Aspects of Brahmanical Influence On Jaina Mythology

Author(s): Shaktidhar Jha
Publisher: Bharat Bharti Bhandar
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/011037/1

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ASPECTS OF BRAHMANICAL INFLUENCE
ON THE JAINA MYTHOLOGY

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ASPECTS OF BRAHMANICAL INFLUENCE
ON
THE JAINA MYTHOLOGY
SHAKTIDHAR JHA, MA, Ph D.
G D. College, Begusarai
BHARAT BHARATI BHANDAR
185-D, Kamla Nagar Delhi-110007

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Published by: SN MISHRA BHARAT BHARATI BHANDAR 165-D, Kamla Nagar, Delhi-110007 (INDIA)
Printed in India . 1978 Price 80/
Printed by: Amar Printing Press (Sham Printing Agency), 8/25 (Double Storey) Vijay Nagar, Delhi-110009

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FOREWORD
I feel immense pleasure in contributing this Foreword to Dr. Shaktıdhar Jha's interesting work which presents a comparative study of the Brahmanical epic-Puranic tradition and the Jaina mythology, analysing in particular the adaptability of popular Jainism to the Brahmanical epic-Puranic concepts of social and cultural values We have here for the first time a vivid account of the Jaina Puranas and Caritas with reference to the epics-the Rāmāyana and the Mahabharata-showing how these works have influenced the Jaina Purana literature both in form and matter It further discusses the Brahmanical definition of Purana and its applicability to the Jaina Puranic lore, the Svetambara and Digambara accounts of Manvantaras and their agreement with the Brahmanical description of the Ages of different Manus, a comparative survey of the Brahmanical and Jaina accounts of the growth and developments of human society as well as the Jaina versions of the dynastic lists and genealogical accounts comparing them with the Brahmanical pretentation of dynasties and genealogies
The beauty of this work lies in its searching analysis and critical approach to the various problems of early Indian history and culture Dr Jha has presented a detailed scientific analysis of the Ikṣvāku race and its various branches as represented in the Brahmanical and Jaina sources, and of the Harı dynasty which is nothing but a Jinist reproduction of the Brahmanical Yaduvamsa One may or may not agree with his assessment of the Jaina view of the institution of class and order, the aims of human existence and the accounts of different sacraments as well as some ethical and philosophical concepts, but there is no doubt that Dr. Jha has presented a pene

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(vi)
trating historical analysis of the indebtedness of Purânic Jainism to the Brahmaṇical approach to life in its multiple aspects Notwithstanding the limitations of such approach it cannot be denied that the present study is the first of its kind in the field of indology for which the author deserves appreciation from scholars here and abroad
Magadh University,
Bodh Gaya
Upendra Thakur
1

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PREFACE
The presentation of a comparative picture of the Brāhmaņical epic-,purānic tradition and the Jaina mythology forms the subject-matter of the present work Relying mainly on the original sources, I have tried to throw light on the adaptability of popular Jainism to the Brāhmanıcal epic-purānic concepts of social, religious, ethical and cultural values The study was first taken up in a casual way During my studentship at the University of Calcutta, I had an opportunity to study some of the works of both the traditions As I read and studied the texts, I found several cases of exact parallelism in the ideas and expressions finding currency in the texts concerned Those points of similarity between the works of both the traditions impelled me to pursue my study in a planned and scientific way This is how I proceeded with the study of the present topic, the results of which have been presented in the following pages
But, while undertaking the work, I did little foresee the difficulties which a researcher of this type of work has to face One is often exposed to the error of omissions and commissions in proper investigation of the basic materials for such studies For, such an undertaking requires both intensive and extensive exploration of the source-materials in an objective way And, at needs no mention that the texts of the Brāhmanical tradition are numerous and gigantic and so indeed are the Jaina Purānic works, written in different periods in three different languages of the land. Naturally, I cannot claim my access to all sources of information However, quite conscious of my limita

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( viii ) tions I have endeavoured to explore all important sources and have tried to present the matter in its true perspective as far as possible
The work consists of nine chapters besides an introduce tion which deals with different aspects of Brāhmanical contribution to the growth and development of the Jaina Purānic lore The results of the investigation have been recorded in the proper contexts in every chapter Hence, no elaborate conclusion has been given in the sequel.
The first chapter presents a general survey of the Jaina puranas and Carlas with reference to their undebtedness to the great cpics-the Rāmāyana and the Mahābharata. The second chapter studies thc Brāhmanical definition of Purana, examines the Jaina definition and after a comparative appraisal shows how close the Jaina definition is to the Brābmanical one. The third chapter presents the Jaina accounts of the Manvantaras, critically examines the Soetambara and the Digambara versions in the context of the Brāhmanical description of the Mandantara ages and refers to points of similarity subsisting between the Brāhmanıcal and the Jaina accounts of the growth and development of human society The fourth chapter discusses different Jaina versions of the dynastic lists and genealogical accounts and compares them with the Brāhmanical presentation of the same The fifth chapter dwells on the Jaina representation of the origin of the Thşvāku race and its branches and discusses in detail the points of agreement and disagreement between different Jaina versions on the one hand and between thern and the Brahmanıcal accounts on the other. The sixth chapter contains the results of the critical examination of the Jaina accounts of the origin and pedigree of the Harz dynastythe Jaina counterpart of the Brāhmanical radu-Vamsa-na powerful branch of the Atla racc The Seventh chapter takes stock of the sects of the Jaina Purānakāras with special reference to the nomenclature of their narrative works Besides that, it also throws light on the extent of influence of the myths and legends of Brāhmanical origin on thc allusive section of the Jaina narratives as evidenced by their rcferences to some of the less known mythic figures and their associations The

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i
ix
)
eighth chapter presents a comparative study of the Jaina and the Brāhmanical view of the institution of class and order as well as the aims of human existence. The ninth chapter is devoted to the study of various sacraments prescribed for the Doujas, and takes a bricf notice of some of the ethical and phi. losophical concepts
The work, in a slightly revised form, is principally the thesis approved by Patna University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy I am grateful to the authorities of the University for granting me special facilities for the preparation and timely submission of the thesis
I am exceedingly grateful to my guide late Dr Bechan Jba M A., D.Litt. who kindly supervised the work
I express my gratefulness to late Dr P.L. Vaidya, former Director of Mithila Research Institute, Darbhanga, late Dr Hiralal Jain, Ex-Director of Prakrit Institute, Vaishali, Dr Siddheshwar Bhattacharya, Mayūrabhanja Professor and Head of Sanskrit and Pali Department, BHU. Varanasi and Dr. Nathmal Tatia, Ex-Director of Prakrit Institute, Vaishali for thcir valuable suggestions and encouraging help. Further, I express my gratitude to all those scholars whose studies have served as stepping stones for my study.
My sincere thanks are also due to Shri SN Singh MA former, Principal of G D. College, Begusarai and Prof Radha Krishna Chaudhary, Reader, Post-Graduate Department of History, Bhagalpur University for their encouragement.
I am highly indebted to Dr Upendra Thakur, Prof and Head of the Department of Ancient Indian and Asian studies, Magadh University, who not only took keen interest in my work but also kindly contributed a Foreword to this book
I am also indebted to my colleague Prof Hrishikesha Jha, Lecturer in Sanskrit, G.D College, Begusarai and my daughter Sushri Bıbha for their assistance in the compilation of the Index. Finally, I offer my sincere thanks to Shri SN. Mishra, Proprietor of Bharata Bharatı Bhandar, Delhi and his staff for undertaking the work for publication and secing it through the press expeditiously.

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( * )
Owing to odd circumstances, I could not see the final proofs Consequently a number of misprints have crept in I am sorry for this and request the scholars to consult the corrigenda I am also conscious of some other lapses and shortcomings for which I crave indulgence of the reader.
SHAKTIDHAR JHA
Department of Sanskrit, G D. College, Begusarai. Sept,
1978.

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ABBREVIATIONS
ABORI
AGS Agnip AIHT AIU АР
BD Ba Bg Bhaga Br BSOS
Cha Upa CA CMC Garuda HIL HSL HPL Hv IVPC
Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute Āśvalāyana-Grhya-sūtra Agnipurāna Ancient Indian Historical Tradition The Age of the Imperial Unity Ādipurana of Jinasena, also referred to as MP (Mahāpurāna). Bphaddevatā Brabmandapurāna Bhagavadgitā Bhāgavatapurāna Brahmapurāna Bulletin of the School of Oriental (and African) Studies Chandogya Upanisad The classical Age Cauppannamahāpurişacariya of silānka Garudapurāna A History of Indian Literature History of Sanskrit Literature History of Prakrit Literature Harivamsa Introduction to Vimalasūri's Paumacariya Harıvamśapurāna of Jinasena Journal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda Kādambari Kumārasambhava Kūrmapurāna Life in Ancient India Lingapurāna Manusmrti
JHV
JOI Kāda Kumāra Kūrmap LAI Lingap Manu

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į xii
Märkap Mat MBh Megha MP Naya Niraya NLMAE Pad p Pc PHAL PMP PP
Raghu Rāmā RPC Rv ŚB SBE
Markandeyapurāna Matsyapurāna Mahābhārata Meghadūta Mahāpurāna of Jinasena Nāyādhammakahão Nirayāvalıyao New Light on the Most Ancient East Padmapurana Pāndavacarita of Devaprabhasūrı Political History of Ancient India Mahāpurânu of Puspadanta Pandavapurāna of Subhacandra, also referred to as SPP Raghuvamsa (Vālmıkiya) Rāmāyana Padmacarita of Ravisena Rgveda Satapatha Brahmana Sacred Books of the East Śiśupālavadha of Māgha Sabdakalpadruma Dr Satkarı Mookerjee Felicitation Volume Paumacariu of Svayambhudeva Pāndavapurana of Subhacandra Sānkhāyada-Srauta-sūtra Tribes in Ancient India Trisasțisalākāpurusacarita of Hemacandra Uttarapurāna of Guņabhadra Uttarādhyayanasūtra Väyupurâna Varāhapurāna Vasudeva-hindi of Sanghadāsa Visnupurāna Paumacariya of Vimalasūri Yājñavalkya-smptı Yašastılaka and Indian Culture
Śıśv.
SKD SMFV SPC SPP SSS TAL TSPC UP Uttara Vâ(yup ) Varahap VH V13(p.) VPG Yajna YIC

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SCHEME OF TRANSLITERATION
VOWELS
ai
, ?
os or more
O
to to w us to 16 h
au
au
07,1
AZ I 21 01 op mpya
info!um.
a
.
m h
(Anusvāra) (Visarga)
tu
3,
CONSONANTS
dh
DO O seu
مر کر مر ور ہر ہر فر در به
(repha)
v, w
toro susa
در امر در در هر ساله
در اثر
*

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X111
CONTENTS
Page Foreword Preface
vii-x Abbreviations
XI-X11 Scheme of Transliteration INTRODUCTION
i. General Introductory Remarks 11. Sources
1.13 CHAPTER I
The Epics and the Jaina Purānas—The Rāmāyana and the Mahābhārata-their contribution to the
Jaina works in respect of their form and matter 14.43 CHAPTER II Brahmanıcal definition of the Purāna and its
applicability to the Jaina Purānas-analysis of the Jaina definition
44-61 CHAPTER III
The Manus and their periods—the Svetāmbara and Digambara versions in the light of the Brahmanical Manvantara accounts
62-87 CHAPTER IV
The different Jaina versions of the dynastic lists
and genealogical accounts—their comparison
with the Brahmanıcal versions of the same 88-117 CHAPTER D The Iksvāku race and its various branches-the
points of agreement and disagreement between the different Jaina versions—their comparative appraisal in the light of the Brahmanical sources
118-152 CHAPTER VI
The Harı dynasty-examination of different Jaina versions
153-184

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( svi )
185-203
CHAPTER VII
Sects of the Jaina Purānakāras, Caritas and
Purānas Extent of the Brahmanical influence
on them CHAPTER VIII
The Institution of Class and Order-the aims of human existence their bearing on the classi
Scation of mankind CHAPTER IX
The Purānas on Sacramental, Ethical and
Philosophical Planes Retrospect Bibliography
204-234,
235-258
259 261-268 269-292 293-296
Index
Corrigenda

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INTRODUCTION
I GENERAL INTRODUCTORY REMARKS
The following study aims at an objective survey of the two seemingly different currents of ancient Indian traditions. Quite conscious of the shortcomings of subjective approach to such a study, we have endeavoured to avoid it as far as practicable and have tried to present the results of our investigation in an unbiased way. With this end in view we have also made attempts to examine each relevant Purānic account both individually and collectively and after proper collation of different statements, have set forth the results of such study in thə following pages
It is by no means easy to decipher all cases of borrowing by the section which has been careful in concealing its indebtedness to its creditor, and has always been at pains to display the originality and antiquity of the tradition which it stands for Under such a circumstance, whatever is adopted from another tradition, is amended, altered and recast beyond recognition The same process of borrowing and transformation seems to have operated with regard to the Jaina Puranas which present the best illustration of the phenomenon just mentioned Nevertheless, the works under investigation have some incontrovertible evidences to show that these have very liberally drawn upon the Brāhmanical epic-Purānic tradition as well as the Brhatkathā of Gunādhya for a complex of materials In fact, the two national epicsl together with the early Brāh1. Recept researches have proved that even the earliest extant Jaina
version of the Rama-story as given by Vimalas üri and later adopted by his successors is in fact a modified representation of Valmiki's Rāma. yana, VM Kulkarnı, “The Origin and Development of the Rāma. story 10 Jaina Literature", JOI Vol 1X No 2 pp 189-196 The Rāmāyana version of Silāchārya as found in the Caupannamahapurisacariya (Angals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Rescarch Institute, Vol XXXVI, 1955), p. 468

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Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaira Mythology'
manical Puranas as well as the Brliatkatha have scrved as bedrock on which the huge superstructure of the Jaina mythological edifice is erected The survey further reveals that not only the abovementioned works but also those of the classical Sanskrit poets of ornate styles have furnished them with many a gem of excellent ideas, expressions, phrases and lines to a great extent
To begin with, a few obvious cases of borrowing from the epics may be mentioned here as our guide The verse 11 204 of the Padmacarıla? of Ravisena for instance, is exactly the same as one found in the Bhagavadgitā 3 Similarly, the phrase jato dharmas tato jayahe is too famous to require any evidence for the original claim of the Mahābhārata to it Further, one Mahabharata verses, said to have been universally recited during the Jātakarma ceremony of a newly born child, is found emboxed in the Adipurānas of Jinasena with similar motive Moreover, we will see in the sequel? how the Jaina Purānas, particularly the MP and the TSPG, have derived
2 विद्याविनयसम्पन्ने ब्राह्मणे गवि हस्तिनि । शुनि चैव श्वपाके च पण्डिता समशिन ॥
-Padmacarıta, 11 204 (Henceforward
referred to as RPG) 3 V 18 4 RPC, 11 74, "यत कृष्णस्ततो धर्मों यतो धर्मस्ततो जय."
---MBH. VI 66 35b Also see V S Suktbankar, On
the Meaning of the Mahābhārata, pp 12,23 5. अङ्गादगात्सम्भवसि हृदयादभिजायसे । प्रात्मा वै पुत्रनामासि स जीव शरदः शतम् ॥
MBL I 68 62 6 Adipurāna, 40 114 अङ्गादङ्गात्सम्भवसि हृदयादपि जायसे । आत्मा वै पुयनामामि स जीव शरद शतम् ॥ The only difference between the two versions is that the Adipuräna has
used the indeclinable api in licu of the prefix abhi in the MBh yersion, 7. Chap. IX

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Introduction
materials from the MBh for their didactic and philosophical sections. Above all, the different sections of these Puranas," which are devoted to the description of the mental state as well as the general way of life of the Jaina yogins, are in striking agreement with the Bhagavadgita both in sentiments and in phraseology 10
As to the Ramayana, instances are not lacking where the Jaina Purānas show striking similarity with the former not only in sense but also in wording This is particularly true of the gnomic-didactic and descriptive passages where we frequently find both ideological and phraseological parallelisms. To cite a few examples, the verse 77 of the eighth parvan of the AP11, which brings home to us the utter impermanence of the earthly objects is, in sense and partially in sound, very akin to the one found in Valmiki's Ramayana 12 Next, in the poetic description of the autumnal moon-lit night Jinasena betrays conspicuous influence of Valmiki insofar as he conceives the starry sky with the brilliantly shining moon as a lake abounding in lilies and occupied by a swan 13 In fact, Jinasena's poetical penpic
8 MP, 34 169-71, 174 75, 203-204 TSPC, 1 3 106, 271-73
9. IV 19-23, V 19-21, VI. 4-9, 32, XII 13-19 XIV 24-25
10. It is important to note that the Jaina savants incorporated in their mythological and philosophical writings not only the detached ideas and idioms from the Bg, but borrowed verbatim also verse after verse from the same without any acknowledgement of the loan that they received, vide P K. Gode, "The Bhagavadgita in the Pre-Sankaracharya Jaina Sources", ABORI, Vol XX, Part II, 1938-39
11. सुखं दुखानुवन्धीद सदा सनिधन
धनम् । संयोगा विप्रयोगान्ता विपदन्ताश्च सम्पद ||
-AP 8 77
12 सर्वे क्षयान्ता निचया पतनान्ता समुच्छ्रया । सयोगा विप्रयोगान्ता मरणान्त च जीवितम् ॥
cabe
-Rama II 105 16
13 तारका कुमुदाकीर्णे नभ सरमि निर्मले । zarrà en qargfafanuafa 11
-AP, 26 27
and comp सुप्त कहस कुमुदैरुपेतं महाहृदस्य सलिल विभाति । घनैवमुक्त निशि पूर्णचन्द्र तारागरणाकीर्णमिवान्तरिक्षम् ॥ -Rāmā Kişki, 30,48,

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Aspects of Brahn anical Influence on the Jaina Mythologji
ture of autumn is an ingenious imitation of VR which has given the former not only a powerful vocabulary of literary teims but also whetted his imaginative brain for the graphic description of several situations To cite one more among the many, the pen-picture of the autumnal bellowing of the excited bulls-enraged at the sight of their counterparts and ready for fight, with reddened eyes, and scraching ground with their hoofs14_has remarkable agreement with the similar description in the TR 15 A close and careful comparative study of all the Jaina Puränas on the one hand and the present epic on the other is sure to reveal several cases of verbal agreement between them 16
A perusal of the Purānas further reveals that while the epic-Purānic tradition has given them materials mostly on religious, sacramental, ethical, philosophical as well as mythological, dynastic and genealogical planes, the Bghathathā has supplied them with a large stock of supernatural stories and episodes The case of the contribution of the BK to the Jaina narrative literature has already been established on irrevocable grounds by some eminent orientalists 17 Now, to add one more evidence in favour of their stand, it must be said that unlike 14 satag gicETTE Arsitaide II वृषा प्रतिवृपालोककुपिता प्रतिसस्वनु ।।
MP 28 42 16 शरद्गुणाप्यायित रूपशोभा महर्षिता पासुसमुक्षिताङ्गा । मदोत्कटा सम्प्रति युद्धलुब्धा वृपा गवा मध्यगता नदन्ति ।
-Rāma, Kışkı, 30 38, also cf Rāmā Kiski
30 47 ff and MP 26 36 ff. 16 Rāmā IV 30 81
न च सकुचित पन्था येन वाली हतो गत । समये तिष्ठ सुग्रीव मा वालिपथमन्वगा ।। cf मा साहसगते गं गम सकुचितो न स. ।
-TSPC 7 6 1896, अनिर्वेद श्रियो मूलम०
Rāmā VI 12 10, TSPC, 7 6 516 17 Vide L Alsdorf, Bullelin of the School of Oriental and African Studies
Vol VIII, quoted in JC Jain History of Prakrita Literature, PP 382-83

