, 'The Vedānta-philosophy described by Bhavya in his Madhyamakahrdaya', IIJ 2, 1958, p. 175).
In both volumes one can find numerous references to Potter's Bibliography of Indian

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Philosophies. However, one would have welcomed a brief critical review of existing translations and studies. Such a bibliographical supplement would also have enabled the editor to draw attention to recent studies which, due to the length of time needed for the compilation of the work, could not be consulted by the contributors. For instance, in the notes of his rather brief summary of the Nyayabhuṣaṇa, Matilal refers to a few older publications. No mention is made of two important studies by Oberhammer in 1974 which probably appeared too late to be mentioned: 'Bhasarvajñas Lehre von der Offenbarung', WZKS 18 (1974), pp. 131-182; 'Die Worterkenntnis bei Bhāsarvajña', Offenbarung, geistige Realität des Menschen (Wien, 1974), pp. 107-120.
All those interested in Indian philosophy will often consult these two volumes with a great feeling of gratitude to the editor, Karl H. Potter who has devoted many years to their preparation. It is to be hoped that he will be able to carry on with this project which aims at giving a survey of Indian philosophy on a scale which is without precedent in the history of Indian studies.
Francis Zimmermann, La jungle et le fumet des viandes. Un thème écologique dans la médecine hindoue. Hautes Études. Paris, Gallimard - Le Seuil, 1982. 256 pp. 125 F
Dans l'avant-propos l'auteur écrit que ce livre, consacré au thème de la Jungle dans l'Inde ancienne, a son point de départ dans quelques pages d'un traité sanskrit de médecine - un catalogue des viandes, où les animaux sont classés en deux groupes: jangala, "ceux des terres sèches", et anupa, "ceux des terres paludéennes". On trouvera une traduction de ce catalogue (Suśruta, sutra XLVI, 53-138) aux pages 120-127 de ce livre. Dans l'Inde ancienne le mot sanskrit jangala désignait les 'terres sèches', cf. PW "jangala (von jangala) 1) adj. trocken, eben, sparlich bewachsen, aber dabei fruchtbar (von Gegenden: Gegens. anupa und maru)". De nos jours le mot jungle désigne une forêt inextricable. L'auteur essaie d'expliquer ce retournement de sens, mais il s'efforce surtout à retrouver la valeur originelle de la Jungle telle qu'elle se manifeste dans la doctrine écologique exposée par les textes sanskrits. Dans ce livre l'auteur s'occupe de ce qu'il appelle "l'archéologie des représentations collectives." Pour retrouver ces représentations l'auteur fait appel à beaucoup de disciplines différentes telles que la biogéographie, la zoologie, la linguistique, la pharmacie et la physiologie. Dans les trois premiers chapitres il examine la tradition dans ses relations avec les réalités géographiques. L'auteur montre que la Jungle est une catégorie de la pensée collective, parce qu'elle résume ou subsume tout un ensemble d'idées traditionnelles, à la fois juridiques et médicales, géographiques et politiques, biologiques et religieuses (cf. p. 77). En tant que fait géographique la Jungle désigne des terres sèches, mais en tant que catégorie mentale une terre inhabitée, inculte. Selon l'auteur, l'idée d'une terre "déserte, inhabitée, inculte" a entraîné l'idée de sauvagerie, de non-civilisation. Dans des textes des XIVe et XVe siècles que cite le Hobson-Jobson le mot jungle désigne la jungle à éléphants. L'auteur fait mention d'une véritable mutation dans la mentalité collective qui intervint dès le Moyen Age, mais il n'arrive pas à l'expliquer de manière satisfaisante (p. 30). Le retournement de sens du mot jungle est un procès historique dont les citations que l'on trouve dans le Hobson-Jobson suggèrent la direction générale. Pour arriver à une compréhension plus précise de ce procès il faudrait procéder à une enquête sur le développement du sens du mot jungle dans les textes indiens non-sanskrits et dans les relations des voyageurs. Une telle enquête est loin d'être facile et l'on ne pourrait guère reprocher à l'auteur de ne pas l'avoir entreprise s'il n'avait pas annoncé dans son avant-propos son intention d'expliquer "ce fait d'histoire de la sensibilité collective que constitue le retournement de notre opinion - l'opinion de l'homme moderne sur la Jungle, passant de l'aridité à la luxuriance et de la terre en friche à la forêt inextricable." Avant d'arriver à l'opinion de l'homme moderne il faut s'occuper de celle de l'homme médiéval qui, comme nous avons vu tout à l'heure, parle de la jungle à éléphants alors
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que pour l'homme antique la jungle est par excellence le territoire de l'antilope comme l'explique l'auteur (pp. 69-77).
L'intérêt principal de ce livre réside dans l'étude des représentations collectives qui expliquent tout un ensemble de notions sous-entendues dans les grands traités de médecine. L'auteur approche ce thème principal de son livre en se servant de toute une série de disciplines. Dans le premier chapitre "La Jungle et les bords de l'eau" l'auteur recherche les réalités concrètes qui sous-tendent la doctrine des trois terroirs, les "terres sèches" (jangala), les "terres paludéennes" (anupa) et la "région moyenne" (sadhārana), et il montre l'importance de la polarité des terres sèches et terres paludéennes pour la prognose médicale et pour la taxinomie des animaux et des plantes médicinales. La thérapeutique consiste à prescrire un régime approprié (satmya) qui tient compte des qualités propres au "milieu de vie" (cara). L'auteur signale le caractère scolastique des oppositions que l'on trouve dans les traités de médecine: "La polarité des terres sèches et paludéennes n'est pas descriptive mais prescriptive. Il n'est pas question des faits physiques mais de normes brahmaniques" (p. 43).
Dans le deuxième chapitre l'auteur écrit que partout la Jungle est le produit d'un combat entre la forêt et la plaine cultivée. On peut retrouver dans les textes les traces de l'expansion de la culture paysanne qui progressait sur les plaines des grandes fleuves, un processus millénaire qui ne s'interrompt qu'aux temps de détresse (apad): "Famines, guerres, épidémies sont autant de crises, échecs, reculs momentanés qui scandent l'immense processus historique de colonisation des terres sèches. Ce qui reprend alors possession des terres abandonnées par les paysans, ce ` n'est pas la forêt, mais la savane, le dynamisme envahissant des graminées" (p. 55).
La polarité de l'Indus et du Gange est le sujet du troisième chapitre "L'Indus et le Gange". Cette polarité se manifeste dans le climat, la végétation, la faune et la géographie médicale (zones d'épidémie et zones d'endémie malarienne). L'auteur essaie de montrer comment les données empiriques se subordonnent aux schèmes de la pensée classique, en étudiant ce que les traités enseignent sur les rivières, la végétation, les quadrupèdes et la nourriture.