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İntroduction
6
his predecessors, the author of AP eulogises the work as a nonpareil creation of Gunādlya, and while equating his work with the said romance by taking recourse to double-entendre, he very ingeniously refers to it as 'a charming long narrative of excellent theme and marvellous import, (as also) arranged in many Lambhas by the previous poet(s) Gunādhyale (rich in merit)'. From this and similar other instances we can reasonably infer that the early Jaina Purānakāras had thorough acquaintance with the work which must have survived till the eleventh cen. tury A D. when the work was rendered into Sanskrit by two Kāśmirian poets.19 Now, on the basis of the temporal priority of the BK 20 to the early Jaina Purānas as also on the strength of the above evidence of their fair acquaintance with it, we can legitimately assert their indebtedness to the said work.
The influence of the BK raages from the adoption of several motives to the incorporation of tales and episodes The episodical legends inserted in the narrative of the Salākāpurusas are of varying n lture Sometimes these are inserted as preludes to the main narrative to account the events of their previ. ous esistences, while at times they form the part of the main narrative to describe the various experiences in their final incarnations as the Salākāpurus 2, 21 The dramatis personae of 18 अद्भुतामिमा दिव्या परमार्था बृहत्कथाम् । लम्भरनेकै सन्दब्धा गुणाढ्य पूर्वसूरिभि ॥
äna, 1 15 comp Dandın, Kavyādarsa where the author bas referred to the BR almost 10 similar terms, TTATT SETTreat apet,
a-l 33, Winteraitz, A History of Indian Literature, Vol II, p 499 19 There arc Ksemendra's Brhatkathāmasljari composed about 1037
AD and Somadeva's Kathasarıtsägara, which was written about A.D 1081 Nepalese poet Budhasvämın also abridged it under the name of Brhatkatha'sloka-Sangraha This work is earlier (c 900 AD) than the
two Kasmirian recensions Sce Keith, HSL, pp 268 ff 20 The original Brhalkaiha is placed in the first century AD Sec A
Macdonell, HSL, P 376 Some of the scholars are not in favour of ascribing such an carly date to the work They are, however, sure that its date is not later than A D 500 Sce The Classical Age, p 324,
Keith, op cit, p 268 21 eg Tie a coats of previsus existences of the Finas, Rşabha and
Santinitha, and the narrative of Sanatkumara

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Aspects of Brahmanıcal Influence on the Jaina Mythology
all these legends and episodes, 22 like the vidyādharas of the Brhatkatha have fabulous power to move in the air and on the earth alike and they assume various forms at will and delight in all sorts of frolics and adventurous journey to lofty mountains, horrible forests and in sooth to all such uncommon places which human beings cannot traverse
In the Vasudevahınd123 this element is very conspicuous, and, the account of Vasudeva's wedding to a host of Vidyadhara maidens during the former's wandering incognito is practically a recast of that of Naravälianadatta's extraordinary marriages with the damsels of similar origin. It is however clear that the Naravāhanadatta motive is not peculiar to the works that deal with the exploits of Vasudeva and his progeny, but is found also in other sections In fact, the scope for the inclusion of such motivated stories and episodes is wider in the works that narrate the life-history of all the Salākāpurus as than in those which give the account of a single Salākapuruşa or a set of them Naturally, the number of such Vidyadhara-stories, with a skilful blending of the epic-cum-Purānic legends and episodes, 24 is greater in the MP, CMC and the TSPC for obvious reason of their having been written on an ambitious plan, dealing, as as they do, with the life-history of all the sixty-three excellent men of the faith 22 Clous Bruhn, Jotroduction, silánkācārya's Caupannamahāpurisacarija,
p 19, For tbc types of the Vidyadbara stories included in Jaina works,
Sec L Alsdorf, Harijamsapurāna, pp 65,119 23 JC Jain, op cit. p 382-83, L Alsdorf BSOS, vol 8, VS Agrawala
also observes "In the Vasudcoahındı Vasudeda takes the place of Naradahana and rebukes Samba that those sluggard fellows did not stir out of their homes and so achieved nothing, whercas in his youth he had visited many a land and by his wisdom and tact (also on account of bis cxtraordinary beauty) won the hands of many royal beauties" (Vide Matsya Purana-A Study, p 50, For the Purānic adoption of
the accounts) sce Finasena's Harivamsapurana, cantos 19-36 24 cg the stories of thc previous existences of $āntinātha It is in one of
the clusters of those stories that the famous cpic episode of the illustri. ous king Sabya (also called Subt) and the Hawk is incorporated as a part of the story of Megharatha, said to have been one of.the previous incarnations of the Lord (Vide MP Parvan 63; CMIC, pp 148-49, TSPC, Vol III pp-291-293), cf Rāmāyana, 11 12 43,11 14.4, MBH, 111 130 F, 197, XN1-32-where the king is named Visadarbha

Page #25

Introduction
The importance of the Vidyadharas in the Purānic works can further be exhibited by the fact that almost all the Purānas, with the exception of the Adipurāna of Jinasena and the Pandavapurāņa of Subhacandra, include in their dynastic lists the Vidyadharas as a distinct race, and give its genealogical accounts in great detail and of the nine Pratwāsudevas28 the first eight are set forth as the descendants of Vidyādhara race
Among the classical Sanskrit poets of distinction, mention may be made of Kalıdāsa, Bhärav , Bana, Harsa and Māgha, all of whom have been relied upon more or less for the portrayal of various situations, sentiments and feelings Above all, the influence of the works of these poets is pre-eminently manifest on the sections devoted to the poetical descriptions of the material world in its manifold aspects These are, for example, the majestic mountains, impenetrable forests and fertile fields rich in various crops 28 As it is not possible to show here in detail the cases of borrowing from the above-mentioned sources by different authors, we shall citc only a few such instances that exhibit a conspicuous sign of borrowing from or imitation of a particular work
A comparative study of these Puranas, however, reveals that of all the poets of classical ornate style, Kālıdāsa holds the greatest sway over the imaginative acumen of the Purānakäras,
25 These are (1) Asvagrloa, (11) Târaka, (111) Meruka, (iv) Nisumbha, (v)
Madhukaitabha, (vi) Balt, (vi) Pranarana, (v111) Rāvana (all khecaras) and (1x) Jarāsandha, Sec JHV,160 291-92
"अश्वग्नीवो भुवि ख्यातस्तारको मेरुकस्तथा । निशुम्भ. शुभदंभोजवदनो मधुकैटभ ॥ बलि प्रहरणाभिख्यो रावण खेचरान्वया ।
भूचरस्तु जरासघो नवते प्रतिशत्रव ॥" According to the Uttarapurano of Gunabhadra, the Pralırásudelas were (1) Astagriva, (11) Toraka, (11) Madhu, (iv) Madhusadana, (v) Damitāri, (vi) Nisumbha, (vu) Bolindta, (v111) Rāvana and (1x) Farāsandha. Parvans 67-60, 62, 65-67, 72 Gunabhadra's list shows obvious departure from that of Jinasena It is also remarkable that majority of Purānakäras describe there Pratidāsudroas as of extremely black complexion Sce,
for example TSPG, 4.1.247, 4 2 121ff 28 MP:18 118-207, 12 2-31; 28 9 52, 30 05-83 CUC, pp 111, 218,

Page #26

OCT"
Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology
and among the latter the author of the Ādrpurâna owes to that brilliant star of the literary firmament to the greatest extent From Vimalasūn onwards all the Purāna authors have borrowed more or less from that literary wizard Vimala's introductory remark- 'is it not that a thread passes through a precious gem bored by the point of a diamond 2:27 presents a very remarkable parallelism with the similar expression in the Raghuvamsa 28
Coming to the Adipurāna, we often come across some sentiments, phrases and other descriptive lines which strongly remind us of Kālıdāsa's works In the introductory portion of the AP the author obviously imitates Kälıdāsa29 in showing his modesty by contrasting between the paucity of his poetic lasight and the unfathomable ocean-like purānic literature, which he intends to cross on arms and thus exposes himself to ridicule 30 Similarly, there is remarkable parallelism between Kalıdāsa's1 conception of Himalaya as a measuring rod of the 27 de apagsfart 7 fee ng HENTETT"
--PC 1.136 28 "HUNT WASTU FET À fa"
-Raghu, 1 4b Compare also Padmacarıla of Radisena (1 20), in whose case the solucncc may be said to be indirect, for, Radi şena has apparently copied
Vimala and not Kaldāsa 29 "qa yiga 97.89 Tegfagyi #fa
तितीपर्दुस्तर मोहादुडुपेनास्मि सागरम् ।। मन्द कवियश प्रार्थी गमिष्याम्युपहास्यताम् ।"
-Raghu 1 2-8a 30 "ET TETIT gerufaa 29 Aralagfag. I
सोऽह महोदधि दोभ्या तितीर्षर्यामि हास्यताम्"-AP, 1 28 Jinaseni's indebtedness to Kālıdāsa on various planes can be estimated also from the fact that under the inspiring influence of the latter he composed bis famous lyrical poem the Pārsvābhyudayaca. nila, in which work he incorporated the entire Meghadūta by inserting in cach versc onc or two lines from each stanza of the Meghaduta See
Weaternitz, HIL, Vol II, p 612. 31 प्रस्त्युत्तरस्या दिशि देवतात्मा हिमालयो नाम नगाधिराज । पूर्वापरी तोयनिधी वगाह्म स्थित पृथिव्या इव मानदण्ड.॥
-Kumārasambhava, 1.1.

Page #27

Introduction
earth and Jinasena's representation of the same in an identical way.32 Again, the poetic description of rivers33 in general and those of the Gangā3 in particular strongly remind us of the graphic description of Vetravati, Gambhira—and Nirvindhjā in the Meghaduta In this connection we meet with not only similar poetic sentiments and feelings but also identical phrases
Besides these, we also come across some other passages in the MP which express the same poetic feelings and emotions 32 "स्वपूर्वापरकोटिभ्या विगाह्य लवणार्णवम् । स्थितोऽय गिरिराभाति मानदण्डायितो भुव ॥"
- MP32113 Also see Kumāra 120 and comp MP 3367, -Raghu 1 79 and
MP 28 151
33 " तनूभूतपयोवेगीनद्य परिकृशा दघु' । वियुक्ता घनकालेन विरहिण्य इवाङ्गना ॥"
-MP, 26 31
The rivers having been diminished (in breadth) on account of separation from the cloudy season (rainy season ) wore, like ladies in separation, braids of receding waters.
and cf “वेणीभूत-प्रतनुस लिला ..
I
34 " शफरीप्रेक्षणामुद्यत्तरङ्ग भ्रूविनर्तनाम् । वनराजी - वृहच्छाटी - परिधाना वधूमिव ।। "
'दशितावर्तनामे: '... ( Megha 30), तस्मादस्या कुमुदविशदान्यर्हसि त्व न धैर्यान्मोघीकतु चटुलशफरोद्वर्तनप्रेक्षितानि ॥
" पुलिन जघनाम्"
11
Megha 131
MP 28130
-
-
and the expressions, like - "पुलिनैर्जघनैरिव” –(MP_20131), 'तिष्ठमानामिवावर्त व्यक्तनाभिमुदन्वते – (26 1346 ), ( युवतिमिव गभीरावर्त - नाभि प्रपश्यन् .. तीरोपान्तस्तनितसुभग पास्यसि स्वादु यस्मात् । सभ्रूभङ्ग मुखमिव पयो वेत्रवत्याश्चलोमि ।।
"(26, 148), and comp
******
(Megha, 143)
Po
Meghadata, 26, lines 3-4 ),
(Megha, 142 ) and

Page #28

Aspects of Brahmanıcal Influence on the Faina Mythology
as are conveyed by those in the Szśupālavadha of Māgha For instance, reference may be made to those passages in Siśupālavadha36 and MP 36 which reflect common reactions during the descent of Närada from the sky and that of Kitamāla, a god living at the mount Vijayārdha
To cite one more case, the idea expressed with regard to the working of the favourably disposed Fate bears remarkable likeness with that set forth in the Ratnával737 almost in similar phrases
The foregoing pages would thus present a clear background for our principal topic of investigation, for, laying bare the verbal and other incidental or contextual agreements between the works of both the traditions is beyond the scope and purpose of the present survey. Such a study, of course, will form an independent work in itself Nevertheless, we propose to append in the sequel, some parallel passages glcaned from different sources, particularly from the Kādambarī of Bāna and the Caupannamahāpurisacariya of Silānka 38 35. “गत तिरश्चीनमनूरुसारथे प्रसिद्धमूर्ध्वज्वलन हविर्भुज ।
विशत्यघो धाम विसारि सर्वत किमेतदित्याकुलमीक्षित जनं. ॥ चयस्त्विपामित्यवधारित पुरा तत शरीरीति विभाविताकृतिम् ।। विभुविभक्तावयव पुमानिति क्रमादमु नारद इत्यवोधि स॥"
-Sisupalavadha, 1 2-3 36 दिव्य प्रभान्वय कोऽपि सम्मूच्छंति किमम्बरे ।
तडित्पुञ्ज किमयचिरिति दृष्ट क्षण जनः ।। किमप्येतदधिज्योतिरित्यादावविशेषत । पश्चादवयवव्यक्त्या प्रव्यक्तपुरुषाकृति ॥ कृतमालश्रुतिव्यक्त्यं कृतमाल स चम्पकै । कृतमाल इवोत्फुल्लो निदच्ये प्रभुणाऽग्रत ॥
--MP 31 92-94 37 (a) द्वीपादन्यस्मादपि मध्यादपि जलनिवेदिगोऽप्यन्तात् । पानीय झटिति घटयति विधिरभिमतमभिमुखीभूत ॥
-Ratnāvalt,16 (b) द्वीपान्तराहिशामन्तादन्तरीपादपानिधे ।
विषिर्घटयतीटार्यमानीयान्वीपता गत ॥ 38. See also chapter I

Page #29

Introduction
IÍ SOURCES It is obvious that no external or secondary sources can serve as the foundation of the present type of study Naturally, we have based our investigation principally on the original texts of both the faiths The Brahmancal side comprises the two national epics together with the Harvamsa as well as some of the relevant early Purānas The Smyths of Manu and Yājñavalkya have also been relied upon in the section that deals with the Smsłż3o matters.
The Jaina sources include all the principal Purānas and Putānic cartas written in three languages, viz, Samskīta, Praksta and Apabramsa. These Purānas, like their Brāhmanıcal counterparts are the results of the literary pursuits of several authors and extend over a period of more than one thousand years
The works may roughly be divided into two groups in accordance with the sects to which the respective authors belong. Thus, on sectarian ground they may be taken to represent both the Svetāmbara and Digambara schools But, despite their schismatic differences, all the works are strikingly unanimous in deriving the Jaina universal history from Lord Mahavira through Gautama Ganadhara who in all the works is represented as having narrated the life-history of the Salāka purus to king Srenka of Magadha 40 But, the great divergences and discrepancies in the various versions expose this claim for antiquity to serious doubt, for, even with regard to the dynas. tic and genealogical accounts, the points of difference are far more striking than the points of agreement This is true also of those works which belong to the same sect 41
39 - Chaps VIII & IX 40 VPC 2 104-3 14, Where Gautama Ganadhara claims that he relatcs tbc
story of Padma) as it has been told by the Kevalın, 1 e Lord Mahavita
TF Baitu FATT HAFT IF ofta fH, Ibid 3 14b RPC, 3 1326, 123 166 ff JHV 5 60-66, 66 12, AP 2 2-97, UP, 76 645 f,
ATU-TE-Efafurity 744161-05 TE PIHTTU,—SPC, 121 PMP, 2 4 1-12, CMC, p 4, SPP, 2 14-102 41. Discussed in Chapters IV-VI.

Page #30

12
Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jana Mythology
Among the second class of sources, mention may be made of the Jaina canonical works by the Jaina authors These works serve both as positive and negative evidences for testing the validity of the deduction made from the comparative study of the relevant texts
Although the Vedic texts present the earliest period of Indian literary documents, yet they have been placed in the third class of sources in accordance with their importance fo the present study In the same group have also been included the early Buddhist texts We have extensively drawn upon both these sources to find out the relationship, if any, of some of the divergent Puranic statements to the ancient tradition, embodied in these early texts Wherever possible, we have judiciously utilised these early records to ascertain the relative historical and genealogical value of the conflicting statements found in the Puranic texts under review
The fourth class of sources consists of the monographs, research findings and some ingenious articles of the historians and Indologists All these sources have been duly referred to in their proper contexts
Now, before closing this preliminary discussion, we must admit that we have proceeded with our investigation without dwelling upon the question of the respective chronology of the works belonging to the two faiths The reasons are obvious Whatever be the upper limits, the lower limits of the RamaJana and the Mahabharata13 in their extant forms cannot be extended beyond the second and fourth century AD respectively Similarly, the major parts of the Purānas dealing with
42 The Age of the Imperial Unity, p 253, For different theories advanced for and against an earlier date for the extant epics, see E W. Hopkins Epic Mythology, pp 1-2 For a thorough discussion see Winternitz, HIL, pp 500-517.
43 After discussing the process of augmentation of the extant work, Winternitz concludes that "the Mahabharata cannot have received its present form earlier than the 4th century BC and not later than the 4th century AD"-HIL, Vol I, p 465, Epic Mythology, pp 1-2, AIU, 251-252,

Page #31

Introduction
13
the earlier five topics carnct be dated later than the fourth century AD, as it has been convincingly shown by eminent Indologists on critical examination of different sections, that the extra-Purānic materials were incorporated in the Purānas mostly between the 3rd and 5th centuries A D 45 The date of the earliest extant Jaina Purana on the other hand, cannot be pushed earlier than the fifth century of the christian era 46 This being the case, the upper limit of the Jaina Purānas would thus start from the point where the lower limit of the works of the Brāhmanical schools terminates Hence it will not be unrea. sonable to ascribe the cases of parallelism to the influences of the older branch on the newly formed tradition.
It will however, be a travesty of fact to hold that the influence was one sided The faiths developing side by side and deriving the sap of life from the same sections of people, who had been professing the same cult and creed, must be supposed to exercise their mutual influences The Brāhmanical religion and ethics bear conspicuous stamp of Buddhist and Jaina influences But, that is a different tale altogether What the present study endeavours to show is to lay bare principally those elements and facts which were unknown to or neglected and even ridiculed by the compilers of the Jaina canons, but were later on incorporated into the corpus of the Jaina Purānic literature under the pressing influences of the Brāhmanical epic-Purānic tradition,
44 Pargiter, AIHT (Ancient Indian Historical Tradition), pp 49-61 45 RC Hazra, Studies in the Purānic Records on Hindu Rites and Customs,
chapters II-IV, quoted by RC Majumdar in "The Classical Age',
p. 298 46 For the different theories about the date of Vimalastri's Païmacariya,
the earliest cxtant Jaina Purāna, scc VM Kulkarni, Introduction to Poūmacarija, pp 8-15,

Page #32

CHAPTER I
THE EPICS AND THE JAINA PURĀŅAS
The epics hold a unique position in India 1 Their imprint on Hindu life and culture is indelible, and on Jainism, too, the works have exerted a profound influence Although Jainism disapproves of the Brāhmanical way of life, yet popular Jainism seems deeply permeated by the ideals and messages set forth by the two national epics. And, almost every legend, myth and moral treasured up in them has penetrated deep into the mind of the Jaina laity
A perusal of the early texts of Jainism irrevocably proves that during the period of the redaction of the Jaina canons, the epics occupied a prominent position among the Jainas and were included in the Jaina svstem of education to equip the learner with proficiency in practical wisdom 2 The works, however, served them not only as guides in mundane affairs but also as perennial founts of inspiration on ethical and spiri. tual planes As a matter of fact, the lay adherents of Jainism found the epic way of life more practical and for that matter more enjoyable than the one prescribed by the Jaina canons 3 This fact resulted in the influx of a substantial number of nonJaina customs and practices into the Jaina society, and the popular appeal of these clements was so great and pressing that thesc had to be formally sanctioned by the Jaina savants who flourished towards the end of the first millennium A D. 1 The Age of the Imperial Unily, foreword, pp XX-XXI, Preface, p
XLVI 2. Anuyogadcāra (Su 40f), Nandi (Su 42), both quoted in Dr BC Law,
India as described in Early Texts of Buddhism and Jainism, P 171, VM
Kulkarni, Introduction • Paūmacarıyam, p 6 3 HIL, VOL. II pp 488-488 * सर्व एव हि नाना प्रमाणं लोकिको विधि । यत्र सम्यक्त्वहानिर्न यत्र न व्रतदूपणम् ॥
rasastilaka, Book VIIL, Sec 34, quoted by K K. Hapdiqui in Pasasmiaka and Indian Culture, p 332

Page #33

The'Epics and the Jaina Puranas
18
The iniuence of the epics is so deep and permanent on the minds of the laymen that despite ceaseless efforts of the Jaina savants to win them over to pure Jainism, there are to be found a good number of staunch adherents of the faith who still show their unflinching faith more in Rama than in Mahavira and consider the epics more inspiring than the Jaina works
Here it deserves mention that the works in question have left no less influence with the protagonists of the faith, who -appear to have partly recognized it by way of reaction shown against these works in the introductory portions of their Puranas. Nevertheless, whatever may be the nature of reaction against these epics, it is beyond doubt that the ideas and plots taken over directly and indirectly from the epics have enriched the Jaina Puranas to a considerable extent
One important point not to be lost sight of with regard to the study of the circumstances leading to the inclusion of the cpics in the Jaina syllabus and its resultant effect is that the Jaina laity was drawn from all strata of Indian society and was formed of ordinary human beings engaged in worldly pursuits. Over and above that, majority of the Jainas were converts from the Brāhmanıcal faith,? who were brought up in the Brāhmanical epic-Purānic environment Their customs and manners, beliefs and superstitions were moulded chiefly by the ideals set forth by the epics Although change of
6 Sec the interesting paper Rama aura Mahādira by Shri Ayodhya
Prasadzi Goyaliya published in Sri Mahāvira Gommemoration Volume, Vol I (1948-49) The point is further confirmed by the fact that the first Purāna by such a staunch advocate of Jainism as Vimalasarı relates to the life-story of Rama and the Taina versions of Rāma-biograp outnumber the Purānic works on any individual Salākápurusa, orde V.M Kulkarni, introduction to the Prakrit Text Society edition of the
Pailmacariga, pp 1-5 8 Padmacariga, Canto II 105-117, 3 8-16, 8 68-80 Padmacanta, Parvan
2 VV. 230-235 JHV 45 150-167 SPC, 1.10 1.9 PMP LXIX
33-13 7. The elaborate Dik şandayakriyas enjoined to be performed by the
converts before they were received into the Jaida faith bear testimony to the fact, Vide Mahāpurāna 39 1-80

Page #34

Aspects af Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology
8
faith brought about a difference in their religious practices, yet it could not cause any substantial change in their mental frame which was largely shaped by the Rāmāyaṇa and the Mahabharata, leaving, as they did, an enduring impression on their life and thought Naturally, they were unwilling to sever their connection with the epics which, for centuries, had been their principal guides and wherein they found a suitable outlet for their emotions and aspirations Further, the people were not fully satisfied with the Jaina canons which, though having incorporated in their corpus some myths and legends of universal appeal in somewhat Jainised way, were mainly interested in the glorification of dry asceticism
9
This state of things must have paved the way for the inclusion of the Rāmāyana and the Mahabharata in the curriculum of the Jaina system of education sometimes before the compilation of the Jaina canons 10 But the introduction of that hybrid education produced a reaction which was not conducive to the progress and popularity of the faith, for it began to dampen people's conviction in the Jaina religion in which the lay adherents could not find any scope for the realisation of their ideals
16
Now, to counteract the ascendancy of the epics and to ensure unswerving adherence of the laity to the faith, the Jaina authors adopted the very method of the epic poets For the most part, they reproduced the same epican ideas and plots in a Jainised way. It was thus that the Jaina Puranakāras ende
8 The Age of Imperial Unity, p 252
0 eg Uttaradhyayanasütra, of which not a single lecture is free from that element Similar is the case with most of the works forming part of the canonical literature
10 In the Anuyogadoära (Su 25) the recitation of the two epics is referred to as a compulsory rite to be performed without fail, Vide LAI, p 171 11 One such adoption, among the many, is the interesting episode of Vasu, Parvata and Narada wherein Parvata is represented as championing the cause of animal-sacrifice, whereas Narada is stated to have stood for the non-violent form of sacrifice We are told that both of them contend over the meanig of the term aja, the sacrificial object, which, according to Narada meant old grain of barley, incapable of germination, but to Parvata the term was expressive of 'goat' Now, both the disputants approach King Vasu for enlightenment The king, although knowing full well that the scriptural evidences were in favour of

Page #35

The Epics and the Jaina Puranas
avoured to provide the common people with some such documents as could serve as suitable substitutes for the Brahmanical epics and Purānas. In this mission they had not to exert much, for, the epic-Puranic tradition had given them a powerful mythology which they utilized with necessary modifications in their own pantheon which popular Jainism had developed owing to the powerful influence of Brahmanism Thus, almost all the epic-Puranic gods and goddesses, Gandharvas and raksas and a host of mythical figures as well as the myths and legends connected with them were assimilated in the Jaina religious beliefs and were represented in the Jaina Puranas without
restraint.
It seems likely that the Jaina Purānas would have deve loped quite differently, had the epics-which were largely drawn upon and imitated over by the Jaina Puranas-not been there For, the nature and contents of the Jaina Caritas and Puranas show that the authors of the works have strived to vie with the epic poets insofar as they have styled the different chapters of their Purānas either Sargas or Parvans The tone and the technique which they have adopted are essentially those of the epic poets With the exception of the Purānas written in Prakrta and Apabhramŝa all the Purānas are composed mainly in Anuştubh metre-a favourite metre of the epics-with occasional introduction of later Kavya diction
Of all the Jaina Purānas, Vimalasūri's Paumacarıya (C 400 A D.) is the oldest In narrates the story of the Valmiki Rāmāyana in a Jainised way 12 Though there are many points of difference in the details, yet the general run of the whole does not show much departure from the traditional account of Rama's exploits However, it must be noted here that even in
Narada's interpretation, delivers his judgement in favour of Parvata's stand, and so sinks deep down into the earth together with his crystal throne, VPC, 11 6-35, RPC 11 11-72, JHV 17 01-152 UP, 67 329439, TSPC, 72 383-450, and of Mahābhārata, A'svamedhikaparva, Chaps 91 11-23, 26-34, Vayup 67 92-121
17
12 VM Kulkarni Paumacarya, Introduction, pp 5-6, The Origin and Development of the Rama-story in Jaina literature, JOI, Vol IX, No 2

Page #36

Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jain Mythology
those cases where changes have been introduced, the similarities are really far more striking than the differences The introductory portion of this Purana is very important and interesting from the standpoint of reaction it shows against the Ramayana of Valmiki 13
18
Ravisena's Padmacarita (A.D 678) occupies second place in the chronological order." This work is practically a faithful Samskrta version of the Prakrta Paümcanja of Vimalasiri. Our study reveals that Ravsena imitates Vimala wholesale without acknowledging his indebtedness to the latter. The introductory chapter of the Padmacanta exhibits the same censorious attitude15 towards VR as Vimalasuri's work does However, the way, in which the reflection has found expression, is an obvious evidence of the author's anxiety for minimizing the fame and popularity of the Valmiki-Rāmāyana among the Jaina laity. It rather proves to the hilt that the Valmiki-Rāmāyana was fairly accurately known among and studied by the contemporary Jainas, and sofaras the accounts of the families of Rama and Ravana were concerned, there was not any well-established Jaina tradition which could have been drawn upon 18 Although the Jaina authors claim a very old tradition for their legendary narratives," yet this seems to have been prompted by their propensity to invest their versions with an element of antiquity and authenticity
Jinasena's Harivamsapurāna was composed in 783 A D. It is considered to be the earliest known Jaina version of the
13 VPC, 2 107-117, 3 8-16
14. The Age of Imperial Kanauj, p 292
15 RPC, 3 17-27, 8 146-149
16 According to Viralasun himself, the Rama-story existed in the form of list of names and as handed down from teacher to his pupil in regular succession.
नामावलियनिवद्ध प्रायरियपरपरागय सव्व । वोच्छामि पउमचरियं ग्रहारपुव्वि समासेण ।
VPC 18
17 See Introduction, note 40 Also DL. Narasimhachar, The Jaina Ramayanas, Irdian Historical Quarterly, Vol XV No 4 pp 575 #
14

Page #37

The Epics and the Jaina Purānas
Brahmanical Harivamsa 18 Although several changes have been introduced in the detailed description of the exploits of the heroes of the Hart dynasty, yet the main theme does not betray any departure from the original account However, with regard to the description of Vasudeva's exploits the author shows his ingenuity in inventing new situations by blending together the materials borrowed from the Vasudevahındı and the BrhatLathă. But this shows an extravagant supernaturality with which the feats of the hero are wrapped up
Of all the Jaina Puranas, the Mahapurana of FinasenaGunabhadral is the most important and interesting work. It is the precursor of those Puranas which narrate the life-stories of all the sixtythree great personalities of the Jaina faith And, to a great extent, this work serves as model "for many subsequent authors like Puspadanta, Hemacandra, Asadhara, Camundaraya, and the author of Tamil Sripurāna" The MP may rightly be called "an encyclopaedia of Jainism", as it brings to relief various aspects of the contemporary Jaina society. It is here that we get for the first time a descriptive account of all the
4
19
18 The Vasudevahir dr of Sanghadása (c 609 A D Is carlier than the present work But that work does not come within the perview of the Puranic literature and pertains to the class of religious romance The work, however, serves, in several respects, as the prototype of JHV, See chaps V-VI Also Indian Literature, Vol II, p 495
19. Jinasena composed the first forty-two Partons of his Purata which is popularly known as the Adipurana The remaining Parvans of the work were written by his pupil Gunabhadra This composition serves as a supplement to Jinasena's work, left incomplete, and is known as Ullarapurana But the printed edition of the work is divided into three parts The first part consisting of twenty-five paroans is styled Adipurano, the second part which comprises chapters 26 to 47 of which the last five chapters are by Gunabhadra, is called Mahapurana The third book is entirely from the pen of Gunabhadra and consists of 29 paroans in all Thus, the work, started by Jinasena (circa 850-875 A D) on an ambitious plan, was brought to completion by Gunabhadra (898 A D) in seventy-six parvans However, the names Adipurāna, Mahāpurana and Uttarapurana, as given to three printed volumes, does not appear to have been based on a solid ground, for, both the authors call their composition Trışa şfilakṣanamahāpurānasangraha, as is evident from the colophon of each parvan.
J

Page #38

Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jain Mythology
nine Vasudevas and Baladevas as well as their inveterate
20
enemies.
In its method of representation, this Purana vies with the Mahabharata on the one hand, and with Brahmanical Puranas,20 on the other Like the Brahmanic Puranas the MP not only deals with what may purely be called Puranic matters but also dwells upon the Smyti-matters Besides, the work has incorporated many sections on Jaina dogmatics, ethics and philosophy and introduced situations for religious discussions.21 These occasions are mostly used for making polemical attacks on the different systems of nonn-Jaina philosophy, Brahmanical religious creeds, customs and practices as well as in defence of the Jaina practices and beliefs However, on many occasions the author has endeavoured to arrest the anti-Brahmanical feelings as reflected in early Jaina literature For example, he has introduced a novelty in the episode of the origin of the Brahmana varna22 as found in the works of his predecessors.
In many respects the MP exhibits profound influence of the Brahmanical epics, Puranas and contemporary religious thoughts and practices of the Hindus This influence is manifest on the sections dealing with the duties of different varnas and Asramas,23 various sacraments as well as the penances of yatis which may be called Jaina Yoga These sections often use the same ideas and expressions as are found in the Brahmanical epic-Puranic text 24 Now, the fact that protestant Jainism did 20 Vide chapter II
21 eg 4 16-40, 5 14-160
22 It devotes as many as three parvans on the origin of the Brahmana Varna as well as various sacraments, rites and rituals to be observed by the Brahmanas with special reference to the Asramas (parvans 38-40) See infra chapters VIII-IX and comp VPC, IV 64-87, PC IV 85-131 23 See chapters VIII-IX(infra)
24 eg (a) a grufta en à août weitzmaraafega |
MP 34 203
(b) egfa farar ga z.a aqı ara fanıaarą | समभावेन तेऽपश्यन् सर्वत्र समदर्शिन ॥
Ibid, 34 204
(c) वसन्ति स्मानिकेतास्ते...
Ibid, 34 174 and compare,

Page #39

The Epics and the Faina Purana's
not recognize these elements, tends to show that these features have been incorporated in the work with a view to imparting it the character of the Brahmanical cpics and Purānas with which it vies.
Mention may be made of the fact that the Mahāpurāna was written in an era of the ascendancy of Brahmanıcal religion which was, to a great extent, the product of the formidable labours of the epic-Purānic poets who brought together all rival sects of Hinduism and effected a synthesis among different god-concepts bringing to being what is called the doctrine of monotheism 25 That revolution drawing its inspiration from the epic.Purānic conception «ynthetised the cults of Brahmā, Vişnu and Siva to form a syncretic religion28 of the Hindus. Accordingly, the major gods, viz Brahma, Vişnu and Swa were conceived as the manifestations of the Universal Lord representing Hin in "threefold aspect of creation, preservation and destruction of the universe" Now, our perusal of the MP reveals that the above features of popular Brahmanism have exerted an overwhelming influence on the work which identifies the first Jina with the Hindu triada? and even with the
25 26
सम शत्रौ च मित्रे च तथा मानापमानयो । शीतोष्णसुखदु खेषु सम सङ्गविवर्जित ।। तुल्यनिन्दास्तुतिमौनी सन्तुष्टो येन केनचित् । अनिकेत स्थिरमतिर्भक्तिमान मे प्रियो नर ॥
Gitā, XII 18-19 विविक्तदेशसेवित्वमरतिर्जनससदि
--Ibid XIII 10b and MP 34 175-76 An Advanced History of India, pp 83-84 The Classical Age, pp 326-27, 365-68, 407 Also sce H G Rawlinson, India, p 123 AP 24 30-37ff, 25 105 This process of identification cf the Jing with the major gods of Hinduism is already observable in the works of Jinascna's predecessors, but not to the extent to which it is found in the present work See, for example (a) नाह तुम वभारणो तिलोयणो सकरो सयबुद्धो ।
णारायणो अणतो तिलोयपुज्जारिहो अरुहा ।। -DPC 5 122, 28 48 and 109 12, the last-mentioned quoted by VAS
Kulkarnı in his introduction to the Paūmacariya, p 37 note 3,
27

Page #40

22
Aspects of Brahmanıcal Influence on the Jain Mythology
Buddha and finally asserts his identity with the Brahman of the Upanusads and the Gitā 28
Another outstanding feature of the period under review was the growing importance of the Bhaktı movement. That development laid great emphasis on exclusive devotion to the personal god as propounded in the epics as well as thc Purānas which latter were composed principally in laudation of the major gods and goddesses of the rejuvenizcd religion of the Hindus 29 This feature, too, has a great bearing on the MP which has borrowed many of the ideas and expressions of the Brahmanical epic-Purānic poets.30 The influencc of the concept of Bhakti is more pronounced on the sections devoted to the prayers of the deified Tirthankara On those occasions, Jinasena gives more imphasis on exclusive devotion to the final than on "the austere and rigid morality", which was the characteris. tic trait of carly Jainism Here Jina is regarded as God par excellence and is invoked with fervent devotional prayers just in the epic-Purānic spirit 32 The votaries of the Jina who are drawn from all sections of sentient beings, including gods, gandharvas, yakşas and men, are portrayed as desirous of nothing but unwavering devotion to the saviour.
(b) JHV, 17 130-31 and ब्रह्माण विष्णुमीशान सिद्ध बुद्धमनामयम् ।
Ibid , 17 132a 28 AP 24 45, 23 105,131 Hc is called Visvalahpad (25 120), Vi'svata'scak şu
(25 101), Vi'svatumukha (24 31, 23 102), Vespamūrtı (25 103), Visuasir şa (25 120) and Visvatyapın (25 102) How identical these names are in spirit with the description of Brahman in the Gilā may be lnown from the following versc
सर्वत पाणिपाद तत्सर्वतोऽक्षिशिरोमुखम् । सर्वत श्रुतिमल्लोके सर्वमावृत्य तिष्ठति ।।
Gila XIII 13 Sec also XIII 14-17, 22 20 An Advanced History of India, pp 199-202 30 AP 23 92-162 31 Ibid , 14 52, 23 162, 2475 32 Ibid , 14 22-51, 23 02-161,24 27-15, 25 9-226.