Dans le quatrième chapitre "La Zoologie dans la Pharmacie" l'auteur traite du catalogue des viandes de la Suśrutasamhita, et en analyse surtout l'aspect linguistique. Il relève que les traités indiens sont remplis de séries de mots plus ou moins stéréotypées et que décrire une plante ou un animal consiste à nommer, en énumérant des synonymes: "connaître, c'est collectionner les noms et les formules". Dans le catalogue des viandes on voit les résultats d'un système combinatoire dont les facettes sont les trois humeurs (dosa), les six saveurs (rasa) et les vingt qualités (guna). L'auteur emprunte la notion de "modèle à facettes" (facet design) au sociologue américain Paul Lazersfield pour caractériser le système de pensée de l'Ayurveda. C'est l'étude de ce système de pensée que l'auteur poursuit dans le cinquième chapitre "la Logique et la Cuisine" où il montre que la cuisine procède comme la logique par combinaison (les mélanges, les sauces) et transformation (les modes de cuisson): le catalogue des plats cuisinés indique d'après Dalhana "les qualités et les actions thérapeutiques qui naissent de l'art de mélanger (samyoga) et de l'art de cuisiner (samskāra) la viande, le plus important des assaisonnements" (p. 144). Dans l'Inde comme dans le monde grec et latin les connaissances sur la nature ont un caractère anthropocentrique mais ce n'est que dans l'Inde que l'on trouve des trésors de noms et l'existence d'un art combinatoire: "Sur l'inventaire des vivants, qui en lui-même occupe une place minime, s'est greffée une métalangue qui permet de formuler des jugements de valeur" (p. 146). L'auteur examine la structure des formes littéraires des taxinomies traditionnelles et signale les séries de mots et les répétitions des mêmes hémistiches dans des séquences différentes. Il remarque que le modèle d'une histoire naturelle est étranger à l'Inde: "Ce qui en tient lieu, c'est la collection, la récitation, la combinaison des formules consacrées par la Tradition" (p. 175). Le sixième chapitre "La chair des mangeurs de chair" est consacré à la physiologie indienne. La physiologie de l'Ayurveda n'est pas une science des functions organiques mais c'est la doctrine de l'évolution des sept dhātu ou "éléments" constitutifs du corps: chyle, sang, chair, graisse, os, moelle et sperme. C'est plus spécialement de deux de ces dhātu, le sang et la viande que l'auteur s'occupe. Il mentionne que, dans des cas spécifiques, les traités prescrivent de boire du sang cru

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et de se nourrir de la viande bien que les textes enseignent aussi la non-violence, l'abstinence et le végétarisme: "Une thérapeutique de la force et de la virilité est insérée dans une tradition médicale et religieuse qui la dépasse et lui superpose une thérapeutique de la pureté et de la nonviolence" (p. 198). Ce même thème est poursuivi dans le chapitre suivant "Note sur le végétarisme et la non-violence". L'auteur remarque que "les raisons qui autorisent le régime carné sont de trois ordres: (1) l'activité sacrificielle; (2) les cas d'urgence vitale, famine ou maladie; et (3) le modèle de vie royal" (p. 202). L'abstinence" (nivrtti) ne devient possible que par le renoncement à la vie dans le monde, l' "activité" (pravrtti) naturelle aux créatures qui les conduit à se manger les unes les autres.
Le dernier chapitre "Les animaux dans la filière des nourritures" se pose comme objet de déterminer les positions de l'animal et de l'homme dans l'échelle des créatures. L'auteur montre qu'en combinant les idées de hiérarchie et continuité Aristote ou ses successeurs ont rendu possible le développement des sciences naturelles alors que, dans l'Inde, l'échelle des êtres ne fut jamais rien de plus qu'un principe juridique qui classe les êtres selon leurs mérites et selon leur aptitude ou leur inaptitude à pratiquer les rites. Ce que l'on trouve dans l'Inde c'est une filière des nourritures. La classification des êtres vivants se réduit à une classification des aliments et remèdes Le médecin s'occupe avant tout de l'artha, de la santé. C'est dans ce sens que le médecin échappe à ce scheme de classification strictement juridique et ritualiste qui sert à hiérarchiser les êtres selon leurs mérites. L'auteur remarque que l'on trouve dans l'Ayurveda les ébauches d'une pensée la’ique et que les nomenclatures ayurvédiques participent d'un mouvement de la pensée vers le concret et les réalités biogéographiques. Mais ce mouvement est immédiatement arrêté et normalisé par la tradition englobante et les données réelles sont submergées dans des catalogues, produits d'un système de pensée combinatoire.
Dans ce livre l'auteur prend comme point de départ l'opposition entre les terres sèches et les terres paludéennes et montre comment, d'un côté, cette opposition se retrouve dans la réalité biogéographique, et, de l'autre, est formulée dans des taxinomies traditionnelles dont la structure est le produit d'une combinatoire logico-poétique. Pour mettre en lumière le caractère propre des doctrines médicinales indiennes l'auteur attire souvent l'attention sur des points de correspondance et de divergence avec la médecine grecque. On regrette un peu que ces aperçus comparatifs soient éparpillés ici et là et que l'auteur n'en ait pas fait le bilan dans un chapitre spécial. L'intérêt de ce travail déborde largement le domaine de la médecine indienne puisque l'auteur s'intéresse surtout à l'étude des catégories de la pensée collective et . à leur formulation. En étudiant soigneusement ce livre qui n'est pas toujours facile à lire le lecteur obtiendra une meilleure compréhension de la mentalité collective indienne. C'est le grand mérite de l'auteur d'avoir mis en lumière les modes de pensée et de parole qui sont à l'origine des doctrines ayurvédiques dans les traités de médecine indienne.
sur
Jacques Scheuer, Śiva dans le Mahābhārata (Bibliothèque de l'École des Hautes Études, Sciences religieuses, Volume LXXXIV). Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1982. 376 pp. 180 FF.
Dans son introduction Jacques Scheuer explique la perspective qui l'a guidé dans son étude sur Siva dans le Mahābhārata (Mbh). Le Mbh est un ensemble unifié et cohérent et le mythe central exprime une vision du monde dans laquelle Vişnu et Siva - ou Krsna et Rudra - occupent des positions plutôt complémentaires qu'exclusives. Les antagonismes éventuels sont commandés par les positions que ces divinités occupent dans la structure commune et les fonctions qu'on leur y fait jouer, les valeurs qu'elles représentent.
La position prise par l'auteur montre bien ce qui le sépare des interprétations proposées par de nombreux savants dans le passé. Jacques Scheuer passe rapidement en revue les tentatives de plusieurs savants de reconstruire un poème héroïque, fruit d'un âge héroïque (N. K. Sidhanta,
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Iravati Karve, M. Winternitz), les interprétations naturalistes de V. Fausböll et d'A. Ludwig et la théorie de l'inversion des deux Holtzmann. Il reproche à la méthode synthétique de Josef Dahlmann de réduire l'unité du Mbh à l'uniformité et de ne pas avoir distingué les rôles distincts que Vişnu-Krsna et Rudra-Siva jouent dans le Mbh. En ce qui concerne le travail de G. J. Held J. Scheuer remarque qu'il a eu le mérite de considérer le Mbh comme un ensemble et d'y jeter un regard neuf, mais il formule des réserves justifiées sur la reconstruction de la société qui aurait formé l'arrière-plan du Mbh. Il consacre plusieurs pages aux travaux de G. Dumézil qui, selon lui, dans son interprétation de Siva tend (a) à réduire Siva à Asvatthāman; (b) à considérer les interventions de Siva comme des développements plus récents, des ajouts ou des retouches śivastes; (c) à concevoir les relations de Vişnu et de Siva en termes d'hostilité. Dans le tout dernier alinéa de l'introduction l'auteur écrit que la perspective et la méthode de son travail s'apparentent davantage à celles employées par M. Biardeau dans sa lecture du Mbh. Il termine en disant: "Ceux qui sont familiers de son enseignement reconnaîtront, sans peine, tout ce que je lui dois." Peut-être J. Scheuer aurait-il pu préciser cette dette brièvement dans l'intérêt de tous ceux qui n'ont pas pu profiter de l'enseignement de M. Biardeau surtout parce que - comme le relève l'auteur lui-même - elle n'a pas publié d'exposé d'ensemble de sa méthode et de ses résultats. Le lecteur qui est au courant de ses publications se rendra sans doute vite compte du fait que la méthode de l'auteur est identique à celle de M. Biardeau. Tout comme elle, J. Scheuer essaie de comprendre le Mbh à partir de lui-même et du monde hindou. La perspective sous laquelle il analyse les relations et les fonctions des protagonistes est celle du structuralisme, inspiré des travaux de C. Lévi-Strauss, et qui a été adoptée aussi par M. Biardeau dans ses recherches.