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The Épics and the Žaina Puranas
Hymns and prayers uttered in extolment of the first Jina betray a deep influence of the Mahābhārata 33 Majority of the terms and expressions used in praise of Kęsna and other gods by the epic heroes seem to have been borrowed with slight modifications in their import Thus, the names and epithets denoting various qualities and functions of Brahmā,34 Vişnu35 and Siva as well as their common attributes36 recur in the MP as the titles of the first Jina The Tirthankara is represented as both transcendent over and immanent in all.37 Further, he is unborn, ever young, imperishable,38 immovables' and eternal 40 He is the Primal god (Ādı-Deva), the creator and Sustainer
33 III 39 74-79; VII 201 61-71, 202 9-50, VIII 33 65-62, X 7 2-11,
XII 43 3-16, 47 16-101, XIII 14 287-331, 345-352, 407-423, 104-65
and 17 31 ff 34 Vide chap III Sec II notes 1-13 35 eg Visnu (MP 24 35), Harı (MP 2-36) Amplodbhava (MP 25 130),
Padmanabhı (MP 25 133), Hưşike'sa (MP 25 134 and comp MBh 8 05 57-65, 6 66 19, 67 21, Purda (MP 25 101, MBh 6 678) Besides, striking parallelism subsists between thc Vişnusahasranāmastotra cmbedd. ed in the Mahābhārata (XIII 149 14-120) and the section devoted to the recital of a thousand and eight names' of the first Tirthankara in
the Mahāpurāna (25 100-217) 36 cf zasta: aT FATT Tra (MP 25 121a) and a f
fabatt JEDTET TEIT (MBh XIII 149 37b, VII 202 361-37a), #TAET FITHT FTFIT #THÈGEREGT (MP 25 167b) and FIAT FTA
a fitta FIT THUG SL (NIB. XIII 149 46), 4a-HOTHECH (MP 25 121) and 7 HOTTEETH (MBh XIII 149 14) feTiyat Trat TTT (MP 25 117a) and The Trat
TAIFAT YHTCH (MB) XIII 140 14b) fatuurT (MBh XIII 149 34b) Similar other expressions anl cpithets of identical sense and sound are interspersed throughout the relevant chapters of both
thc works 37 MP, 25 188 195 Gilā III 16, VI 30, XII 3 38 MP, 24 34, 25 109, 24 30, 25 106 and cf MBh XIII 143 15, 24, 116,
cmploying the terms like Ajara, Aja, Ajanman, Aksara, Adyaya and
Janmamptyujarātiga, etc. 39 Sthānu, Sthasnu (MP 25 114, 203 and MBh XIII 149 26, 59) 40 Saspala, Sanälana (MP 25 102, 105 MB) VI 35 18, 6610, 33, XII.
47 37)

Page #42

24
Aspects of Brahmancol Indirence on the imag
of the world and partaker of oblation," ani, isolerathir *cri. ficc 2 Next, the Jan is lauded on the Lord of tacnficent na ng') the sacrificer
Contcinporary Saivrin's 100, line rxcitra tis fta influir. ncc on the Mahabucrâne or all tlıc icma popraind in the Jina more than one-fourth lyclong to stir greit ! Shawl pl. Thc tcrmis, etymologically indicating Siva's varit **010171116 and cıplores, have been profiteed 19 tlor rarthafpore sul immaterial modificauion in their import Lord hi holist, fut instance, is callo Trgurări, Trilocane, Tririsc. *7;rstic asrl Tryal sa do te is further addressed as Ipilfont vraj And!,,? tal 2,49 Swa, Horia, Somaru and Samblixts as well as .1*7765177
41 MP 24 10 JIBK XIII 119 107,103 42 MP 244, MBA XIII 117 117 43 Yajhapalı (JIP 25 137) 44 lagran (ASP 21 $2, cf for both mith XIII 119 117 46 Vide CA, pp 426-33, AIK, np. 266-57 16 graffi eyaleta zifefiniti' 1 f7a7e747747679ET ............I
- VIP 25210 nolo Bh XIV $27-25 47 para FTTIT QE TERRETTISTIO 1
--\1P 25 731, and comp Upomanju s prayer 101. i 'pna in which the latter has been mentionce as representing half milk and hall frule in his body (7751TTTTTTTT FITOHTO 75F ), - All
14 295L 48 स्वामन्धकान्तक प्राहुर्मोहान्धासुरमर्दनात्
MP 25 737 People call thcc indhal antara (slayer of India , Iecause thou destroyed indhå sura of dichision Ilthough stated metaphorically, the idca, as cxpressed in thic lunc, is reminiscent of the pric-l'urámic legend of the slaying of Demon Andhaka by Lord Sina I'de, HP II
87 24-33 49 For those names and cpithcts and similar others scc MP 25 100, 110
118, 122, 130, 103, 180 60 Ibid , 14 42-47 cf MBh 16 34, Abhinana 1 1

Page #43

"
25
The Epics and the Jaina Puranas
with the same traditional1 eight forms of earth (Ksıtımūrtı), water (Salilātman), wind (Tarasvin=Vayu), fire (Pāvahamūrti), space (Gaganātman), sacrificer (Suyajvan), moon (Šītāmśumārtı) and sun (Arka). Furthermore, the epithets Sadyojāta, Vāmadeva, Aghora, and Īsāna to be traced back to the vedic period as the popular attributives of Rudra Siva,52 have been applied to the first Tirthankara53 as his special adjuncts. And Ganabhadra has added the fifth epithet Tatpuruşa to the above four and arrogated all the five names to the Tirthankara Sumatınātha 54
The Paumacariu55 of Svayambhu (c 700-900 A D.)50 is the third known work on the life-story of Rāma It is written in Apabhramsa and is divided into five books Svayambhu has obviously followed l'älmiki more closely than his Jaina predecessors Like Välmiki he has divided his work into five books called Kandas, which bear, with the exception of the first hända, the same names as the Valmikı-Rāmāyana With regard to the nomenclature of the first hända, the author has evidently followed the novel tradition represented by the earlier Jaina Purana-authors who have tried to absolve the Raksasas of the VR from their abominable Rāksasa-hood by depicting them as
51 सूर्यो जल मही वह्निर्वायुराकाशमेव च ।
दीक्षितो ब्राह्मण सोम इत्येतास्तनव क्रमात् ॥
-Marka 52 8b-9a, also Ibid, 52 3-8a, Vayup 27 4 19 The MP has evidently substituted Suyayvan ( मुयज्वने नमस्तुभ्य सर्वक्रतुЯ, 14 46a) for the Brahmanical form Dikşıla Brahmana But that, too, has its foundation in the Brahmanical sources which hold that Dilşıta Brahmana and Yajamāna (and for that matter Tajvan) signify the same sense, vide Lingap 2 12 13b-44a
52 In the Pasupata school of Saivism the names were ascribed to the five faces (Pañca-Vaktra) of Siva symbolising the five elements viz, Akā'sa (sky), Vayu (air), Agni (fire), Jala (water) and Prthivi (earth) -Lingap 2 14 1 32-33 cf Matsyapurāna—A Study, pp 51-52
53 MP 15 37, 17 65-66 and of Ibid, 24 30, 25 112 which both call the Jina I'sāna
54 UP 51 87
55 Critically edited by Dr H C Bhayanı and published from the Bharatiya Vidyabhavan, Bombay
56. Vide Bhayanı, Paumacariu, Introduction, pp 7-9

Page #44

26
Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jain Mythology
the offspring of Vidyadhara race Accordingly, the first book, which deals with the origin of the Vidyadharas, is styled Vidyadhara-Kända The five books as named by Svayambhu stand thus:
1. Vyjähara-handa (Vidyadhara-handa) 2 Ujjha-kanda (Ayodhyā-kända)
3 Sundara-handa (Sundara-kända)
4 Jujjha-handa (Yuddha-landa) 5 Uttara-handa (Uttara-lānda)
The Ritthanemicariu57 by the same author is another Jaina version of the Brahmanical Harivamsapurāna. This work, too, on the analogy of the Rama-cpic, is divided into four Kandas, which are styled as Yadavalanda, Kuru-hända, Yuddha-lända and Uttara-handa In consists of 112 Sandhis containing in all 1937 hadavakas of these Sandhis seventyseven are Svayambhu's own composition, while the remaining Sandhis were written by the author's son, Tribhuvanasvayambhū But some of the Sandhis in the end were lost and the loss was made good by Bhaṭṭūrala Yasahhirti in collaboration with his Guru Gunakīrlı.
The Yadavakända contains 13 Sandhis describing the birth, childhood frolics and feats and marriages of Krsna and the birth of his sons as well as that of Neminātha
The Kurukanda consisting of 19 Sandhis gives the account of the birth of the Kaurava-Pandava brothers, of their childhood and education, of enmity between the cousins, of Tudhişthira's diceplay, his defeat and stripping of Draupadi and of Pandavas' exile for twelve years
The Yuddhahanda, having 60 Sandhus, describes the battle fought between the Kauravas and the Pandavas resulting in the defeat of the former
The last book, viz the Uttarahanda comprising twenty Sandhis relates the incidents of Krşna's later life together with those of Neminatha represented unanimously as the younger brother of the former.
57 It is still in manuscript form and our statement about the work principally rests on the information given by Pt Paramananda Jain Sastri, Jain Grantha Prasastisangraha, Part II Introduction, pp 43-44'

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The Epics and the Jaina Puränas
The above list of the subjects dealt with in the work clearly shows as to how similar Svayambhū's version is with the Mahābhārata account of the principal events.
The spirit of the age, which accepted one Supreme soul of the universe, the Highest Reality (Parālpara), effected emotional integrity among the contending sects of Hinduism, appears to have influenced Svayambhū to a greater extent. Thus, inspired by the idea of essential unity among the divergent god-concepts, he applies to the Jinas all the popular names and epithets of the gods of different faiths and sects.58 It is with this end in view that the different heroes in Svayambhū's Purānas address the Jinas indiscriminately as Nārāyana59 Dina-kara, Varštavana, śrva, Varuna, Hutāśana (Agni), Saśı, Pavana, Brahmā, Han, Hara, Buddha and so on 6 The spirit of the prayer, in which these names find mention, clearly indicates that these have been used to suggest one Absolute Reality, albeit in the form of the Jina
Here it must be mentioned that all the above features represent the popular side of Jainism, which, on the analogy to Saivism and Vaisnavism, had developed a theistic tendency that was formally sanctioned by the protagonists of the faith. However, the belief in the divinity of the afore-said gods never found favour with the monks01 who were the genuine represen58. अरहन्तु बुद्ध तुहुँ, हरि हरु वि, तुहुँ अण्णाण-तमोह-रिउ । सहुँ सुहमु रिणरजणु परम-पउ, तुहुँ रवि वम्भु सयम्भु सिउ ।।
--SPC, 43 19 6-7, quoted in Paūmacuriu, Introduction, p 14 09 पारायण दिरणयरु वइसवणु मिउ वरुणु हुवासणु ससि पवण् । जो होउ सु होउ थुणन्तु पिउ, एक्कन्ते करेप्पिणु कालु किउ ।।
---Rıtthanemicariu, 56 30 9-10, quoted bed p 13 60 loc at, note 58 (ante) 61 ये स्त्रीशस्त्राक्षसूत्रादिरागाद्यङ्गकलङ्किता ।
निग्रहानुग्रहपरास्ते देवा स्युन मुक्तये ॥ नाट्याट्टहाससंगीताद्युपप्लव-विसंस्थुला । लम्भयेयु पद शान्त प्रपन्नान् प्रारिपन कथम् ।।
-TSPC, 23 808-05 (The gods, who arc staincł with marks of passion etc for women, weapons, a rosary and so on (and) are devoted to rcproof and favour, cannot lead lo emancipation How can, (those

Page #46

f: 28
Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jain Mythology
tatives of the Jaina faith
also Puspadanta's Mahāpurāna (959 AD-965 A.D)62 called Tisatthimahāpurisagunālankāru,63 is a voluminous work in Apabhramsa The Purana has for its model the Mahāpurāṇa of Jinasena-Gunabhadra As is evident from the title, the work deals with the life-stories of all the sixty-three Great Men of Jaina mythology It is remarkable that in the introductory portion of his work Puspadanta, unlike his co-religionists, shows high regard for Vyasa inasmuch as he reckons the latter among his predecessors, reputed for their literary achievements. Puspadanta's list enumerates, besides Patanjali's works as well
who are) infirm from overindulgene in dance, loud laughter, music ctc cause refuge-seching creatures to obtain tranquil position ") It is apparent that the criticism, though somewhat indirect, relates to the trio of the Hindu gods However, Somadeva's dig at these divinities is more direct and pointed than the Puranic stricture insofar as the former makes explicit mention of Brahmā, Viṣnu, Śiva and the Sun-god in the following verse
3419fa. Exeqîqaι fagât aerg oì qeqfa a#armı 1 भिक्षाशनो होमजपोपपन्न कथ स देवोऽन्यजनेन तुल्य ॥
Yasastilaka, Bk IV (How can he be a god who is just like other people, is husband of Umā (Pårvali) and father of Skanda (Kärllikeya, wields a trident and dressed in skins dances in the evening twilight, lives on alms, offers firc-oblation and mutters prayer ?) Similarly, divinity of Vişnu and the Sun bas been called in question in the following verse
af ga afaa ga sîassqìfa¢œegeqgot zfax | देवोस्त एतो यदि मुक्तिमार्गों पृथुश्र्च सोमश्र कुतस्तथा न ॥
Ibid Bk IV
Hari (Visnu) again is simply a Ksatriya and the Sun has the same qualities as the other luminaries If these two are gods leading (men) to final emancipation, why is it that Prthu and the moon, too, are not (called) so ] Both verses quoted in rasastilaha and Indian Culture, p 322 Also see Ibid pp 249, 323
62 Vide Dr PL Vaidya, Introduction to the Mahapurānu, PP XXXI
XXXV
63 Critically edited by Dr P L Vaidya and published by Minkchana Digambara Jaina Granthamalā, Bombay

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The Epics and the Jaina Puranas
as the Itihasa-Purānas, Bhāravi, Bhāsa, Vyāsa,64 Kālidāsa, Kohala, Caturmukha, Svayambhu, Harsa, Drona, Isāna and Bāna. In the opinion of the poet a thorough study of the works of the above authors was indispensable for a prospective poet Although the celebrated names find mention in a somewhat peculiar way, for, the author declares his ignorance regarding the compositions of the abovementioned writers, yet the declaration may logically be taken as an instance of showing modesty in a conventional manner. Hence the statement must be accepted as suggestive of Puspadanta's fair acquaintance with the classics of the above literary luminaries.
However, the sense of spontaneous acknowledgement of Vyasa's importance later gives way to sectarian prejudices against the immortal poet, for, in the introductory part of his version of the Rama story Puspadanta betrays the same reaction against Vyasa as is found in other Jaina works There the poet makes both Valmiki and Vyāsa05 principal targets of his attack for deluding people with their (false) teachings
In
Although not indulging in giving the Jina hundred and eight or a thousand and eight names, Puspadanta in no way lags behind Jinasena in arrogating to the first Jina all the popular epic-Puranic names and epithets of the Brahmanical trio a fervent devotional laud of the first Jina put in the mouth of Indra, the Jina is called Swa bereft of all his popular emblems and associates, the skeleton, Trisula (trident), human skull, serpents and woman " Besides, the Jina is addressed as Bhima,
64. गउ पीयइ पायजल जलाइ इहास पुराणइ गिम्मलाइ । maiga urefa #ıg arg sigg sinafız sıfaury i चउमुहु सयभु सिरि हरिसु दोगु गालोइउ कई ईमार वार
29
65
वम्मीय1-a1a-aufufe ufse yourų gampfa qf33 1
-PMP, 1 9 3-5
60 जय ककाल - सूल - नरकदल विसह विलय विरहिया । जय भगवत सत मिव सकिव...
-Ibid, LXIX 311
11
...
PMP X 51 cf MBh 3 173 43, 14 8 24, 27, H 3 85 11-23

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Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jain Mythology
Vama-(deva), Tripuraharı, Hara, Samkara, Rudra, Bhava, Mahādeva and Mahākāla "7
30
It is worthy of note that like Jinasena, Puspadanta also culogizes the Jina as the eight-formed god, with the only vari ation that instead of designating the Saviour as Aştamūrlı, the latter refers to him as Aştānga-Maheśvara (the great God with eight limbs) But with regard to the enumeration of the eight forms, Puspadanta shows an element of straightforwardness which is wanting in Jinasena who has referred to the eight manifestations in a somewhat circumlocutory way The eight limbs as mentioned by Puspadanta arees (1) Gagana (space), (2) Hutafana (fire), (3) Candra (moon), (4) Ravr (sun), (5) Finla (Atman soul), (6) Maht (earth), (7) Maruta (Air) and (8) Salila (water). It is remarkable that Puspadanta reckons Jivta in place of the usual Dikşıta Brahmana or Yajamāna or Tajvan as one of the eight forms, for, this is suggestive of Puspadanta's recognition of that universal truth which is called Atman 69
Among the other names arrogated to the Jina the term Adı-Varaha is of especial significance, for, with it is associated the mythical phenomenon of Earth having been lifted from the depth of the great ocean by Brahmā-Nārāyana in the form of the Primeval Boar (Adi-Varaha), also styled Tajña-Varaha, Maha-Varaha" etc. The author, undoubtedly keeping in mind
67 For all these names and titles see Ibid X 5 1-8 and compare Rāmā 6 120 3, MBb 1 65 21a, 7 202 11-16f
G8
जय गयण हुयासरण चद रवि जीवय महि मारुय सलिल ।
11
...
...
प्रट्ठगमहेसर जय... -PMP, X 5 19-20 Compare Hv 3 85 20b-21 and note 51 (ante) श्रात्मा तस्याष्टमी मूर्तिर्यजमानाह्वया परा ।
दीक्षित ब्राह्मण प्राहुरात्मानश्च मुनीश्वरा ॥
-Lingap 2 12 43b-44a, quoted in Matsya Purana-A Study, p 250 70 श्राईवराह उद्धरियखोरिण ।
-PMP X. 5 10
71 MBh III 272 49-55, VI 05 52v Hv 1 41 28-38, 3 33 1-7, 8 34 20-48 Vayup 02-27 Rămă 2 110 3-4 (ascribing the Boar-incarnation to Brahma).
69
...
...

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The Epics and the Faina Purūnas
the epic-Purāņic legend of the redemption of the carth by Vardha, has ascribed the title to the fina with an explanatory phrase which, though used in a special sense, points to the same act as the original legend. Thus, it is the reclaiming of the carth by the saviour which entitles him to the name Adi-Varaha. Of the other names and attributes of Brahmä usurped to Rşabha, mention may be made of Hiranyagarbha, Vedāngavādın, Kamalayonand rajñapurusa,72 Among Vişnu's names and epithets, Madhava, Madhusüdana, keśava, Vaikuntha, Dämodara as well as Vişnu78 are appropriated to the Jina Besides these, Ganesa, Sīrya (Divasanātha75) Buddha76 and the patronymic Sauddhodanı, too, do not escape the searching eyes of Puspadanta who indiscriminately uses them as Rsabhadeva's titles
The Caüpannamahāpursacarigaan of Silānha (868 AD) is the first known Svelāmbara Purana on the exploits of the sixtythree Salālāputusas of the Jaina faith It is written in Prakrit prose and verse and, therefore, shares the characteristic of that type of literary composition which is called Campū Although Silānka gives accounts of all the sixty-three excellent men of the Jaina universal history, yet he calls his work Caüpannamahaþurisacanya in place of the generally accepted name Trisasti So it is evident that he does not regard the nine Pratz-Vasudevas as great Men But Silānka appears to be the only author to have adopted that scheme Another important point to be noted about the work is that, unlike other works, it does not make Vālmili and Vyāsa targets of its attack Instead, the author seems to have proper regard for the Mahābhārata to which he
72 PMP X 6 10-13, cf MBh 1 1 29-32, Hy 11 27-30 MBh 154 11,
3 291 173 203 12-15, 12 348 48 Rāmā 736 3, 756 7 73 PMP X 5 14-16, X, 6 lb, cf MBh 13 149 10 21 f 74 PMP X 5 Sa 75 Ibid , X 512 76 Ibid, X o la 77. Edited by Pt Amritlal Mohanlal Bhojal and published by Prakrit
Text Society, Varanasi

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Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jain Mythology
alludes as the Bharatakathā,78 and in his version of the Rāma-story follows Vālmikr more closely than his Jaina predecessors.79 Moreover, in incidental notices of and references to the past events of mythological character, Silānka betrays fairly accurate knowledge of the traditional lore 80 In the Vibudhānanda drama incorporated in the work to prepare hing Mahābala (fourth previous incarnation of Rşabhadeva and serving as a prelude to the Rsabha-narrative) for renunciation, Bhisma's fearlessness in battle is ascribed to th:
78 भारहकहन्व समुल्लसिय-भीमज्जुणा
CMC, P 111 79 VM Kulkarni, The Rāmāyana-version of Silācārya as found in the
Caupannamahāpurisacariga, ABORI Vol XXXVI, pp 46-53 80 (I)णारायणमुत्तिन्व पयडियदिस्सरूवा (नारायणमूतिरिव प्रकटितविश्व
रूपा), (II) तियसाऽसुरमहियममुद्दवेलव्व सकमला (त्रिदशासुरमथितyetenega 99771), (III) fafueUFETUUTETFsa #4feaATEI (faftrafecortarget 57 HITT), (IV) FITवाहिवतणुव्व वियरियहरिणहा (दानवाधिपतनुरिव विदारितहरिणखा, (v) गगेयऽज्जुरणसमरभूमिव्व वियभियसिहडिसिलीमुहा (गाड्गेयार्जुन
tafafea faufiyafstefosfaat ET) --CMC, p ill As is cvident from the excerpt, the first similc refers to the cvent of Lord Visnu's revealing his unncrsal form (Visparūpa) to Ariuna as described in the Bhagavadgitā, Canto 11 The second phrasc alludes to the epicPuranic lcgend of the churning of the occan by the gods and demons and the appearance of Kamalā (Laksmi), goddess of wealth and bcauty out of the foaming tide of the agitatcd occan Third and fourth similes relate to the Varaha and Nara-stmha incarnations of God Visnu stated to have slain the demon-kings Hurangāk sa and Hiran, akasıpu respectively The last passagc refers to the crentful fight between Bhisma and Arjuna in which the latter, concealed behind Sikhandın, placed in the van of the army, brought about the end of Bhisma The Mahābhārata tells us that the stratagem of hiding Arjuna behind Sikhandin was cmployed because of Bhisma's resolve not to fight against Srkhandın hom the great hero had regarded as a woman, because originally Sikhandın was born as a daughter of king Drupada and was later converted to a man For all the above references Vide MIBh 1 18 1-43. 5 102 11-12 Rimnā 1 45 13-44 MIBh 3 272 56-61 Hv 3 39 1-23, 3 41 1-3 47.14 6 107 77-87, 6 108 3-4, 40-53, 3 117 1-7, 119 12-93.

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The Epics and the Jaina Purānas faculty of dying at his own will81, Pārt ha (son of Pţtha=Arjuna) is referred to as having derived his strength from Lord Krşna, 82 Karna is stated to be (ever) under the protection of Raur (the sun.god83) and the extraordinary power of Paulastya (Rāvana) Is attributed to (the grace of) Bhava (Siva) 84
As has already been pointed out, the CMC is in deep debt to Bana's Kādambari for many a jewel of ideas, expressions and phrases Its various descriptive sections are but Prakrit renderingses and recasts of the immortal romance. Apart from the
81. "भीष्मोऽमौ युधि नैव शकितमना स्वच्छन्दमृत्युर्यत"--
-CMC p 20, V 20a, and compare Bh 1 100 102-103, 0119 34, 35 107, 108, which tell us that Bhisma's gratificd father, Santanu, had granted him "the boon that dcath would never comc to him as long as hc desired to live " Thc boon gave him the power of
controlling even dcath at his will 82 "पार्थोऽपीश्वरकेशवापितवल"
CMC, p 20, V 13b 83 "रावेयरक्षारवे"
-Ibid, 20, V 13b It is to be borne in mind that the Jaina Purānas do not connect Radheya (Karna) with the Sun-god Instead, all the works represent him as the son of Pându procreated by the latter on Fiunti before she was duly married to him The departure from the Jaina tradition makes the reference significant Cf JHV, 45
37a UP 10 109-13 84 "पौलस्त्योऽतिवलोऽभवत्"
CMC P 20 V 13c 86 eg (a) CMC, p 248
भारहचरिय विम जायपडुवयरट्ठपक्खविक्खोह । (a) Kada, P 266
भारतमिव पाण्डुधार्तराष्ट्रकुलपक्षकृतक्षोभम् । (b) CMC, P 248
विझारण्ण विन वियम्भमारणवरपुण्डरीमोहम् । (b) Kada, p 286
अरण्यमिव विज़म्भमाणपुण्डरीकम् । (c) CMC, p 248
कसवल विश्न भमनउलगीयमुहकुवलयावीढ ।

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34
Aspects of Brahmanıcal Influence on the Jain Mythology
verbal borrowing the work betrays, on several sections, an incontravertiblc influence of Bann's style 8c It is rcally amazing that the author has drawn on the falha work so freely without
(c) Kada, p 260
कसबलमिव मधुकरकुलोपगीयमानकुवलयापीटम् । (d) CMC, P 248,
बालचरिय व तडरुहसठियहरिजल-रिणवाय-फाय कील । (d) Kida, p 206
कृष्णवालचरितमिव तट-कदम्बशाखाधिस्टहरिकृतजलप्रपातफ्रीडम् । (e) CMC, P 248
कदुवण-कदुधगण ?) मडल विप्र णायसहस्सोबहुत्तपयरिणवह । (e) Kada, p 266,
कद्रूस्तनयुगलमिव नागसहनपीतपयोगण्डूपम् । (1) CMC, P 2483;
दिव्व विश्र अरिणमिसालोयदिण्णदिट्ठीवियारिल्ल । (1) Kada, p 266, दिव्यमिवानिमिषलोचनरमणीयम् ।
The above exccrpts rccur in the CMC with regard to thc description of a big pond just as their prototypes in the Fäder bari occur in the account of the lake Acchoda Sec appendix eg (a) दरदसियभवरणोववरणकारणणप्पाइउन्भडमुहासा । गधव्वरणय रसोहवपेच्छमारणस्सविपलाइ ।।
-CMC, P 252, V 85 (a) गन्धर्वनगरलेखेव पश्यत एव नश्यति
-~-rada, p, 226 (b) वहुविहगयदगडयल गलियमयसलिलपकखुत्तत्व । अयि पक्खलइ महारगरिंदगुरुमदिरेसुपि ॥
-CMC, P. 252, v 80 (b) अतिप्रयत्नविघृतापि परमेश्वरगृहेषु विविधगन्ध-गजगण्डमधुपानमत्तेव परिस्खलति
-Kada, p 227 (c) अणवरयकमलसचरणलग्गणालग्गकठयवखण । कत्थइ पय णिवेस इ ण गिभर अज्जवि खण पि ॥
-CMC, p. 252, V 87
86 e

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The Epics and the Jaina Purānas
least acknowledgement of the loan taken from it 87 This state, however, does not create a healthy impression about Silanka who has virtually made himself guilty of plagiarism.
Hemacandra's Trisastrśalakāpurusacanta (Circa 1160-1172 A D.) is the fourth known work concerning the life-stories of the sixty-three great persons of the faith 88 It is a huge compo. sition in partans One appendix styled Parzśışta Parvanog is added to the main work probably in imitation of the Mahābha. Tata whereof the Harvamša, also called Panśıştaparvan and Khila forms an appendix.
The TSPC is very important from the standpoint of richness of contents Most of the myths and legends, which are found in a concise form in the earlier works recur in it in an enlarged and elaborate form Some of the epic-Puranic episodes, not met with or summarily treated in the carlier Jaina narratives, are of particular interest These are, for instance, the episode of Nala and Damayanti, of Puruhuila (a Vidyadharacounterpart of Indra) and Ahalya, 90 of Usa and Aniruddhaol and
(c) कमलिनीसंचरणव्यतिकरलग्ननलिननालकटकेव न क्वचिदपि निर्भरमावघ्नाति पदम् ॥
--Kāda P 226 The above lines occur in both works in the same context, bringing home to us, as they do, some peculiar traits of Lakşmi, the goddess of
fortune and Beauty Vide Appendix appearing in the scquel 87. Although in one context the author mal es a pointed reserence to king
Tärápida and his Prime Minister Sukanāsa (atrala TUT (U) ETT
यल विष साहीरणसूयणासं) 88 Winternitz, HIL Vol II, pp 505-507 89 Ibid, pp 507-510 90 VSPC, Vol V p 73, which is undoubtedly based on the epic story of
Indra's violation of Ahalyā, wife of sage Gautama, MBh 5 12 0,12 342 23, 13-41 21 Rámā 1 48 15f, 7 30 24-34 and comp TSPC, Voi IV
p 45 91 TSPC, Vol V, pp 245-47 The cpisode, as in Hv (2 116 12-19) also
records thc boon of invincibility granted to Bāna, father of Usā, by Samkara It is also remarkable that Goddess Gauri is stated to have given U a the boon that she would have Aniruddha, grandson of Krsna as her husband Comp Hv 2 117 13-19, 118 72-74, also 2 chapters 119-125

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Aspects of Bralımanıcal Influence on the Jain Mythology
the episode of Cakrin Suvarnabalu and Padma 92 Or thesc, the lastmentioned story is obviously fashioned after the themc of Abhijñanasākuntala of Kalıdāsa Similarly, the story of the preparation of the Caru oblations by Jamadagn103 is a copy of the Mahabharata episode of sage Rciha's similar fcat "4 In fact the work is interspersed with an overwhelming number of thc Brahmanıcal epic-Purānic myths and legends with some contex:ual adaptations These tales are very important and interesting from the point of view of their comparalive apprai.
sal
In a majority of cases the author has hinged together different tales of the epic origin and has given them a new appearance to suit the Jaina taste. Some cpican and Purānic episodes have found incidental mention for the purpose of illustrating some important points, 95 and a few have been refer.
92 TSPC, Vol V, PP 371-375 13 Ibid , Vol IV, p 44f 94 The epic fable tells us that sage Roika intending to have an extraordi
nary son with the qualities of a Brāhmana from his fi atrisa wife Salsa. vali, daughter of hing Gādhi, prepared a Caru oblation for hier He prepared another Caru for his mother-in-law so that she might conceive an uncommon K şairiya child But the old lady pres ailed upon ber daughter in exchanging the oblations, with the result that the former gave birth to Visvāmitra, a Ksatriya with the character of a Brāhmana Now, Satsapati was to bear a son with the traits of Eşaltija, ficrcc in action When told by her husband about thc result of the crchange, Satyačali begged that the effect might pass on to her grandson That being granted, she gave birth to Jamadagnt with the result that his son Parasurama was born as a terrible warmor-Brāhmana MBh XII 49 0-30, XIII 4 24-48, III 115 33-43 (which, however, tells that the Caru was given to the women by the sage Bhrgu, father of Ruila) Also see Hy 1 27 17-35 It is to be noted here that to make the effect of the exchanged Caru direct, Hemacandra apparently gets them prepared by Jamadagni who is stated to have made one for his wife Renuka and another for her sister, wife of King Anantapirya And imputing a motive in his own way the author of the TSPC says that as Renula changes her Caru for that of her sister, so she gave birth to Parasurama
with the characteristics of a formidable warrior 95 To cite one from a host of such notices reference may be made to the
passage where, stressing the importance of the outward form of a

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The Épics and the Faina Purānas
red to with a view to lending charm and colour to the contextual description 36 However, a thorough comparative study of all these elements is beyond the scope of the present monograph.
Viewed from the standpoint of comparative study of the Mahabharata themes, the Pandavacarita of Devaprabha Sun is very important Written in 1213 AD the work appears to be the first known Purana of its type Just as the Mahabharata is divided into 18 Pardans so the PC contains exactly 18 cantos, obviously in imitation of the epic scheme The epic heroes find mention also in some of the canonical texts"?, but those works contain very scanty information about them, taking incidental notices of only a few minor events of their life
It must, however, be mentioned that the Kaurava-Pāndava account has already been given by a number of post-canonical works, viz JHV, UP, RC, PMP, CMC and TSPC But in these works the history of the Kaurava-Pandava brothers does not find place as the principal theme, for, the main interest of the Puranas in question lies in the account of the Harı dynasty in general and in the description of the exploits of Neminatha, the twenty-second Tirthankara as well as Krşna, the ninth Vasudeva in particular
As in the Mahabharata, the actual account begins with the life-story of king Santanu,98 great grandfather of the heroes
object as indicative of its intrinsic quality, the author says that moon's origin from the Occan of AllL is infcrrcd from appcarancc alone (TSPC, Vol III, p 182) Also sce ibid Vol V, pp 321-22 which refer to the origin of deadly poison from thc churning of the occan of
Milk Cf MBh 1 18 34, 41-43 06 cg Cakrin Brolimadolta sporting with his wives Khanda and Visābhā 15
likened to Lord Siva in the sportive company of Ganga and Umā (Vol. V p 342) Similarly, a hing of Vagadha giving his daughters in marriage to Cakrin Brahmadatta is compared with Daksa (Prajapalı) wedding his daughters to the Moon-god,- Vol V p 343 of MBh
1 60 10-13, 16,9 35 45-46 ff 07 Nājā if, quoted in Life in Ancient India, p 397, Utlara Ti, 2 p 42a.
quoted ab d p 386 08 PC, 121 ff

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is
Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jain Mythology
and concludes almost with the account of the total annihilation of the drunken yadavas in a fratricidal fray Almost all important events connected with the titanic hcroes of cpic like Bhişma, 9! Drona, Karna, Arjuna and Duryodhana have been handled with a fair amount of faithfulness to the Mahābharata version The Pandavas have been represented here, as in the epic, as righteous and stra ghtforward The Kauravas, on the other hand, have been depicted as treacherous and mischieve ous Further, in bravery the Pandavas are represented as far excelling their cousins who are described, just in the cpic way, as put to pitiable plight by the former even in friendly tournament organised by Dronacarya, their common Guru in the science of arms
Besides the fundamental agreement between the main events as narrated in the Mahabhārata and those in the present work, there are situations which are strikingly analogous to those in the epic For instance, reference may be made to the pre-war context wherein Arjuna reportedly resolves to retire from the fight against his fricods and relatives as well as his elders arrayed in the Kaurava army. Thereupon, we are told, Lord Krşna reproaches Arjuna with unbecoming weakness of heart and exhorts him that it is his sacred duty as a warrior to fight against his enemies whosoever they may be Thus, Sri Kțşna urges Arjuna to fight in accordance with the docrine of dispassionate action in conjunction with that of supreme devotion to the personal god as propounded in the Bhagavadgita. And, it is significant that similar situation has been introduced s, in the present work just in the like manner Here, too, Arjuna
declines to wage war with his kinsmen, bereft of whom, he thinks, he cannot live in peace 100 This resolve of Arjuna pains Srikīşna and he accuses the former of unmeet tenderness of heart and eggs him on to discharge his duty as a warrior 101 09 The account of the circumstances leading to Bhisma's terrible vow of
renouncing the kingdom and keeping celibate is in striking agreement with the epican description of the same Of Pc 1 158-247 and MBh.
1 100 45-99 100 Pc, 13 3 23 and comp Bg 1 21-47, 2 4-9 101 Pc 13 24-34, Bg 2.1-3, 10 ff

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The Epics and the Jaina Puränas
However, the lengthy dialogue between Krşna and Arjuna, as embodied in the Bhagavadgita, has been reduced to a brief conversation between the two in the present work This has given the dialogue a practical appearance and has made it appropriate to the occasion. The 'abridgement of the topic has also brought about a fundamental change in the nature of Krşna's teaching to Arjuna inasmuch as the philosophical character of the former's instruction to the latter as embodied in the Gita has acquired in the present work a temporal form, stressing in a purely mundane way, that a Ksatriya should strike his opponent unhesitatingly, no matter if he be his preceptor, father or son or any other relation 102
The Pandavapurāna by Subhacandra (1551 AD) is the second known work concerning the life-story of the Pandavas and is the last in the series of the Purānas undertaken for our uvestigation Like other Jaina Purana this work, too, claims the origin of the Pandava tale from the last Titihankara Mahavira The story is put in the mouth of Gautama Ganadhara, who, in reply to the queries mooted by King Srenika of Magadha, relates the tale as current in the Jaina tradition The questions are instituted in the form of recounting some inconsistencies in the tale incorporated in other works which are branded as full of false and misleading accounts of the events associated with the life of the epican heroes and heroines
Most of the absurdities and inconsistencies as enumerated by Subhacandra relatç to the Mahabharata version The dig at the traditional accounts begins with a summary of the birthstory of Matsyagandha,103 great grandmother of the KauravaPandava brothers The brief account of the story allegedly current in other tradition is that king Santanu (spelt in the work as Santanu), when out on a military expedition, sent his semen by a hawk to his wife during the period after her menstrual discharge But the hawk on its way to the capital was attacked
102 Pc 13 25-27. 103 SPP 2,31-42.