L'introduction de ce livre porte les dates novembre 1972 - octobre 1975 et dans une note l'auteur écrit qu'il n'a pas tenu compte des travaux publiés depuis 1975. On trouvera dans ce livre à plusieurs reprises des interprétations que M. Biardeau a proposées dans des travaux publiés depuis 1975, et on peut se demander si J. Scheuer est arrivé indépendamment ou non aux mêmes conclusions. Ce n'est pas tellement la question de priorité qui entre ici en jeu, mais ce qui importe, c'est de savoir si c'est la même méthode qui a conduit aux mêmes résultats. Par exemple, ce n'est qu'en passant que J. Scheuer caractérise Arjuna comme le véritable personnage royal, tout à la fois guerrier et roi (cf. pp. 76 et 241). C'est un thème que M. Biardeau a longuement developpé dans ses Etudes de mythologie hindoue (BEFEO LXV, 1978, pp. 111 sq.). Tout comme M. Biardeau, J. Scheuer retrouve dans le Mbh les grands traits du mythe de destruction et de recréation du cosmos propre aux Purāņa (cf. p. 18). Sur ce point il suit indubitablement les traces de M. Biardeau et il se heurte aux mêmes difficultés en ce qui concerne les distinctions entre yuga et kalpa (cf. pp. 328-329). Ne serait-il pas plus simple de supposer que le même thème de destruction et de recréation se trouve aussi bien dans l'épopée que dans les Purana, mais dans un cadre différent? Que, de part et d'autre, on retrouve les mêmes images n'a rien d'étonnant car ces images s'imposent naturellement. Une telle hypothèse dispenserait de la nécessité de devoir rendre compte des anomalies que l'on rencontre en voulant appliquer le schéme purānique au Mbh.
Les remarques précédentes suffiront, espérons-le, pour indiquer la méthode suivie par J. Scheuer. Pour pouvoir estimer à sa juste valeur l'importance de cet ouvrage non seulement pour l'interprétation du rôle de Siva dans le Mbh mais aussi pour l'exégèse de ce que l'auteur appelle le mythe central du Mbh il faudra suivre pas à pas ses analyses pénétrantes des principaux épisodes dans lesquels Siva agit. Le premier chapitre étudie la naissance des héros, le deuxième la naissance et le mariage de Draupadi. Le troisième chapitre analyse les deux versions de l'histoire d'Ambā et de Sikhandin. Le quatrième chapitre est consacré à l'étude de l'incendie de la forêt Khandava. Jarasamdha est le sujet du cinquième chapitre qui conclut par le songe de Yudhisthira dans lequel il voit Rudra-Siva regardant fixement vers le Sud. Selon J. Scheuer cela signifie que nous entrons dans une période de crise et de destruction. Les chapitres VI et VII qui étudient la quête des armes par Arjuna éclaircissent ses relations avec Siva. Le huitième chapitre s'intitule 'Siva sur le champ de bataille et analyse le Nārāyaṇāstramokşaparvan (7.165

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173). Le chapitre LX traite du massacre nocturne. La conclusion fait le bilan des chapitres précédents. J. Scheuer y souligne que Siva est présent dans tout ce qui est violent, cruel, dangereux. Il prend sur lui la violence inhérente au sacrifice, à l'exercise de la justice, et à la guerre qui, tous les trois, sont nécessaires pour le maintien du dharma. Siva intervient dans les périodes de crise et surtout à la fin d'un yuga. Il préside à un sacrifice démesuré qui met fin au monde sacrificiel normal, et devient le feu du Temps, le feu de la Mort (Kālāgnirudra) qui détruit le triple monde.
Il faut savoir gré à J. Scheuer d'avoir cité partout le texte du Mbh, en se servant de l'édition critique et de la "Vulgate", et d'avoir traduit les citations. Dans tous les détails de ce livre se manifeste le même soin: une bibliographie détaillée et précise (indiquant même le numéro des pages de chaque publication), trois index: index des personnages du Mbh, index thématique et index des auteurs et textes cités. Il faut attirer l'attention du lecteur sur les notes qui contiennent des remarques relatives à des problèmes qui méritent d'être examinés, ou à d'autres interprétations possibles.
Dans sa préface Madeleine Biardeau n'hésite pas à recommander le livre de Jacques Scheuer comme une synthèse magistrale. C'est une opinion à laquelle on peut souscrire complètement.
Wilhelm Rau, Bilder 135 deutscher Indologen. 2., erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage von "Bilder hundert deutscher Indologen" (Glasenapp-Stiftung, Band 23). Wiesbaden, Franz Steiner Verlag GmbH, 1982. IX, 145 pp. DM 48,
In the preface to the Bilder hundert deutscher Indologen (Wiesbaden, 1965) Wilhelm Rau expressed the wish that a new revised and more complete edition of his book might be published in the future. This new edition contains 136 photographs. Some photographs have been replaced by new ones (those of Ziegen balg, A. W. von Schlegel, Rosen, Benfey, Kellner, Hultzsch. Ernst Leumann, von Le Coq, Liebich and von Negelein). Photographs of scholars who were absent in the first edition are published for the first time. Among them are Adalbert Kuhn, Thibaut, Hardy, Neisser and Otto. However, most of the newly-published photographs portray scholars who have died since the publication of the first edition. This second edition. has been edited with much care by Wilhelm Rau, who has not only carefully selected the new photographs but also corrected dates and names. For instance, in this new edition Winternitz's Christian name is correctly spelled Moriz and not Moritz as found in the first edition and many other publications. The only regrettable thing is that the photographs are not only reduced in size (from 10-14 to 8-11.5 cm) but also poorer in quality.
Rau's book contains photographs of German-speaking Indologists and specialists in Old Irainian. It is to be hoped that an enterprising publisher may take the initiative in publishing a collection of portraits of non-German Indologists because there are but very few publications containing photographs of Indologists. To the ones mentioned by Wilhelm Rau (pp. V-VI) one must add J. Gonda's Indology in the Netherlands (Leiden, 1964) which contains portraits of nineteen Dutch-speaking Indologists.