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40
Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jain Mythology
by another hawk and the seed fell into the river Ganges A fish swallowed the impregnating semen and became pregnant with a female child In the full month of its pregnancy the fish was caught by a fisherman, and after it was rent asunder, a female child came out of its womb As she emitted filthy fishy smell so she was named Matsyagandhá Because of all-smell of her body her dwelling was made on the bank of the river Gangā where she lived by rowing passengers across the river One day the sage Parāśara caught sight of her on board the boat and desired her love The girl yielded to his sexual urge and he in turn made her Yojanagandha (with a wonderful perfume in a Yojana around) Now Yojanagandha, immediately after her cohabitation with Parasara, gave birth to Pjāsa who, soon after his birth, accompanied his father for practising penance Later on, this same Yojanagandha was married by King Santanu to whom she bore two sons, Citra (Citrāngada) and Victra (Vicitraditja)
Now, a comparison of the epic account of Satyavati's biography and the present summary of the tale reveals that except for the foisting of Santanu into the tale as the father of Matsya. gandha, the abovementioned account has almost everything in common with Mahābhārata myth10s of Satyavati's exiraordinary birth with one conspicuous point of disagreement between the two accounts The distinction is marked by the fact that in the epic version it is not Santanu but King Vasu Uparıcara of Cedz who fathers Matsyagandhā in the manner described above
104 The cpic story in a nutshell is that hing lasu Uparicara of Cedt hilc out
hunting excursion sends forth his scmen by a hand to his wife during the period astcr mcnscs But in its journey towards the capital the carrier is attached by another haul and the scmen falls into the auc Yamunā An Apsaras Adrikā, transformed into a fish through a cursc, swallows the seed and conceives And when caught by a fisherman, the fish brings forth two children, one male ani one female The malc chuld is made over to his father l'asu and the female child is adopted by the fisherman as his daughter who reccives various names such as Malsgagandhu, Gandhol ali, Dasei ctc She when still a virgin, becomes the mother of krsna Dra pāj ara jasa by the sage Parasara and later becomes the wsc of King Santanu to whom she bears two sons Citrängada and Vocilravīra,-Mah 1 63 39-80, 1 95 48-50, 1 100 47 ff

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The Epics and the Jaina Purānas
Now, kceping in view the Jaina authors' leaning towards mischicvous distortion and misrepresentation of the traditional accounts, it will not be unwarranted to hold that Subhacandra has replaced V'asi Uparıcara by Santanu to give the epic myth the most perverted look
Other instances of incongruity as mentioned in the work include (1) the account of the procreation of Dhitarăstra, Pāndu and Vidura by Vjäsa on the widows of Vicuravīryo,205 (11) the story of Pandit's accidental slaying of a Rsi enjoying sexual plcasures with his wife in the form of a male and a female deer and the consequent cursc pronounced by the sage's wife on Pandu that he will meet huis end in the embraces of his wife108, (111) thc myth of Karna's procreation by the Sun.god on Kunti in lier maidenhood107 and the legend of the begetting of Yudhisthira, Bhima and Arjuna respectively by Dharma (god of justice) Vayu (wind-god) and Indra on Kunti and, of the twin brothers Nahula and Sahadeva by Aśvins on Madrı on behalf of Pandu10s, (iv) the account of Draupadi's marriage with all the Pāndavas109 and (v) the representation of Gangeya (Bhışma) as the son of the river Ganga
Besides the above-cited instances of absurdities Subhacandra mentions one more which is really outrageous That relates to the most disgusting birth-story of the Kauravas The work alleges that according to the other traditions Gandhānı was wedded to a hundred goats which were slaughtered in a
105 2 44-47, of YBh 8 105 1-32 106 2 56-61, of MB2 1 117 5-33 According to thc cpic version it is the
dying sage who curses Pându 107 2 62 MBh 1 110 4-20 108 2 64-65 MBh 1 122 1-35, 1 123 15-17 109 269 71 MBh 1 104 23-31, 1, chaps 196-197 Houcver, the foetambara
texts, like the Brahmanical sources, almit the event of Draupadi's marriage with the five Pandava-brothers (Nāyā-Dhammakahã chapter XVI) And the Buddhist Jataka, in a bid to illustrate feminine infidclity connccts her, besides her five husbands, with a hunch-backed ser vant with whom she is said to have committed adultery, Kunāla-Jätaka of Wintcrnitz, HIL, Vol I, p 472

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Aspects of Brahmanıcal Influence on the Jain Mythology
sacrifice and the goats, when sacrificed, appeared as imps and goblins who had sexual intercourse with Gandhārl who brought forth a lump of flesh The lump was divided into a hundred parts and each piece was placed on a cotton-pad Those pieces of flesh later on developed into the formidable Kaurava-brothers headed by Duryodhana 110
As to the above-cited fantastic account, we could not find any trace of it in the traditional works, although the later part of the fable has some semblance of the Mahābhāratalll account of the birth of the flaurava brothers Under the circumstances, at may be taken as an instance of Subhacandra's concoction with a mouve to paint the other tradition in the blackest colour.
A comparative study, however, reveals that Subhacandra has drawn upon the works of his predecessors to a great extent. And instances are not wanting which show even verbal borrowiogs from the Harivamšaputānall2 of Jinasena, the Mahapurānall3 of Jinasena-Gunabhadra and the Pandavacarita of Deva
110 SPP, 2 48-53a 111 Opc day qucen Gandhari rcccived sagc Vsasa with due respect. The sage
granted her a boon Shc chose to be the mother of a hundred sons After two years she produced a lump of flesh which sage Vyasa divided into a hundred and ope picCCS Each piece was kept in a separate busin filled with ghcc Now, after the cxpiry of full two years, Duryo
drana, his brothers and a sister were born, MBh 1 114 7-41 112 JHc 45 119-120 and SPP, 15 36-37 113 CEGLÁTTU facra afanų ! न्यायमार्ग समुल्लङ्घ्य वृथा तत् किं विनागये ।।
IP 44 50 and comp दुष्प्राप तत्त्वया पुस्भि पुरुपायंत्रय महद । मजित न्यायमुल्लच्य क्या तकि विनाशये ॥
-SPP 3 76 Also comp AP, 1311 and SPC, 3 130, MP, 45 61-55 and SPC, 3 145. 49, HP. 45 59 and SPG, 3149.

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The Epics and the Jaina Purāņas
43
prabha Sür.11 In fact, the work in question owes much to the amalgamation of the materials derived mostly from these works.
These are the hitherto known Jaina Puranas which are the representative works of the faith. Naturally, we have based our investigation pre-eminently on these sources the results of which have been set forth in the preceding and the following pages.
114 Comp PC. 155, 185, 187, 192, 198 and SPP, 7, 82, 96, 97 and 99.

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CHAPTER II BRAHMANICAL DEFINITION OF THE PURĀNA AND ITS APPLICABILITY TO THE
JAINA PURĀNAS
(Analysis af the Jaina Definition) The term Purāna etymologically. means "a thing of past origin ” But as indicated by the enumeration of the materials from which the original Purāna is said to have been compiled, the term in question meant in the Pre-Purānic period ancient traditional tales of gods, sages and celebrated kings of thc most ancient period These materials are said to have been (1) Akhyāna (floating popular tales), (11) Upalniana (legendary episodes), (111) Gâthās (old laudatory songs) and (iv) Kalpajoklis (accounts of cosmic ages) Next, in the later stage of the Purānic development the term came to be employed in the sense of a special class of sacred literature dealing with five topics such as (1) Sarga (crcation), (11) Pralisarga seconde ary creation after the dissolution of the world), (111) Vomsa
1 The term "Purāna' consists of two elements, thc basc Pura and the
taddhita suffix ana=(na=na) Pură signifies the sense of ancient and ana means 'the state of being', and thus thic term denotes 'a thing of ancicot origin' This mcaning is aptly conycycd by its annotation as Puräbhadam occurring in the past Siddhānta Kaumud on Panini's Aşládhjõgi, 4 3 23 आख्यानेश्चाप्युपाख्यानथाभि कल्पजोवितभि । पुराणसहिता चक्रे पुराणार्थ-विशारद ।
-Bd II 34 21, Vă 80 21 (wbich reads are in place of golfa), Vișnu III b 16, Also sec Pargiter, AIHT, pp 21, 24, 25, S D Gväni, Agnipurāna
A Study, pp 21-24 3 Pargiter, op al pp 22,25-27, 33-34

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Definition of the Purana
genealogies).4
7
A study of the ancient Indian literature reveals that the Purana together with the Itihasa was looked upon with the highest regard even in the vedic period inasmuch as it was called a Vedas and the daily recitation of the Itihasa-Purana was held highly auspicious and was considered as conferer of all desired objects Next, the Chandogyopamsad calls the ItihasaPurana a fifth veda to be studied along with the other four Samhitas From all these references and similar others9 it is evident that both the Ilthăsa and Purana as vehicles of ancient traditions about the most ancient sages, celebrated kings and other illustrious persons as well as their cultural activities were of immense popularity, and were considered to be effective and enduring means of universal culture 10
4 "मर्गश्च प्रतिसर्गञ्च वयो मन्वन्तराणि च ।
वयानुचरित चेति पुराण पञ्चलक्षणम् || "
Vā, 4 10 ( other sources have vamsa in place of the Vāyu's vamsya) Mot 5365, Bd 11 37-38
5 Atharvaveda, x17 24, पुराण वेद सोऽयम् - SB 134312, Asvalāyana Srauta Sutra, X 7, SSS, XVI 1
" मङ्गल्यानीतिहागपुराणानि
-AGS, 47
45
7 ८
य एव विद्वान् वाकोवाक्यम् इतिहास-पुराणमित्यहरह स्वाध्यायमधीते त एव तृप्तास्तर्पयन्ति सर्वे कार्म सर्वभोग्यं "
-SB, 11 579
8 “ऋग्वेद भगवोऽव्येमि यजुर्वेद सामवेदमाथर्वण चतुर्थम् इतिहास-पुराणं पञ्चम वेदाना वेदम्"
-712
9 Pargiter, AIHT, pp 55-57
10 “यो विद्याच्चतुरो वेदान् साङ्गोपनिषदो द्विज ।
न चेत्पुराण सविद्यान्नैव स स्याद्विचक्षण || इतिहासपुराणाभ्या वेद समुपवृ हयेत् ।
• विभेत्यल्पश्रुताद्वेदो मामय प्रहरिष्यति ।। "
Vā 1 200- 201, MBh. 12235, 11204 As is evident from the references in the MBh the couplets are found not together but separately at two different places One important point to be noted here is that the MBh reads na cathyanamidam vidyat in lieu of na cetpurānam samvidyat as scen in the first verse quoted above,

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Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jain Mythology
Now so far as the term Itihāsa is concerned, it denoted derivatively the factual account of the past events i e. the actual traditional history It was this factual nature of the Itihasa which served as a diferentiating factor between it and a Purāna This factual character of the former is substantially conveyed by the mono-syllabic particle ha forming its constatuent, for the term Itihasa has been derived from a queer combination of rtr-ha-asall (thus indeed was) It was possibly on this score that both the Puranas and the Itihasas were treated as different branches of ancient Indian saga This distinction between the two is clearly vindicated by a number of vedic and post-vedic referencesiwherein both are posed to gether as different branches of traditional lore
Not withstanding the fact that we meet with the frequent references to the Purāna or Purānas in the Pre-Purānic works, the works concerned do not throw any light on the precise character of the Puranas. It is only the extant Puranas that afford us a glimpse of their character by the enumeration of the engrediants which are stated to have made up the original Purāna or Purānic collection 18 From that enumeration it becomes clear that originally the Purānas, referred to so often, must have been in the form of tales of gods, seers and celebrated kings together with their genealogies and exploits, which later on crystallised into the five subjects14 that 'gave rise to the term Pancalaksana as a special epithet of the Purana'
Similarly, the Itihāsas which were traditional historical tales took definite shapes as the two national epics, the Ramayana and the Bharata Or the two the latter, also called the
11 Dr Jyotiprasad Janna seems to have been mistaken in deriving the
term from 1ta-sha-âso See The Jaine sources of the History of Ancient
India, P 1 12 Cha Upa VII 1 4, AGS III 3, Manu iu 232, Tõjnāvolkya I 45, Also
sec Supra Dotes 6-8 13 Above potc 2. 14. Abovc DoIC 4.

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Definition of the Purana
Jaga-Itthāsali, kept itself free from the accrctions of cpisodical and other extra-historical matters at least for some times, as is evidenced by the epic statement about the extent and character of the original Bhärata-Samhita16 But with the march of time fresh matters of universal nature began to be incorpo. rated in the body of the Bhārata, and thus the Itıhäsa, which was considered for long to be concerned with actual historical events, came to be regarded simply as a narrative of the past events17-both historical and legendary It is because of this new development that the Mahābhārala calls itself not only an Ilihasa but also a Purāna and an Akhyana 18
Thus, the Mahābhārata, which was an Itihasa in its primal form kcpt its door open for long to receive all branches of Indian wisdom-its mythology, cosmologyl , ethics, Philosophy,
18 "जयो नामेतिहासोऽय श्रोतव्यो विजिगीषुणा"
--MBh 1v 130 18a (Gita Press), "भारतस्येतिहासस्य"
-11 17a, 11 24b, "इतिहाममिम चक्र पुण्यं सत्यवतीसुतः"
-1162 16 "चतुर्विंशतिसाहस्री चक्ने भारतसंहिताम् ।
उपाख्याविना तावद् भारत प्रोच्यते बुध ॥"
-MBh I 161
17. इतिहास पुरावृत्त ऋषिभिः परिकीय॑ते ।"
-BD IV 46 18 "द्वैपायनेन यत्प्रोक्तं पुराण परमपिणा।
सुरैर्ब्रह्मर्षिभिश्चैव श्रुत्वा यदभिपूजितम् ।। तस्याख्यानवरिष्ठस्य वित्रिपदपर्वण । सूक्ष्मार्थन्याययुक्तस्य वेदार्थभूषितस्य च ।। भारतस्येतिहासस्य पुण्या ग्रन्थार्थसंयुताम् । सस्कारोपगतां ब्राह्मी नानाशास्त्रोपवृहिताम् ॥" -MBH I 1 15-17 This quotation is important inasmuch as all the
names occur at a place 19. Ibad , I 1 27-45.

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institutional ideas, and in a nutshell, all matters relating to man's religious, economic, aesthetic and spiritual cravings as well as the ways and means of their just realization20. Thus by the incarporation of all these matters of universal interest this national epic was made a thesaurus of universal knowledge. This all comprehensive character of the epic caused an expansion of the connotation of the term Itzhāsa and eventually it came to be regarded as a composite body of literature, comprising Purāna, Itrortta, akhyāyrkā, Udaharana Dharmaśāstra and Arthasastra 21
As to the Purānas, the same method of augmentation was applied to the Pañicalaksana Purana, and the subjects, which were outside the purview of the original Pascalaksana Purānas were received into them Thus, the topics on Dharma, Artha, Kāma and Moksa22 besides the subjects of sectarian naturc, viz the glorification of Brahma, Vişnu, Rudra and the Sun-god as well as the description of the world23 were admitted into the existing Purānas Furthermore, the subjects relating to the four varnas and Aśramas together with those of the women and the mixed castes, were also incorporated in them 24 In addition to these we also learn from the Vāyu-Putāna that the eighteen Purānas also impart instruction about the great rivers, the Ganges, etc , about sacrifices, religious observances and austeritics, about various kinds of gifts together with g'amas and niyamas (self-controlling and sense-subjugating acts), about different religious cults and philosophical systems
20 NIBH, I 1 46-48 2l "पुराणमितिवृत्तमाख्यायिकोदाहरण धर्मशास्त्रम् अर्थशास्त्र च इतीति
ETF"
--Artha'sāstra , 1 5 14 22 "THATUA 417 FIP917 milcca"
-Mat 53-69 23 "Ta-faca EIRIT HTETEFT 49759 "
Ibid, 63 66 24 Voyu 104 12-134

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Brahmanıcal Definition
49
and a number of other topics 26 It is obvious that these other topics comprised the smylimatters, such as sacraments, Vratas, Upavās as (fasts) expiations and other religious rites and rituals, and so on
As a result of that expansion of the Purāpic corpus, an attempt was made in the later period to distinguish between Purāna or Upapurāna and Mahā purāna, on the basis of the number of topics that it dealt with. Thus, the Maha-purana was described as having ten topics, whereas the Purana, keeping close to the Pañcalahşana definition came to be treated as Alpa or Upapurāna 26 It was thus that with all these and sundry topics the Purānas came to be looked upon as effective guides in different fields of human activities
Now coming to the Jaina Purānic literature, we find that the first three works, viz VPC, RPC and JHV do not provide any definition of Purāna, although all of them are styled as Puranas 27 Nevertheless, the topics, which they enumerate, clearly show that the subjects include most of the Purānic materials in a disguised form The topics as enumerated by Vimalasur are (1) Sthiti (the pature and position of the world), (11) Vamsa-samutpalti (origin of various dynasties), Prasthana (departure of Rāma, Laksmana and Sitā to the forest), (iv) Rana (war between Rāma and Rāvana), (v) Lavankusuppattı (birth of Lava and Ankuśa)28 (vi) Nirvana (emancipation of Rāma) and (v11) Anekabhava (description of various existences of the Sala
25 Ibid 104 13a-16,
Matsya Purāna—A Study, pp 173-70 26 "Titserta fahiz qat arraztu
वशो वशानुचरित सस्था हेतुरपाश्रय ॥ दशभिलक्षणयुक्त पुराण तद्विदो विदु । केचित् पञ्चविध ब्रह्मन् महदल्पव्यवस्थया ॥"
-Bhāgavata XII 79-10, Brahmavaivarla, IV 133 w 6-10 27 VPC 132, 118 111, RPC 1 44 123, 168, JHV, 151 28 for-77-7949717 TEYTUTU TOFAUTI I गिन्वाणमणेयभवा सत्त पुराणेत्थ अहिगारा ॥"
--VPC, 1 32, RPC, 1 43-44.