Friedrich Otto Schrader, Kleine Schriften. Mit Ergänzungen aus seinem Nachlass herausgegeben von Joachim Friedrich Sprockhoff (Glasenapp-Stiftung, Band 19). Wiesbaden, Franz Steiner Verlag GmbH, 1983. XXII, 522 pp. DM 88,-.
Friedrich Otto Schrader (19.3.1876 - 3.11.1961) was active in many different fields and his Kleine Schriften testify to the variety of his interests. His doctoral thesis Über den Stand der
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indischen Philosophie zur Zeit Mahāvīras und Buddhas (Leipzig, 1902) examines the different philosophical systems which existed at the time of the Buddha and the Mahāvīra. Of particular importance is Schrader's exploration of the Jain sources which he had studied under the guidance of Ernst Leumann in Strassburg. Schrader's thesis is often quoted and its reprint in the Kleine Schriften is extremely welcome (pp. V-X, 1-78). Also reprinted in this volume are almost all his articles on the Bhagavadgitā (pp. 227-294) and his book on The Kashmir Recension of the Bhagavadgită, Stuttgart, 1930 (pp. 173-226). Not included is Schrader's reply (JRAS, 1935, pp. 146-149) to Edgerton's detailed review of Schrader's book (JAOS, 52, 1932, pp. 68-75). Schrader's theories were subjected to a detailed examination by S. K. Belvalkar ("The So-called Kashmir Recension of the Bhagavadgita', New Indian Antiquary, Vol. II, No. 4, pp. 211-251) but Schrader does not seem to have tried to refute his criticisms, which Belvalkar later summarised in the introduction to his edition of the Bhişmaparvan (Poona, 1945-1947, pp. LXXVIII-LXXXIII). 1
The section entitled 'Sprachwissenschaft' contains articles on the Siamese Alphabet (pp. 343-388) and on the relations between Dravidian and Uralian (pp. 389-432). Schrader advanced the hypothesis that primitive Dravidians entered India from the north-west with Uralian elements already assimilated (cf. p. 432). Other articles deal with the postposition of the partitive genitive in the three Indian language families: Aryan, Dravidian and Munda ('Ein syntaktisches Problem der indischen Sprachfamilien', pp. 433-442), the etymology of anala (pp. 443-445), the influence of Dravidian in Sankarānanda's Bhagavadgita-vyakhyā ('A Curious Case of Idiomatic Sanskrit', pp. 446-447), an explanation of the name Kalki(n) (pp. 448 - 456) and the etymology of Sanskrit heváka (pp. 457-459).
The other sections (1. Indische Philosophie; 2. Indische Religions-geschichte; 4. Buddhismus; 6. Ethnologie und Prähistorie) contain mainly shorter articles and reviews. An exception is an article entitled 'On the Relation of Herakleitos the Dark to Some Contemporaries and Predecessors' (pp. 79-108) which was published in 1910. According to the editor, piety required the publication of this article which seems to have been dear to Schrader. Useful is the reprint of Schrader's edition of the Başkalamantropanisadvịtti, which was discovered by him and first published as an appendix to his A Descriptive Catalogue of the Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Adyar Library (Madras, 1908, pp. 307-315).
Schrader's Kleine Schriften have been edited with great care by Professor Sprockhoff, who has known Schrader since 1948. He has taken great pains in editing Schrader's addenda and corrigenda (cf. Zum Geleit, p. VIII) which relate mainly to his doctoral thesis and to his article on the silver kettle found in Gundestrup ("Indische Beziehungen eines nordischen Fundes', pp. 469-480, 495-499). Another appendix contains a list of printing errors. The following have escaped the notice of the editor: p. 42, note 3: read svabhavataḥ for svabhayatah; p. 59, note 4: read enoxń for atroxń; p. 63, note 6: read ātmanah svabhāvāc for ātmanaḥ svahhā vāc; p. 75, note 1: read paryanuyoga for paryanuyoya. On p. 487, second line from below: read Tsuji Naoshiro for Suji Naoshiro. Three Indexes (1. names and subjects; 2. texts quoted; 3. words) are due to Werner F. Menski and Ulrike Niklas (pp. 505-520). In the last index the page references are not always complete. For instance, kūtastha 481; add 122; pari-hr-325; add 985. This volume is a very welcome addition to the publications of the Glasenapp-Stiftung.
NOTE
1 See also Louis Renou's remarks, JA, 1946-1947, pp. 144-145; JA, 1950, pp. 402-403.

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R. E. Emmerick, The Siddhasara of Ravigupta. Volume 2: The Tibetan version with facing English translation (Verzeichnis der Orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland, Supplementband 23,2). Wiesbaden, Franz Steiner Verlag GmbH, 1982. VIII, 482 pp. DM.
180,
Volume two of Emmerick's study on the Siddhasara contains the Tibetan version edited on the basis of three blockprints (Derge, Narthang and Peking), and an English translation. According to Emmerick, the Tibetan version provides an accurate interpretation of the Sanskrit original and is often clearer than the concisely-formulated Sanskrit. Special problems are connected with the identification of plant names. Emmerick explains the six ways in which the Tibetan translators dealt with the problem of rendering the Sanskrit plant names.
The English translation does not discuss the passages which differ from the original Sanskrit nor those which contain additional information. According to the introduction these problems will be discussed in the commentary. It is only after the publication of the commentary that it will be possible to go further in to details of the translation. In reading the first few pages of the translation one notes, for instance, that in verse 2 of Chapter 1 the Sanskrit text reads puruso vyādhy-adhisthāna-mahābhūta-gunātmakah. The Tibetan version seems to be based upon a slightly different text, i.e. puruso vyadhy-adhisthānam mahābhūtagunārmakaḥ. In verse 10 of the same chapter the Sanskrit text has: dosa-dhātu-maladharo dehino deha ucyate. The Tibetan translation is rendered by Emmerick as follows: "As for the body (deha), which is the place of residence (ädhäro) of the humours (dosa-), the elements (dhātu-), and the impurities (mala-), it is called (ucyate) the body (deha)." One wonders whether the Tibetan translator misunderstood the word dehino in the Sanskrit text or preferred to give a different interpretation. In other instances neither the Sanskrit text nor the Tibetan translation are completely clear. For instance, in verse 30 of the same chapter, the Sanskrit text has the word sad-ātma-vän and the Tibetan version ran-nams dan Idan-pa. Emmerick translates this term, which I have not been able to find either in Sanskrit or in Tibetan lexicons, by possesses selfcontrol'. In verse 32 Tibetan bag-yod-pa corresponds in the usual way to Sanskrit apramatta, only it is not clear why Emmerick prefers the rendering 'respectful' to 'careful'.
In his edition of the first five chapters of Vāgbhata's Astänga-hrda yasam hita, Claus Vogel announced his intention to publish a trilingual glossary of the medical terminology. However, since the publication of the first volume of Vogel's work in 1965, no more has appeared. It is to be hoped that Emmerick, who in a very short time has published the complete Sanskrit and Tibetan texts of the Siddhasara and an English translation, will envisage the compilation of such a trilingual glossary. In his preface, Emmerick announces that Rahul Peter Das is already working on a project designed to index all the main Sanskrit medical works.
Emmerick's edition and translation of the Tibetan version of the Siddhasāra is a major contribution to the study of Indian and Tibetan medicine. We are eagerly looking forward to the publication of the Khotanese and Uighur fragments and of the commentary. This enormous undertaking could not have been placed in better hands!
NOTE
1 In Sumatiratna's dictionary, rar-bzin, 'own-nature', is given as an equivalent for ran-nams.
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Hilko Wiardo Schomerus, Arunantis Sivajñanasiddhiyar. Die Erlangung des Wissens um Siva oder um die Erlösung. Unter Beifügung einer Einleitung und Meykantadevas Sivajñanabodha aus dem Tamil übersetzt und kommentiert. Herausgegeben von Hermann Berger, Ayyadurai Dhamotharan und Dieter B. Kapp (Beiträge zur Südasien-Forschung, Südasien-Institut, Universität Heidelberg. Band 49a und 49b). Wiesbaden, Franz Steiner Verlag GmbH., 1981. Band I, XVI, 386, 386a, 386b pp. Band II, 387-745 pp. DM 128,
The translation of Arunantis Sivajñānasiddhiyar by H. W. Schomerus was found among his manuscripts and was handed over to the editors by his son, J. G. Schomerus. In the preface the editors explain that it was not possible to revise the manuscript critically in the light of the Tamil text and to take into account recent publications. Dr. Dhamotharan has verified all difficult Tamil words. Professor D. H.-W. Gensichen has contributed a brief note on H. W. Schomerus (1879-1945). Schomerus arrived in India as a missionary in 1902 and he remained there until 1912. In 1925 he was appointed to the chair of 'Missionswissenschaft' in Halle. In 1912 H. W. Schomerus published a book on the Saiva-Siddhānta: Der Çaiva-Siddhanta, eine Mystik Indiens. Nach den tamulischen Quellen bearbeitet und dargestellt (Leipzig, J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung). One of his main sources was Arunantis Sivajñānasiddhiyār (SJS). The SJS consists of two parts, the sva paksa which explains the doctrinal system of the author, and the para paksa in which he refutes fourteen doctrines: 1. Lokayatika; 2-5. Four Buddhist schools: Sauträntika, Yogācāra, Madhyamika and Vaibhāșika; 6. Nirgrantha; 7. Ajīvaka; 8. Bhättācārya; 9. Prabhākara; 10. Sabdabrahmavādin; 11. Māyāvādin; 12. Bhāskara; 13. Nirisvara-samkhya; 14. Pancarätrin. The SJS is itself a commentary on the Sivajñānabodha by Meykantadeva, the teacher of Arunanti. The Sivajñānabodha is a short treatise in the form of a commentary on twelve Sanskrit sūtras from the Rauravāgama, and is the first of the fourteen canonical treatises of the Saivasiddhānta. Schomerus has added a translation of the Sivajñānabodha (pp. 21--38).
In his Çaiva-Siddhanta Schomerus lists translations of both the Sivajñānabodha and the SJS. The latter was first translated by J. M. Nallaswami Pillai, who also wrote a book entitled: Studies in Saiva Siddhanta (Madras, 1911; Dharmapuram, 1962). His translation was first published in the journal Siddhanta Dipikā and later as a book, Sivajñana Siddhiyar of Arunadi Sivacharya (Madras, 1913).
According to the tradition, Arunanti lived in the middle of the thirteenth century. His work is written in the form of stanzas of four lines each. Schomerus does not give a consecutive numbering of the stanzas. According to Pjatigorksij, the total number of stanzas is 629, of which 301 belong to the parapak sa. The stanzas are often difficult to understand without the help of commentaries. For the sva paksa Schomerus used the commentary of Sivajñānayogi and for the para paksa that of Tattvaprakasar. Other commentaries on the SJS were studied by V. A: Devasenapathi in his book, Saiva Siddhanta, as Expounded in the Siva-jñana-Siddhiyar and its Six Commentaries (Madras, 1966). Schomerus's translation of the stanzas is followed by lengthy notes which combine information found in the commentary with explanations given by the translator. It is not possible to discover in this way which information is found in the commentary. Perhaps it would not have been useful to translate the commentary in its entirety, but one would have liked to see at least an example of the way in which the commentary explains the stanzas. Moreover, the commentaries are also important because they refer to the Sanskrit á gamas of the Saivadarsana. Mme Helene Brunner points out that in the sixteenth century the commentators on the SJS made great use of the agamas for their treatises and in order to refute their adversaries.2 The special importance of the para paksa was realised very early in the history of Tamil studies. Karl Graul (1814-1864) translated the sections on the Buddhist schools. The section on the Ajīvakas was used by A. L. Basham in his book, History and Doctrines of the Ajivakas (London, 1951). A. M. Pjatigorskij analysed and translated the section on the Lokāyata school.4 Recently Muneo Tokunaga studied and translated the section on the Pancarätra. It is to be hoped that the publication of this voluminous work by
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H. W. Schomerus will stimulate further research on the SJS, and the commentaries and the sources used both by Arunanti and his commentators. We must be grateful to Hermann Berger, Ayyadurai Dhamotharan and Dieter B. Kapp for having prepared this posthumous manuscript for publication.
NOTES
1 A. M. Pjatigorskij, Materialy po istorii indijskoj filosofii (Moskva, 1962), p. 218; Muneo Tokunaga, 'CIVAÑANACITTIYAR, Parapakkam sts. 264-301', Indogakuhō (Indological Review), No. 3 (Kyoto, 1981), p. 3.
2 Hélène Brunner, 'Importance de la littérature âgamique', Indologica Taurinensia III-IV (Torino, 1977), p. 114.
3 Cf. H. W. Schomerus, Der Çaiva-Siddhanta, p. 31; Muneo Tokunaga, op. cit., p. 12, n. 31. 4 Op. cit., pp. 217-246.
5
Op. cit., pp. 1-18.
Hsueh-li Cheng, Nagarjuna's Twelve Gate Treatise. Translated, with Introductory Essays, Comments and Notes (Studies of Classical India, Vol. 5). D. Reidel Publ. Co., Dordrecht, Holland, 1982. XV, 151 p. Dfl. 85,
The Chinese tradition attributes the Twelve Gate Treatise (Shih-erh-men-lun) to Nagarjuna. In his introduction Cheng remarks that recently a few scholars have questioned the authenticity of this treatise. According to him "the Twelve Gate Treatise is most likely an authentic Nāgārjuna book" because of its resemblance to the Middle Treatise (Chung lun). However, Cheng does not discuss the objections raised by scholars against its authenticity. In an article to which Cheng refers in a note, Richard A. Gard quotes a statement by Chōzen (1227-1307) in his Sanrongengikennyūshū: "the Shih-erh-men-lun verses were composed by Lung-shu [Nagarjuna] whereas the prose was a commentary by Ch'ing-mu [Pingala]. However, another opinion says that both the verses and the prose were written by Lung-shu himself."1 According to Gard the Shih-erh-men-lun is a Chinese translation by Kumarajiva of a commentary by Pingala which quotes verses selected by Pingala and attributed to Nagarjuna, and the whole work is thus a compilation by Pingala and not Nägarjuna. The authenticity of the verses has been discussed in an important article by Yasui Kōsai.2 Yasui points out that already at the time of Chi-tsang (549-623), some people believed that the verses were written by Nagarjuna but the commentary by Ch'ing-mu. Chi-tsang himself believed that both the verses and the commentary were written by Nagarjuna but he added: "It is difficult to know this matter. If there is definitely a clear proof that the prose was written by a later author, I can not contradict it."3 It is also interesting to note that Chi-tsang quotes two theories as to be composition of the Shih-erh-men-lun by Nagarjuna: "Nagarjuna wrote himself three treatises. First he composed the Wu-wei-lun (Akutobhaya) in one-hundred thousand slokas. Thereupon he selected from it the main ideas in five hundred slokas called Chung-lun (Madhyamakasastra). As to the Shih-erh-men-lun there are two explanations. The first states that like the Chung-lun it derives from the Wu-wei. The second states that he took the essence from the Chung-lun and composed the Shih-erh-men."