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50
Aspects af Brahmanıcal influence on the Faina Mythology
kāpuruşas). Jinsena in his Hardansapurāna2° gives the number of contents as eight These, according to JHV, are (1) Lokasamsthāna, (11) Rājadamsodbhava, (111) Haridamsavatāra (origin of the Harı dynasty), (iv) Vasudevanceștita (exploits of Vasudeva), (v) Neminālhacarta (The narrative of Neminātha, which includes in major parts the accounts of Kssna's life), (vi) Dvārāvati-niueśana (founding of Doārāvali, (vii) Yuddha-varnana (the description of war between Krsna and Jarāsandha, the ninth Vasudeda and Prativasudeva respectively) and (v1u) Nirvana (the liberation of Neminātha and other Salākāpurusas from the worldly cycle).
A comparison of the abovementioned two lists clearly słows that the first two ard the last topics of both the lists are of general character and may form the subjectmatter of all the Purānas, irrespective of their specialisation in the treatment of any particular Canta or a set of them The remaining topics, however, are of a special type and concern the life-stories of Rama and of Nemināth, or more appropriately, of Vasudeda and Kişna respectively
A study of the Purānas under review reveals that the first topic of the above lists, viz Sthat and Lohasamsthāna obviously replaces the first two characteristics of the Brahmanical Pan
calal şcna definiucn The treatment of this topic includes the description of the three divisions of the universe together with their various subdivisions It is under this section that the Jaina Puranas affirm the eternal nature of the world, which according to the Jaina belief, is without beginning and endso (anādyanidhana) The second topic of the lists, viz Varšasa
29 "UTFITFHZTat tangga. I
हरिगशावतारोऽतो वसुदेव-विचेष्टितम् ॥ चरित नेमिनाथस्य द्वारावत्या निवेशनम् । युद्धवर्णननिर्वाणे पुरारणेऽप्टी शुभा इमे ॥"
-171-72 30 "लोनो प्रणाइनिणोऽतिभेयभिन्नो हवइ निच्चो"
VPC, 3 18b, JHV, 4 4, MP, 4.38-40,

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Brahmanical Definition
mutpattı or Rajadamsodbhava deals with the origin of various ruling families together with the genealogical accounts of the persons belonging to different dynasties. It is under this section that the Vamsa and Vamfānucanta subjects of the five-characteristic-Purāna may be said to have found their treatment. The study of these Purānas further reveals that the works contain more than they mention, for the Purānas under investigation also give a sketchy account of the fourteen Manvantaras31 as well as a brief description of the social conditions of the primitive people during the reign of those mythical rulers of yore Thus the Brahmanical Pañcalaksana definition is applicable to these Purūnas82 in the same moderate way as it is to the extant Brahmanical Purānas
Viewed from the standpoint of adjustment to the Brahmanical conception of Purāna both in the old Pañcalaşana form and in its augmented appearance, the Mahapurāna of JinasenaGunabhadra is the most important of all the Jaina Purānas Even the Trişasțrsalākā-puruşacarita of Hemacandra, otherwise showing sufficient sign of Bralımanical influence, does not compare well with this work on this point Vying, as it does, with the epics, especially the Mahābhārata on the one hand and with the Brahmanical Purānas on the other, it lays its claim to the status both an Itzhāsa and a Purana In the introductory portion of the work we come face to face with the definition of the Puräna just in its primitive sense essentially based on the ctymology of the term. The author here says that by the term Purāna should be taken an event of the past'93 and its state of being a Purāna is established by the fact that it was made current (among the people) by the ancicnt seer 34 In continuation of the analysis of the nature and scope of the Purāna
31 VPC, 11 48-50, RPC, 111 74-88, JHV, vn 122-176 32. Cr V.M Kulharnı IVPC, P 27 33. garagi getu FITA"
AP 1 22a 34. "fa gerginli7 gqacara gaitası"
1.228

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52
Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology
he calls it both Arsa85 (composed by Rşi) and (Sühta (pregnant with pleasant and truthful teachings) as well as Dharmaśāstra The work is further styled an Amnaya, a synonym of the veda. In addition to this designation the author also considers it both an Itihāsa, Itroṛtta and Artihya.38 Next, he treats Itihasa and Purana as identical in character.39 Here a Purana to the writer is simply an old traditional tale, having no reference to the later five characteristic features which gave the Purana the title Pañcalakşana
Thus having represented here early tradition already embodied in the Mbh,40 the author of the MP proceeds to deal with the subject matter of the Purana with especial reference to the later five characteristic features as pictured in some of the earlier Brahmanical Purānas These five topics are first mentioned by way of questions instituted by king Bharata to Lord Rşabha The former seels information from the latter about the Manu41 period of time, nature of the world, descent of (different stages of) time as also about the origin, existence and end of the (human and superhuman) families (Vamsotpattilaya-sthitih) 42 While enumerating the main topics of his Purāṇa, 35 " ऋषि प्ररणीतमाषं स्यात् सूक्तं सूनृतशासनात् 1 धर्मानुशासनाच्चेदं धर्मशास्त्रमिति स्मृतम् ॥”
-1 24, The Valmikiya Rāmāyana calls itself Arşa 36 Cf Vayu, 1 19, 61 61, where the Puranic verses are mentioned as Sahasrani rcămaşṭau satsatant tatharva ca
Teas,
37 AP, 1 25 Instances are not lacking where the Brahmanical Puranas appropriate to themselves the title reda The Vajupurana, for instence, calls the Puranic literature by the name Purana-veda (Va 1 17Purana-Vedo hy akhilastasmin samyak pratışıhitah)
38 Op at. 1 25
39 " पुराणमितिहासाख्य यत्प्रोवाच गणाधिप
Ibid, 1 26a
27
40 1.1 46-48, 191 (where it is called sacred Upanisad), 205 being designated as Karşna Veda), 208 9 which establish the claim of the Mahabharata for its superiority to the four vedas which are said to have been autweighed by the former both in merit and bulk)
41. AP 1 174-75
42 "लोक कालावतार च वशोत्पत्ति-लयस्थिती "
-1,170a,

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Brahmanıcal Definition
Jinasena states at another place that the location of the three worlds (jagattraya-niveśa), the totality of the three (divisions of) tim. (traikāl yasya ca samgrahah) and the creation as well as the destruction of the world (jagatah Srsti-saṁhārau) are wholly rejared here 43 The terms Srştı and Samhāra may logically be equated respectively with the Sarga and Pratisarga characteristics of the Pañcalaksana definition, for the study of the Purānas reveals that, though critical of the Brahmanical theory of creation, these works do not differ from Brahmanical view in the main
The instances are many which display the Jaina belief in the periodical dissolution and, therefore, the implied resurgence or re-creation of the world 44 Gunabhadra's reference to the Pralaya of the world at the close of the sixth period fo Avasarpın£46 also points to the same truth as is conveyed by the
43 "FTTTefaastee Tarte TOEI जगतः सृष्टिसहारौ चेति कृत्स्नमिहोच्यते ॥"
--MP 1 119 So far as I know, the author does not give the account of Samhara However, there is an incidental reference to the idea of Pralaya, which undoubtedly shows his belief in the process of dissolution and TC-creation of the world किमिद प्रलयक्षोभात् क्षुभित वारिधेर्जलम् । किमुत त्रिजगत्सर्ग प्रत्यग्रोऽय विजृम्भते ॥
-MP 26 86 (Is this the stirred out water of the ocean agitated) on account of the dissolutionary gust, or is this a fresh creation of the three worlds com
ing into being ?) 44 PMP XVII i 6b
ण पलयजलणु धगधगधगतु । TSPC, 15 691
कल्पान्तसागरावर्तगर्तभ्रान्तादिमत्स्यवत् । Ibid , 4 1 677a
कटाक्षमिव कालस्य कल्पान्ताग्ने शिखामिव । 46 UP, 76 447-53 cf Trilokasāra (vv 864-66) quoted by Pt Pannalal Jain
in his translation of the work, p 659

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Brahmanical tradition.co What is significant here is the idca of the periodical end and the revivification or resurgence of the world It matters not whether we call that cvent rc cication or something else It is also immaterial if we attribute that function to any extraneous power or to the inlicrcnt quality of the elements or atoms constitutiog the material world. Thus, Samhära of the present list is suggestive of the same event as is conveyed by Pralwarga from different angles, for, the latter essentially implies prior dissolution of the world
Next, the author of the present work specifies the topics peculiar to the life story of Rşabhadeva, the first Tirthankara 47 These topics according to the list are (1) Sthur (the position of the eternal worlds), (11) bíuladharolpatta (birth of the Kuladharas48 popularly called Manus), (m) Vamsa-nırgama (origin of various dynasties), (1v) Puroh Samrajya (Sovereignty), (v) Arhaniya (his arhat-hood), (vi) Nirdāna (liberation from the recurring cycle of births and deaths) and (v11) luga-vicchidā (end of the Yuga ie of Ava sarpini) A comparison of the present list with those of the MP has included the account of the Mandantaras and of the dissolution of the epoch (uga) among the main topics of his Vīşabha-Purāna Thus Jinasena has brought his list quite closer to the five characteristics of the Brahmanıcal Purānas in a modified form, for, the objectsthiti, Kuladharotpattı, Vamsa-nırgama and yuga-rrcchidā fairly
46 Vivu, 102 1.53. 47 स्थिति कुलघरोत्पत्तिवशानामथ निर्गम ।
पुरो साम्राज्यमार्हन्त्य निर्वाण युगविच्छिदा ॥ एते महाधिकारा स्यु पुराणे वृषभेशिन ॥
-AP, II, 158-59a 48 ggrar taattah ATHATAT HATI
आर्याणा कुलम स्त्यायकृते कुलकरा इमे ॥ कुलाना धारणादेते मता कुलधरा इति युगादिपुरुषा प्रोक्ता युगादी प्रभविष्णव ॥
AP, III, 211-212

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55
cover the subjects treated under the Brahm anical topics, Sarga, Manvantara, Vamsa-cum-Vamsänucarita and Pratisarga respectively
C
Thus, as noted above, the Brahmanical Pañcalakṣaṇa definition is moderately applicable to our Jaina Purānas as well, for, in their own way they give accounts of creation, dissolution and re-creation of the world, origin of the families of gods, sages and deified Jinas, description of various Manuantaras and genealogical accounts of different royal dynasties 50 However, the study of the extant Jaina Purānas clearly shows that the works in question, like their Brahmanical counterparts, treat of a great number of such topics as are not embraced by the Pañcalakṣana definition The obvious reason is that these Purānas were written in the age when the corpus of the Hindu Purānas had already been filled with the extraPuranic materials to meet the racial, religious, cultural and spiritual exigency of the contemporary people These topics with sectarian tinge were related to the sphere of Dharma, Artha, Kāma and Mokşa, and were conceived as the four Puruşärthas. Now, the Jaina Purana writers in a bid to place their Puranic works at par with the Hindu Purānas were impelled to incorporate in them even those matters which were considered as essentially opposed or non conductive to the religious merit according to the early Jaina belief as embodied in their canonical works 51 Thus, being motivated by a sense of competition
49 Infra, Chap III
50 Vide Chapters IV-VI
51 कि माहरणा जोइ समारभन्ता उदएण सोहिं बहिया विभग्गह | a #gı afzfzu fauifz a a gfaço gaat ayfa 11 कुस च जूव तरणकट्ठमरिंग साथ च पाय उदग फुसन्ता । पारणाइ भूयाई विहेडयन्ता भुज्जो वि मन्दा पगरेह पाव ॥ -Uttaradhyayana, XII, 38-39 and comp त्रयोऽग्नय प्रणेया स्यु कर्मारम्भे द्विजोत्तम. रत्नवितयसकल्पादग्नीन्द्र मुकुटोद्भवा तीर्थं कृद्गुणभृच्छेष केवल्यन्तमहोत्सवे ।

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56
Aspects of Brahmanical Infuence on the Jaina Mythology
with Purānic Hinduism the Jaina savants have laid grcat emphasis on the performance of various rites and rituals of liturgical nature They also prescribe for their lay adherents different kinds of sacraments, oralas, upavasas and offering gifts and, enjoin strict adherence to the institutions of Varnas and Aśramas Like the epics and the Brahmanical Purūnas these works also evidence great intcrcst in the co-ordinated culuvation of the four Puruşārthas, cspccially thc Triuarga, viz Dharma, Artha and Kāma 62 All these elements are lughly con. spicuous in the MP and the TSPC which are more ambitious in their plan and contents than the other works of similar nature and, rival the epics and the Puranas of the Brahmanical school both on qualitative and quantitative planes Analysis of the Jaina Définition
In addition to their qualified conformity to the ancient Brahmanıcal Pañcalahsana theory, the Jaina Puranas also offer their own definition on similar lines. This new definition, though taking into consideration some important development in the nature and scope of the Puranas, also pays due regard to the Pañcalakşana characteristics Accordingly, a Purāna is said to have contained five topics 63 These are (1) kşetra, (2) Kala, (3) Tirtha, (4) Satpuruşas (noble persons) and (5) Tadviceşfitam (their conduct)
पूजाङ्गत्व समासाद्य पवित्रत्वमुपागता. । कुण्डत्रये प्रणेतव्यास्त्रय एते महाग्नय ॥ गार्हपत्याहवनीयदक्षिणाग्निप्रसिद्धय । अस्मिन्नग्नित्रये पूजा मन्त्र. कुर्वन् द्विजोत्तम ।।
-MP 40 82-85 62 Vide Infra, chap VIII
...... 92707 95aat fag i क्षेत्र काल च तीर्थं च सत्पुसस्त द्विचेष्टितम् ।।
-AP 2 38, JHV, 1 55a पञ्चधा प्रविभक्तार्थ क्षेत्रादिप्रविभागत Thc Paumaçariya (iu 17) and the Padmacarita (111 29) cnumerate only three topics, Viz क्षेत्र, काल and Mahāpurusacarita

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Brahmanical Definition
67
The position of the three worlds (viz the higher, the middle and the lower is Kşetra Kala stands for all-pervasive time representing the three stages of past, present and future. Tirtha implies the ways and means of salvation, and the persons devoted to the Tirtha are called Satpurusas. The right conduct of these persons, who are dispellers of all sins, is meant by the phrase Tadviceştıta31 A careful study of the above Puranic topics makes it sufficiently clear that the Jaina Puranists, though taking cognizance of the new matters already received into the corpus of the Purana, have attached great importance to the numerical aspect of the ancient Brahmanical definition as well, for, in their new definition, too, the number of the topics has been admitted to be five.
Here it is worthy of mention that the new definition of the Purana as offered by the Jaina Purana writers is in perfect consonance with the Brahmanical definition. As a matter of fact similar idea regarding the characteristic features of a Purāna has been expressed in seemingly different terms An analysis of the import of these terms will bring home to us the underrunning current of oneness between the Brahmanical notion and the Jaina one Now, the term Kşetra as used in the definition is expressive of the state of composition and position of the three worlds55 at different stages of their evolution and decadence in recurring order 56 Similarly, the Sarga
54 क्षेत्रं त्रलोक्यविन्यास कालस्त्र काल्यविस्तर । मुक्त्युपायो भवेत्तीर्थं पुरुषास्तन्निषेविण ॥ न्याय्यमाचरित तेषा चरित दुरितच्छिदाम् । इति कृत्स्न पुराणार्थ प्रश्ने सम्भावितस्त्वया ॥
-MP. 2, 39-40
-MP 2 39 40
55 It is equivalent of loka (4 13 14) which consists of three broader divisions of lower, middle and upper worlds (440) with several subdivisions
56 As is clearly shown by the division of Time into two ages called Avasarpani and Utsarpani which again are sub-divided into six stages each in accordance with the gradual decadence in the succeeding stage See below notes 58 61

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Aspects of Brahmanıcal Influence on the Jaina Mythology
and Pratisarga characteristics of the Brahmanıcal definition have as their object the treatment of the nature and position of the three worlds at various stages of their origin, development, decay, death and resurgence In view of the above points of agreement the Ksetra of the Jaina definition may conveniently be taken as comprehensive of the subjectmatter of both the Sarga and Pratisarga
Now let us turn to the exposition of Kāla, the second characteristic of the above definition This term as well as the Kalāvatāra and Traikālya-sangraha is used here in the sense of eternal time, broadly divided into two cosmic periods of immense duration 57 These periods are styled Utsarpint and avasarpini according to the increasing and decreasing stature, strength and life-span of the contemporary people 68 Each of these periods is again subdivided into sis stages 69 The stages of the Utsarpint period are called (1) Duhsamā-dulsamā, (2) Duhşamă, (3) Duhsamä-suşamā, (4) Susamā-duhşama, (5) Suşamā and (6) Susamā-suşamā 60 The course of the stages of
57 The incalculability of thesc periods can be assessed by the fact that
thc third stage of Avasarpini alone, 1C Su sama-duh samā, is said to have comprised all the Manvantaras , and the life-span of Náble, the four tcenth Manu, though reportedly much less than that of the previous Manus, is said to have been one Pürvalolt. viz. 70560000000 10000000 ycars —VPC, III 50 56 , JHV, 00 484 86, MP 3217 228, and comp, Ibid 3 62, 63 64, 78-79, 91 92, 103 104, 109, 113,118, 121,
120, 130, 135, 140 68 "TE ET facts, TJATE qut I
उस्मप्णिी विवड्ढइ एव अवमप्पिणी हाणी ॥ VPC III 49, RPC, III, 73; The AP thus explains उत्सपिण्यवपिण्यो द्वो भेदी तस्य कोतिती। उत्सदिपसच्चि बलायुर्देवमणाम् ।।"
--III 14 See also JHV, 7 56 59 , TSPC, 1 2 112 59 VPC, 20 68 72 , Also see VH, P 157 GO Reversal of the 4Jasarpın order makes thcsc successive ages, as is
indicated by "SET #Shfquut raquet faggyt." AP, HII 18, and of note 61 below

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Brahmanıcal Definitiou
the Avasarpınt period begins in inverted succession Thus, the stages of the avasarpint period are (1) Suşamā-susamä, (2) Susama, (3) Susamā-duhşamā-duhşamā, (4) Duhşama-suşamă, (5) Duhşamā and (6) Duhsamā-duhşamā or Atiduhsama 61 These stages reflect the progressive and degressive conditions of the periods which they represent The incalculability of the duration of each of these stages can be inferred from the fact that only the third of these six stages is said to have comprised several successive Manvantaras, each of which is stated to be on countless crores of years 62 Fourteen such Mandantarasts are reported to have passed before the advent of Rşabhadeva, the first Tirthankara of the faith. In view of the above representation of time we can reasonably include the Hindu Purānic Mandantara in the Kāla of the Jinist description The accounts of the origin and exploits of the great personages, which form the subjectmatter of the characteristics put forth by the terms Satpumsas and Tadoicestita may be said to have their counterparts in the themes of Vamsa and Vamśānucarta For, the expressions Satpumsas and Tadduceştita, as used here, imply all the Salakāpurusas as well as their right actions of mundanc, ethical and spiritual nature It is under these heads that the Jaina Purāņas present the genealogical accounts of the great personages of the Jaina faith Some of these persons are represented as of great spiritual power and are invested with supreme divinity To this group belong the twenty-four Tirthandaras. Another group consists of the twelve chakrins, nine Baladevas and nine Vasudevas. These persons, though represented as possessed of immensc supernatural powers, are portrayed as
81 द्विरुक्तसुषमाद्यासीद् द्वितीया सुपमा मता।
'सुषमा-दुःषमान्तान्या सुषमान्ता च दु.षमा ।। पञ्चमी दुषमा ज्ञेया समा पष्ठ्यति षमा ॥''
-AP. III 17 18a, JHV, VII, 58 59 , TSPC, 1 2 113 15 82 See note 57 (ante) 03 Vide chapter III (infra) The Svetāmbaras, however, accept only seveo
Manus and their Antaras 04 Dealt with in chapter VII.