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The Twelve Gate Treatise (TGT) contains twenty-six verses and a prose commentary. Richard H. Robinson examined the relation of the verses to those in other texts by Nagarjuna and arrived at the following conclusion: seventeen are identical with verses of the Chung-lun; four are similar to Chung-lun verses. One verse is identical with verse 19 of the Sunyatasaptati, and four verses are unidentified.5 In the introduction to his translation H. Ui wrote that seventeen verses were

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taken from the Chung-lun and two from the Sunyata-saptati, and that therefore only seven original verses were to be found in the TGT, i.e. the verses in the beginning of chapters 1, 2, 4, 6, 9, 11 and 12.6 Robinson attributed only one verse to the Sunyata-saptati (see Chapter VII, Cheng's translation p. 85) because a verse allegedly quoted from the Sünyata-saptati in Chapter I is not to be found in this text, cf. Cheng p. 56: “As it is stated in the Seventy Treatise, (Twelve chains of] causal conditions really have no production. If they have production, do they have it in one mind-moment or in many mind-moments?" However, very similar to this verse is verse 8 of the Sünyata-saptati: rten-'byun yan-lag bcu-gñis gan / sdug-bsnal 'bras-can de ma-skyes // sems-gcig-la yan mi-'thad-la / du-ma-la yan mi-'thad-do //: "The twelve members of the dependent origination which possess a fruit of suffering are not produced. It [production) is not possible in a single moment (citta (ksana]) and also not in several (moments]."7
Yasui's main argument against the attribution of the verses of the TGT to Nagarjuna relates to the first verse of Chapter VIII which Cheng translates as follows: "By observing that the characteristics (of all things) change / We know all things are devoid of nature. Things which are devoid of nature are also non-existent, so all things are empty" (p. 89). Cheng's rendering of the second half of this verse is too free. A more precise translation is: “Dharma-s devoid of nature are also non-existing because the dharma-s are all empty." This verse is found in a similar wording in two commentaries which exist only in Chinese translation: Ch'ing-mu's commentary (T 1564) and Sthiramati's commentary (T 1567). The Sanskrit text of this verse is verse XIII, 3 of the Middle Treatişe: bhāvānam nihsvabhāvatvam anyathabhāvadarśanat / asvabhavo bhāvo năsti bhāvānam śünyata yatah //. According to the Akutobhayā and the commentaries written by Buddhapalita, Bhavaviveka and Candrakirti this verse contains an argument advanced by an opponent of Nagarjuna. In the TGT, however, this verse expresses the opinion of the author himself. According to Yasui it seems probable that the author of the TGT explained this verse wrongly as rendering Nägarjuna's own opinion. Another argument against the authenticity of the TGT is, according to Yasui, the fact that, as far as is known, it is never quoted in the commentaries written by Buddhapälita, Bhāvaviveka and Candrakirti.
Ui pointed out that the first verse of Chapter I of the TGT is quoted as written by Nāgārjuna in * Sāramati's *Mahāyānāvatära. 10 Yasui remarks that the same verse is also quoted in the *Maitreyapariprcchopadeśa. 11 According to him, this verse was either quoted from the TGT or from some other source in which it was attributed to Nāgārjuna.
The TGT was translated in 411 A.D. by Kumārajiva, a fact which is not even mentioned by Cheng. Kumārajiva is also the translator of the Mahaprajñāpäramitopadeśa (T 1509) and the Daśabhumikavibhāsasästra, two works of which the attribution to Nāgärjuna is doubtful and which exist only in Chinese translation.
Although Cheng lists Ui's translation of the TGT in his bibliography he does not refer at all to Ui's introduction. Hatani Ryötai's translation 12 and Kõsai Yasui's article are not mentioned at all. In the introduction to a translation of the TGT one would have expected a study of the problems connected with its authenticity with reference to the Japanese works mentioned above. In his introduction Cheng sketches the history of Nagarjuna's teachings in China and the interpretation of the doctrine of emptiness by San-lun masters and mainly Chi-tsang. On p. 9 he mentions that Hui-wen (550-577), the founder of T'ien-t'ai Buddhism, is said to have been awakened to the truth while reading verse XXIV, 18 of Nāgārjuna's Middle Treatise. One wonders why Cheng considers Hui-wen to be the founder of T'ien-t'ai Buddhism because this honour is usually given to Chih-i (538-597). 13 Almost nothing is known about Hui-wen, not even his dates. It is not clear at all from where Cheng has taken the dates 550-577. According to Paul Magnin Hui-ssu became his pupil in 536 or 537.14 Finally, Cheng fails to point out that the story of Hui-wen's discovery of Nāgärjuna's Middle Treatise XXIV, 18 is found for the first time in a work written in the thirteenth century. 15
In the preface the author states that he has attempted to be as close as possible to the original text but has expressed the Chinese freely when the literal Chinese would convey little or no meaning in English. In many instances, it would certainly have been possible to adhere more

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closely to the Chinese text as, for instance, in the translation of the first verse of Chapter VIII which was quoted above. In any case, his translation will be useful for scholars who do not read either Chinese or Japanese. The TGT was translated into Sanskrit in 1954 by N. Aiyaswami Sastri. 16 It is rather amazing to see that Cheng does not mention this work at all. The most difficult section of the TGT is without doubt the preface written by Seng-jui (352-436) of which Richard Robinson made an excellent translation accompanied by detailed notes.17 Although Cheng refers only in one note to it, it is obvious that he has made good use of Robinson's translation and notes. Robinson's translation is closer to the original and on the whole to be preferred to Cheng's rendering although there is still room for improvement. For instance, the compound che-chung is rendered by Robinson as "the refutative Middle". Cheng refers to Chi-tsang's explanation and translates it as "a refutative and corrective exposition". The term che-chung is well-known in classical Chinese in the meaning of a "just judgment". 18 In this compound che has not the meaning "to refute” but “to decide as a judge". 19
NOTES
1 'On the authenticity of the Pai-lun and Shih-erh-mên-lun', Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies II (1954), p. 747 (5). 2 Junimonron wa hatashite Ryūju no chosaku ka; Jūnimon "Kanshomon" no geju o chushin toshite', IBK VI (1958), pp. 44-51. Reprinted in Kõsai Yasui, Chūgan shiso no kenkyū (Kyoto, 1961), pp. 374-383. 3 T 1835; vol. 42, p. 178a 27-28. 4 Ibid., p. 177522-25. 5 Early Madhyamika in India and China (Madison, Milwaukee and London, 1967), p. 32. 6 Kokuyaku Daizõkyo, Ronbu vol. 5 (Tokyo, 1921), kaidai, p. 71. 7 Cf. Chr. Lindtner, Nagarjuniana (Copenhagen, 1982), p. 31, n. 92 and p. 39, n. 8. 8 Cf. Max Walleser, Die Mittlere Lehre des Nāgārjuna. Nach der chinesischen Version übertragen (Heidelberg, 1912), p. 85. 9 Vol. 30, p. 15867,11. 10 T. 1634; vol. 32, p. 41516-19. 11 T 1525; vol. 26, p. 236a15-17. 12 Kokuyaku Issaikyo, Chūgan bu vol. 1 (Tokyo, 1930), pp. 339-380. Hatani is convinced of the authenticity, cf. kaidai, p. 42. 13 Cf. Kenneth Ch'en, Buddhism in China (Princeton, 1964), p. 303. 14 La vie et l'oeuvre de Huisi (Paris, 1979), p. 28, n. 7. 15 Paul Magnin, op. cit., p. 32, n. 18. 16 'Dvādasamukha sästra of Nāgārjuna', Visva-Bharati Annals 6 (1954), pp. 165-231. 17 Op. cit., pp. 208–209. 18 Cf. Morohashi Tetsuji, Dai Kanwa Jiten, vol. 5, p. 4785. . 19 Cf. F. S. Couvreur, Dictionnaire classique de la langue chinoise (Ho Kien fou, 1911), p. 819c.
Akira Yuyama, Kacchapa-jätaka. Eine Erzählung von der Schildkröte und dem Kranzwinder. Studia Philologica Buddhica. Occasional Paper Series V. Tokyo, The International Institute for Buddhist Studies, 1983. xxii, 43 pp.
In the appendix to his edition of the Jāta kamālā (Boston-London-Leipsic, 1891) Hendrik Kern published the text of a Kacchapa-jātaka which was found in MS. P (MS. 95 Burnouf, Bibl. Nationale, Paris), one of the three manuscripts on which his edition is based. In 1893 Sergej
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Oldenburg pointed out that the same jätaka is found in the Mahävastu (ed. Senart II 244.1 - 245.16). Yuyama has now edited these two texts on opposite pages. Text A is the version of the Kacchapa-jätaka edited by Kern, and text B the version which occurs in the Mahāvastu. In editing text A, Yuyama has consulted Kern's MS P. Yuyama's edition of the Mahāvastu version is based upon four manuscripts, two used by Senart (B and C) and two Nepalese manuscripts recently photographed for the Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation Project (D and E). Yuyama divides the texts into sections a-p. According to him, sections a, b, d, f, h-1 of text A are probably copied from text B. Two other passages (e and m) are taken from the Jātakamálä. The source of the verses in section g is unknown
In the introduction Yuyama gives very detailed information on stories in which a tortoise plays an important role (pp. xi-xxii): Nobody but Yuyama could have collected so many bibliographical details! On p. xiii one must correct Jan Ensink to Jacob Ensink, and on p. xix Syrkina (a genitive !) to Syrkin. The edition of the texts is preceded by an introduction in which Yuyama pays particular attention to the metre of the verses. He also adds a translation of the verses. However, the prose passages are not translated by him, although many words and expressions are studied in the notes. It is therefore perhaps not superfluous to point out some problems in the text of these passages. Let me begin by quoting the beginning of section d of text A: bhūta-purvam, bhiksa vaḥ, atitam adhvānam nagare vārānasi kaśi-ja na-pade pāriyātrika nama nadi, tasya kule apara-mála-kārasya vana-malam, asau dāni mala-kāro malasyaiva tam velam mala-kära ägatvā puspani uddhariya puspa-karandakam ada ya mala-karanáto nirdhāvati/. The reading málasyaiva is also found in MS С of text B, whereas the other manuscripts (BDE) read malyasyaiva. Yuyama remarks that malasya signifies here 'of the (flower) field'. As to velā Yuyama writes: "aber vela- wird hier zweifellos in seiner primären Bedeutung "Endpunkt, Grenze, Küste" gebraucht: "an die Küste (des Flusses Pariyātrikā) gelangend, ..." (p. 28, note 15). This raises two questions. The usual word for the bank of a river is kula which occurs just before. Secondly, if vela refers to the bank of the river, the genitive mālasya cannot depend on tam velam. The following word mála-kāra is found in all manuscripts of the two texts. Yuyama writes: "mála-kara(h) muss richtig sein, obwohl es stylistisch unbeholfen ist (p. 28, n. 16)." A nominative mälä-kära is not only stylistically clumsy but also very improbable. The passage quoted ends with the words malā-kāranāto nirdhavati. It is therefore most likely that māla kāra must be emended to māla-karanam "for the sake of wreaths'.: "That wreath-maker now came to the border of that same field for the sake of (making) wreaths. Having collected flowers he hurried off with his basket of flowers in order to make) wreaths." It is difficult to explain the ablative mala-karanáto instead of the expected accusative. Is this due to the influence of the following word nirdhāvati? The text continues: grāmabhimukho ca prasthito/ tatah ca nadito kacchapo uddharitvā go-mayam bhaksayati. In Text B three manuscripts (BDE) read uddhahit va and one manuscript (C) uddharitva.' It is interesting to note that here the reading of text A agrees with MS. C of text B. Yuyama has not examined the relation of text A, which is preserved in a single manuscript (P), to the four manuscripts of text B. A systematic comparison of the readings of all five manuscripts would have to be made in order to determine this relationship. Yuyama explains uddhahitvá by ud- plus dha-. It seems preferable to explain this form as a gerund of ud. plus ha-. The sense also requires an intransitive verb and not a transitive verb such as uddharati. The reading uddhahitva is certainly to be preferred.
Section i tells how the tortoise escapes from the hand of the wreath-maker: tasya malā. kara-hastáto bhrasto. The text continues: tatra udake vuddo taye nadiye a-vidüretva unmuñcit vä tam mala-käram vāca ye bhāsati. All manuscripts read vuddo, which, according to Yuyama, is the past passive participle of vrt. "bewegen, weitergehen" (p. 29, note 44). One expects rather a word signifying "entered, plunged into" but it is difficult to see how the readings of the manuscripts can be changed. Unmuncit va is Yuyama's emendation. MS P has tam mudit va and the Mahāvastu MSS respectively ammuncitvā (E), unmuditva (D), damm uditvà (B) and tam uditvā (C). In view of the many different readings it is preferable to read

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unmajjitvå which is well attested. The a of majjitvā was probably changed into an u under the influence of the u in the prefix. No manuscript has the doublebut the various readings (d, d and ñc) may well be the result of a misreading of the original double ;. The verb unmuncis not attested anywhere and Yuyama's explanation is rather far-fetched: "ud- plus muc-, 'sich gefreit habend, sich freilassend (aus dem Wasser)'" (p. 30, note 45).
We must be very grateful to Dr. Yuyama for having so carefully edited these texts. His work provides a solid foundation for further study of the many problems relating to the manuscript readings and the interpretation of the texts which still remain to be solved.
NOTE
1 See p. 28, note 21: "So BDE uddhahitva". Probably the word so has to be deleted.
Fumimaro Watanabe, Philosophy and its Development in the Nikāyas and Abhidhamma. DelhiVaranasi-Patna, Motilal Banarsidass, 1983. xvi, 241 pp. Rs. 75.
The word philosophy in the title of Watanabe's book is somewhat misleading because he is primarily concerned with the development of the logical aspects of Buddhist thought. Watanabe attempts to reveal "certain embryonic anticipations of formal logical procedures" in the Nikayas and Abhidhamma. The first part deals with the origin of abhidhamma philosophy. The author examines the meaning of the words dhamma and abhidhamma, the relationship between abhidhamma and mātika and the systematization of the mātikās. The second part is entitled: The Development of the Dialogue Form. In the first five chapters (Chapter 6-10) the author studies the methods of argumentation found in the Nikāyas. The eleventh chapter examines the pudgala chapter in both the Kathāvatthu and the Vijñānakāya.
Watanabe's study is based upon a detailed study of the Páli Nikāyas and the Chinese Agamas. His philosophical training shows itself in the care with which he examines the meanings of words and terms. Many suttas contain dialogues which undoubtedly reflect the. method of teaching of the Buddha himself, who insisted on the fact that his words ought not to be accepted on his authority. However, it is difficult to agree with Warder's statement quoted by the author on p. 72: “The outlook is that of the making of a scientific discovery and announcing it to the world, whereupon others may investigate its truth for themselves." Buddha's dhamma is profound and cannot be understood by scientific thinking. However, arguments are useful, especially for the refutation of erroneous views. Watanabe shows very well how different forms of logical procedures are applied in the course of discussions. Strict logical forms are found for the first time in the Kathāvatthu. For instance, the author draws attention to the use of existential quantification and universal quantification in the pudgala chapter. In the suttas the Buddha and his chief disciples make use of many different methods of argumentation. In Chapters 6 and 7 the author gives examples of the use of metaphors, similes and analogies, the four pañhabyakaranas and the tetralemma. Chapter 8 studies the meaning of the words takka 'false reasoning' and dhammatakka 'true reasoning'. Chapters 9 and 10 deal in more detail with the forms of reasoning and argument in the suttas. The author shows the importance of negative reasoning, the frequent use of the double negative, and the development of hypothetical and alternative judgements
Watanabe's book is an important contribution to the study of the development of logical forms of discussion in the Pāli Nikāyas. His work must be studied carefully, especially by the reader who is not acquainted with modern logic. However, the author's explanations are always clear and to the point and the attentive reader will certainly be rewarded for his effort.
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In the eleventh chapter the author translates the major part of the pudgala chapter of the Vijñānakaya (pp. 177-203). It is a pity that his translation is not always very reliable. Although the bibliography mentions de La Vallée Poussin's article 'La controverse du temps et du pudgala dans le Vijñanakāya' (Etudes Asiatiques, I, 1925, pp. 343-376), the author does not seem to have consulted it. Undoubtedly, a study of de La Vallée Poussin's translation of the pudgala chapter would have prevented several mistranslations. For instance, on pp. 195 and 196 of Watanabe's book, we find the following passage: 'Venerable one, the Buddha explained with perfect self-confidence (vaišāradya) as follows: "I was perfectly enlightened as to dharmas (principles). In spite of the fact that I was enlightened with perfect enlightenment, if strivers, brahmans, its Devas, its Māras, its Brahmās in this world said together that he was not enlightened, I did not see any reason for doubt (Note 1: At this point, we follow a free translation, because the Chinese version seems to make no sense.) Because I was enlightened, I was full of peace (kşema), free from fear (abhaya) and gained self-confidence; and I myself established the great wheel of truth in the place called the basis of a great man (arsabha-sthana) and roared like a lion in the assembly." Venerable one, if so, why do you not blame the Buddha for his ignorance?'
The difficulties in the Chinese version (T 1539, p. 544a4-10) are entirely due to incorrect punctuation. In the Taisho Daizõkyo the punctuation is notoriously bad and must often be completely ignored. The canonical text quoted is very close to Anguttara II, 8 and to Yasomitra's Abhidharmakosavyākhyā (ed. U. Wogihara), pp. 645.33-646.4: samyaksambuddhasya bata me sato ime dharma anabhisambuddha ity atra mām kaścic chramano và brahmano vā saha dharmena coda yet. smarayet. taträham nimittam api na samanu paśyami. evam cāham nimittam asa manupaśyan ksemaprāptaś ca viharamy abhayaprāptaś ca vai āradyaprāptaś ca udāram ārsabham sthānam pratijānāmi brāhmyam cakram pravarta yāmi. parsadi samyak simhanādam nadami idam prathamam vaiśāradyam.
The Chinese text can be translated as follows: 'Venerable one, the Bhagavat made the following declaration with regard to self-confidence: "I have prefectly understood these dharmas. If a śra mana, or a brahman, or a god, or a Māra, or a Brahmä, etc., with justice, charges me or reminds me that I have not perfectly understood these dharmas, I do not see any ground for that. Because I see that there is no ground for that, I abide in peace, free from fear and full of self-confidence. I claim the best, the first place. I set in motion the Brahma-wheel. I roar the lion's roar in the assembly." Venerable one, if so, do you not blame the Buddha of ignorance?' - The last sentence refers to the existence of a seventh consciousness not perfectly understood (abhisambuddha) by the Buddha. If the pudgalavādin maintains that there is such a consciousness, the Buddha would be guilty of ignorance.
The Buddha explains to Ananda that he does not keep his fist closed (ācāryamusti). Watanabe translates: "Ananda, the tathāgata never keeps his hand closed (ācārya-musti: teacher's fist) in teaching. If I maintain reserve, another ātman (may) be conscious of it. I am afraid of this" (p. 196). La Vallée Poussin translates this passage as follows: "Ananda, en ce qui concerne les dharmas, le Tathāgata ne fait pas le maître qui ferme la main, qui cache, qui, dans la crainte que d'autres ne sachent, n'explique pas ce qu'il connait" (p. 368). I believe the passage should be translated as follows: "Ananda, with regard to the dharma, the tathāgata does not have the teacher's fist. That is to say I hide for fear that others would know that I do not know." On p. 199 Watanabe translates: "Because the contact from which principles (dharmas) arise is the fifth dharma." La Vallée Poussin has: "En raison d'aucun des dharmas dont le sparsa est le cinquième ..." (p. 371). Watanabe's translation sometimes omits words which are found in the original. For instance, on p. 194 he translates: "In this sense through the continuance of skandhas (groups) there is benevolence." The text mentions the series of skandas which are assumed (upatta), cf. de La Vallée Poussin, p. 367, n. 3. On the same page Watanabe gives maiträsa mäprāpti as the Sanskrit equivalent for meditation charged with benevolence. The correct Sanskrit term is of course maitrisamäpatti. A. K. Warder states in his preface that "The most valuable part of Professor Watanabe's study is his full account of

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