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60
Aspects of Brahmanıcal Influence on the Jaina Mythology
inferior to the Jinas. The third group includes thc Vidyadharas of superhuman character To this class perlain thc Pratidāsudevas, with the exclusion of Jarasandha, thc ninth Pratznārāyana All these son --oresented hcrc as invetcratc cncmics of the Vasudevas The Vidyadharas are in essence thc Jaina counterparts of the semi-gods, demons and Räksasas of the Hindu mythology.
The Tirtha as ways and means of salvation consists of all such matters which originally did not come within the purview of the Pancalakşana definition Among thcsc mcans are reckoned all such practices as are of religious, cultural and spiritual significance. It is under this head that Tapas (penance), Dana (gifts), Ahimsā (Non-violence), various vows and sacra. ments and devotion to the deificd Jinas have been prescribed as the effective means of man's final relcasc from the everrecurring cycles of birth and death However, the acceptance of Tirtha 6 as one of the characteristics of a Purana may logically be taken as a concurrent step of the Jina Purana-lāras to give formal sanction to the infiltration of the above matters into the body of the Puranas For, already in the epics and the Brahmanical Puranas Mokşa has been given the highest place of honour in the scheme of human life It is conceived as the supreme Puruşārtha, the Summum bonum of our existence Wc have been exhorted over and over again to act in accordance with the dictate of Dharma for achieving this real goal of human existence It is with this molive that the epic writers and the Purāņıc authors of the Brahmanıcal school enjoin,
65 The topic in question gave the Jaida Acāryas ample scope for prcach
ing the imperativeness of Ahimsā, Tapas and Dāna as means of salvation of these three, the nature of lapas and the qualities of the Jaina tapasdins as described by the Jaina Purānas are in striking agreement with those of the yogins as well as of the persons of divine virtues as counciated in the Bhagavad gita The similarity between the Jaina Puranas and the Brahmanical works, on this score, has been shown in chapter VIII of the present monograph Reference may, however, be made for the present, to the VIP, 34 169, 36 166-158 and the BG VI 3-32, XVI 1-3, XVII 25, XVIII 5

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Brahmanical Definition
both by precepts and examples, the performance of yajña, Dana and Tapas as well as other acts of moral and ethical values. Thus the above characteristic of the Jaina definition reflects the same spirit with which the Brahmanical works have already been imbued
61
66 The Puranas, especially the MP and the TSPC, enjoin the observance of various jajñas which are clearly modelled on those prescribed in the Brahmanical scriptures These yajñas include interalia, Agnihotras, and other fire rituals See chapter IV (infra)
67 In praise of Dana (charity and gift) the Jaina Puranas do not lag behind their Brahmanical counterparts These works, of course, never feel tired of describing the miraculous effects of the meritorious gifts offered to the deserving person We are told that such type of Dana leads the giver not only to heavenly abode but also to the attainment of final beatific state But the proper person, according to these works, is only a Jaina monk See chapter VIII

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Aspects of Brahmanical Influence an the Jaina Mythology
Śvetämbara versions though brief, state that the office of the first Manu, the primaeval ruler originated out of necessity to arrest a somewhat chaotic condition, when the primitive people degenerated and stooped to selfishness, and eventually started laying hands on others' possessions It was with a view to check that social evil and similar others that the people of the most ancient past chose one superior from among themselves as their ruler and guardian of their respective rights. The Digambara version, however, represents the Manus as born rulers among whom the regal status of the first seven is simply decorative rather than functional &
64
A comparative study of the Jaina and the Brahmanical accounts reveals that both the traditions are remarkably one in holding that in the early stage of mankind the institution of government did not exist Both the Digambara and the Svetambara versions state that in the first two stages of the Avasarpini the people were perfect, strictly virtuous and devoid of evil propensities They were living a carefree life of harmony and
9
7 ( 1 ) एव च परिगलमागे दसप्पगाररुखखारगुहावे ईसीसि उम्मिलते कसायप्पसरे जुयलयाण पवड्ढमाणे कप्परुखखममत्ते जानो परोपरमत्तरिण परिहव हिय्यावेश्रो ।
तो य मिलिकरण जुयलपुरिसुहि श्रम्हाणमेस बुद्धि - पोरिस - रूवमहिश्रो विसलवाहणोत्ति काऊरण पइट्ठाविय हाणो सामिसालत्तणेण गहियो ।
विमलवाहणाभि
( 21 ) तारक्कालानुभावेन मिथुनानामजायत । ममत्व कल्पवृक्षेषु स्वदेहावयवेष्विव ॥ अन्येन स्वीकृत कल्पवृक्षमन्यो यदाश्रयत् । महान् परिभवो ह्यासीत् तदा स्वीकृतपूर्विण. | यथा पराभव सोढुमसहास्ते परस्परम् । श्रात्माधिक स्वामितया चक्रुर्विमलवाह्नम् ||
-CMC, P. 10
-TSPC, 1 2 158 160, cf VH, P 157, 1st 17-25
8 VPC, 3 50-53, RPC, 3 75-88, JHV, 7 125-169, AP, 3 36ff
9 VPC, 3 31-40, RPC, 3 49-C3, JHV, 7 £5 105, AP 3 24 50, TSPC 12 118 131

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The Manus and their periods
were governed by the Law of Nature.
Now, when we turn to the Brahmanıcal sources, we find that epics and the Puranas also tell the same tale rather more claborately These works say that in the earliest period of mankind the people were living in perfect peace ard harmony and were governed by their innate sense of duty 16
No one transgressed the simple law of nature Naturally there existed neither kingdom nor king nor the rod of punishment nor the dispenser of punishment But with the march of time situation changed and an element of degeneration set in in the society The people who were so long naturally bent on respecting one another's interest were overpowered by grievous apathy and consequently fell prey to delusion. Now, with their virtue having disappeared on account of the dcluded sense of discrimination, all the people got subjected to greed and began to appropriate to themselves what did not belong to them, and, thus, were possessed by another (vice) called passion 11 In fact this state is said to have brought in its train
10 तृप्तिं स्वाभाविकी प्राप्ता विषयेषु महामते । न तासां प्रतिघातोस्ति न द्वेषो नापि मत्सर ।
___-Marka P 49 14ff , Vayu P 3 52fi , MBH (G P) 3 149 15-16. 11 नियतस्त्व नरश्रेष्ठ शृणु सर्वमशेषत ।
यथा राज्यं समुत्पन्नमादी कृतयुगेऽभवत् ।। नय राज्य न राजासीन्न दण्डो नच दाण्डिकः । धर्मेणैव प्रजा सर्वा रक्षन्ति च परस्परम् ॥' पालयानास्तथान्योन्य नरा धर्मेण भारत । खेदं परममाजग्मुरतस्तान् मोह प्राविशत् ।। ते मोहवशमापन्ना मानवा मनुजर्षभ । प्रतिपत्तिविमोहाच्च धर्मस्तेषामनीनशत् ।। नष्टाया प्रतिपत्ती तु मोहवश्या नरास्तदा । लोभस्य वशमापन्ना सर्वे भारतसत्तम । अप्राप्तस्याभिमशं तु कुर्वन्तो मनुजास्तत । कामो नामापरस्तत्र समपद्यत वै प्रभो ।।
-AIBh XII 59 14-18ff,

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CHAPTER III
THE MANUS AND THEIR PERIODS
Section I
All the Puranas like their Brahmanical counterparts contain Manvantara accounts in their introductory sections 1 These accounts appear somewhat different from those embodied in the Brahmanical epic-Puranic texts But the difference is simply superficial and as such does not represent an entirely distinct tradition. In view of the fact that the canonical works do not show any acquaintance with the conception of Manus of different ages, it will not be illegitimate to hold that the conception of different Manus as found in the Jaina Puranas is adopted from the traditional conception of fourteen Manus, seven past2 and seven future a
1 VPC, III, 50 55, RPC, III 73 87, JHV, VII 125-169, AP, III 63 152, CMC, P 10, TSPC, 1 2 160 206
2 (a) These are (1) Soezembhura, (11) Starociso, (m) Uttan a, (v Tarasa (x) Rattata, (vi) Cahṣuşa and (vii) Vairasvata (presiding over the present Mancantara) The Mahabharata mentions, besides Sʊājambhura and Vairastata, some of the above Manus as of known
celebrity, वरिष्ठो नाम भगवान् चाक्षुपस्य मनो सुत MB XIII 18 20a, a reference is also made to the seven past Manus,
सप्त XIII 14 379, XIII 14 280, VI 34 6, III 356
(b) The Puraras, however, place different past Manus chronologically
in the following way.
स्वायम्भुवो मनु पूर्व पर स्वारोचिषस्तथा । Jamansarda fanpanggenen 11 पते मनवोतीता साम्प्रत तु रवे सुत | वैचन्वतोय यस्यैतत्सप्तम वर्ततेन्तरम् ॥
-Viş 1 1 6-7, Märka 52 6-7, Vayu, 62. 3-4, Mat, Chap 9 3 (1) Storrt, (11) Daksesitorni, (11) Brohmasavarni, (vi) Dharmasāvarnı, (v) Rudrataram, (vi) Ruas or Raucya and Bhauma-Vis III 2 13-40, old 1. 3 16-18

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The Manus and their periods
It is, however, remarkable to note that the Digambaras accept fourteen Manus and represent all of them as the past patriarchs, whereas the Svetāmbaras accept only sevens and, like the epic-Purānic authors, treat Ikşvāku as the son and successor of the seventhe Manu
A perusal of both the Digambara and Svetāmbara versions shows that the latter do not recognise the first six Manus of the Digambara school and of the remaining eight, they have dropped Candrabha from their lists Thus, the Manvantara period, according to the Suelámbaras, begins with Vimalavahana, who is posited first in the chronological sequence
Another significant difference between the two versions is marked by their description of the origin of kingship The
4 The Jaina Manus, according to Vimalasuri's account, arc (1) Pratistult,
(11) Sanmalı, (iu) Ksemonkara, (iv) K semaridhara, (v) Simankara, (vi) Simandhara, (vi) Prajānanda, (vi) Caksu, (1x) Vimalavāhana, (x) Abhicandra, (x1) Chandrabha, (x11) Marudara, (x) Prosenant, and (x1) Nabhen-VPC, III 50-55, Radi sena has practically adopted the same list with minor variations in some names inasmuch as he calls the fourth and fifth Manus Ksemabhat and Simadhri respectively Another alteration is marked by thc climination of Prajānanda whose place as the scventh Manu has been sigrice to Coksu mon Cak su is substituted by Yasasvan as the cighth Mary and the ninth Maru Vimalatāl ana is replaced by Vipula-RPC, 3 73 87, JHV shows general agreement with RPC, but makes Vipulaváhana father of Caksusmān who, according
to RPC, was former's grandfather, comp JHV 7 162-160 5 (1) Vimalarāhana, (11) Cakşuşmân, (111) Yasaspán, (iv) Abhocandia, (v)
Prasenajit, (vi) Marudeva and (vn) Nābhi,--CMC, pp 9-10, TSPC, I 2 160-206 Thc Svetāmbaras have cvidently drawn upon the Vasudevahindi which accepts only seven Manus just in the same order of succession in which thc Svetambara versions represent them, vide
VH, pp 157-158 8 "सत्तम णाभी कुलगरो
-"CMC P 10, "सत्तमोभूत् कुलकरो नाभिस्तदनु युग्मिनाम् । तिसृभिर्नीतिभिस्ताश्च यथावत् प्रशशास स ॥"
-TSPO, 1.2.2007.

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Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology
a series of attendant vices which robbed the people of their pristine purity and tranquillity of mind Consequently everything got topsylurvy, and the society began to disintegrate. Now, to arre.t such a chaotic condition and to make the life worth living, the contemporary people felt necessity of a mighty person, who could protect the righteous, punish the evıldoers and, at the same time, could command the unreserved respect of all. And as a result of that exigency kingship arose
Now, a comparison of the above account of the origin of kingship with the Svetāmbara version12 of the appointment of Vimalapāhana as the first Manu leaves no doubt that both the versions ascribe the origin of kingship to the necessity of kceping the antisocial elements under control
It is also interesting to note that both the Svetāmbara and the Brahmanical versions of the origin of kingship exhibit an element of contract between the parties concerned ie between the would-be ruler and the masses But the Jaina version is not as clear and complete as the Brahmanical version13, for according to the Brahmanical account the sages and gods, who icpi escnt ihe masses, as) Fşthu 10 iske oath that he will guard the carthly Brahma in thought, action and speech in accordar ce with the principles of Dharina and Danda and will never give way to licence 14 Thereupon king Pythu takes oaib to the effect by laying down a condition that he will act in accordance with their wishes, provided the Brahmanas co-operate with him 16 The Jaina version only states 12 Note 7 (ante) 13 For the study of the nature of the Buddlust and Brahmanical contract
theones of the origin of state sceRS Sharma, Aspects of Political
Ideas and Institutions in Ancient India, Chapter IV 14 प्रतिना चाधिरोहम्ब मनमा कर्मणा गिरा।
पालयिष्याम्यह भोम ब्रह्म इत्येव चासकृत् । यश्चाय धर्मनीत्युक्तो दण्डनीतिव्यपाश्रय । तमाङ्क करिप्यामि स्ववशो न कदाचन ।।
VIBb 12 59 112-13, 16 STEINIT À FETURE The Tih 11
-Ibid 12 50 1156

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The Manus and their periods that the disturbed people, finding Vimalavahana superior to them made him their lord Thus, the Svetāmbara version takes it for granted that such a person will hardly belic the hopes of the people who have pinned their faith upon him
Nevertheless, the Vasudevahindi which serves as a prototype of the Svetāmbara version in scveral respects, points to the contractual nature of the origin of kingship more clearly than the Puranic version The work says that the primitive twins, in a state of chaos and confusion resulting from the encroachment of fields and other means of subsistence of one another, find out one Vimalavāhana to be superior to them on account of his superbly well-built body 18 The Mithunas approach him and entrcat, “Noble soul, be our authority in (afflicting) punishment and (conferring) reward, we shall live by your dictate, (for) we are unable to check mutual trespass (by ourselves) and you are capable among us, the living beings. Hence, do favour Thereupon, he promised17 (to act in accordance with their demand) by pronouncing 'Amen' (to their request)"
Thus, in spite of the inadequacy of information from which the Jaina accounts suffer, the very elective nature of the appointment of Vimalavāhana as the first Manu evinces the fact already discussed Moreover, the element of election implies some sort of agreement between the elector and the elected Naturally the Svetāmbara version, which introduces the first Manu as an elected ruler of the contemporary twins, essentially points to the contract theory of the origin of state, and thus, corroborates the Brahmanical and Buddhist sources on this score 18
16 VH P 157, Is 15-19. 17 विमलवाहण अज्जो होहिति णे पमाण णिग्गहा-ऽणुग्गहेसु, तव
संदेसेण वहिस्सामो, न मो वय सत्ता परोप्पराभिभव निवारेउ , तुम पभवसि णे जीविदाण, कुणसु पसायति । ततो तेण "तह" त्ति पडिस्सुय।
-VH P 167 Is 20-22 18, RS. Sharma, op aut. PP 47-62, 56-59

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Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jam Mythology
Now, turning to the account of the early life of mankind, we find that all the Purānas under investigation trace the evolution of the world through an abnormally long period of universal development The Paümacarya and the Padmacanta do not give detailed account of the earliest period 19 These works make only a colourless enumeration of the Manus who reportedly preceded Nābhı, father of Ikşvāku Rsabha. The author of the Harivamsapurana,20 however, has removed that deficiency by developing the enumerative version into a desa criptive form which eventually has emerged in the Adipurana as a moderately developed narrative of the conditions of mankind during the period of the state of Nature and thereafter
Thus the Puranas in question proceed with the description of the social condition prevalent in the beginning of the Avasarpini age. The picture of this age as portrayed by diffe. rent authors is mainly Utopian, and clothed in mythck-gical garb The people of this age are said to have belonged to the land of enjoyment (Bhogabhūmi) 21 Their all requirements were met by the Kalpavyksas of various denominations The cares and anxieties, to which we people of the present age are heir, were unknown to them And, as such, they were akin to the
19 Vide VPC, 3 50ff , RPC, 3 75ff 20 Vide note 26 (Infra) 21 The picture of the Bhagabhūmt combines both the pecularity of the
Ularakurus and that of the Krta age of the Mahabharata and the Brahmanıcal Purānas Cf MBH III 140 11b"कृतमेव न कर्तव्य तस्मिन् काले युगोत्तमे ।" In that excellent age the action having been alrcady done, does not require to be performed (anymore) (Ibid III 149 12-22) This statement of Mahābhārala is suggestive of the idea that since the people of the Krta age have donc (thc meritorious) deeds in their previous life, thcy do not have further obligation to engage themselves in action, they are born in that age to enjoy the rewards of the good cceds done in previous birth. This idea is more clearly brought out by the following statement in thc-Vāgupurāna अप्रवृत्ति कृतयुगे कर्मणो शुभपापयो ।
-8 61a

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The Manus and their periods denizens of the celestial world or to those of the Ultarakurus22 and Harivarşa 23
It is during that golden age that all the thirteen Manus are said to have been born The description of their periods is very important from the stand-point of evolution of the world. The account of different ages of the world is based on the assumption that the universal condition goes on deteriorating and in the last stage of Avasarpint reaches a state of complete perversion and depredation Thus the account on this plane, too, is in substantial agreement with those in the epics and Puranas of the Brahmanical school, for the Brahmanıcal works also tell the same story of gradual decline in moral and spiritual values through the four ages, viz Ksta, Treia, Doapara and Kalz 24 And, a perusal of the accounts of various Manvantaras including tiac of Nabhi proves beyond doubt that the accounts in question have their incontroveruble prototype in the epic-Purānic description of the Tretā age as well as that of the Brahmanıcal Manvanlaras excluding the periods of the first and the seventh Manus
Now, the Brahmanıcal and the Jaina accounts, compared together and with the Buddhist versions will show that
22 In all the Jaina Puranas the account of the ha-py and harmonious
life in the first two stages begins with the remark that the carcfree life of mankind resembled that of men of the Ullarakurus But to our knowledge the Jaina sources do not furnish any independcot account of the naturc of life in the said land It is only from the description of that earliest period that we can form an idca as to what type of lufc would have been in that mythical land But the state of life as described in thc Purānas under investigation shows striking correspondence with that of mankind in the Ultarakurus of the Brahmanical epic Purānic accounts Under thc circumstances it will not be un reasonable to hold that the Jaina Purānic account of the carly stages of Avasarpinius principally based on thc Ullarakurus as described in the Mahābhārata and the Puranas of the Brāhmanical school See MBh VI. 7 2-12, Vāgu p 45 11-40, Alāri andeya 59 18-25a, Malsya 113 69-77 , Comp VPC, 3.86-41, RPC, 3 49-63, JHV, 7 04-108 ;
AP, 3 24-50 23 Vāgu, 46 8-18, Márka 60 4-6 24 MBh III 149 11-40, chaps 189, 190, l'hyn, chap VIII, Mārka
49

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though the physical and dispositional aspects of the people of the succeeding periods register a decline with the march of time, yet their mental and intellectual capacity shows satisfactory signs of gradual advancement upto a certain point Thus, the people of the first Manvantara are simply native and innocent beings 26 They are totally ignorant of the nature and form of the vast and varied world they live in But in course of time their mental horizon widens and they start everincreasing interest in the study of nature around them The people of the succeeding ages are found ever struggling for existence This strife both on material and intellectual planes remains in continuous operation till the emergence of the people as a civilised community during the reign of Rşabhadeva, the first mythical sovereign and Cīrihankara of the present Avasarpini
Now to afford a glimpse into the social evolution through the ages, we give the following resume of the accounts of the Manvantaras in accordance with the Jaipa versions with special reference to the Mahapurana We are told that in the first stage of Avasarpini the people lived a life of perfect happiness All their needs were supplied by the desire-yielding trees (KalpaVýkşas) which were ten in number. The people of that age were ever gay and jovial and wore godlıke appearances. They were endowed with very strong and lovely frame, shining with glimmer of complexion which imitated the lustre of heated gold Born to enjoy the fruits of meritorious deeds done in the previous life, they were free from the sorrows and sufferings of the world of ours They felt hungry after an interval of three days and were satisfied with as much of divine food as the quanuty of a single frut of Jujube Thus having lived an immeasurable length of secure life, they used to vanish, as it
25
They are said to have got bewildered at the first sight of the Sun and the Moon (below note 28), and the Brāhmanıcal Puranas say that the people of the first age) get livelihood spontaneously without prior knowledge aaf694 VII Gia 4H,
Vāru, 8 50b)

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The Manus and their Perrods
were, like the autumnal clouds26 (MP 3 26-44)
The second stage called Suşamā was marked by a little deterioration in the existing condition of the people Their stature and life-span decreased, while the quantity of their meals increased a little more than in the previous age, and, in stead of taking meals at an interval of three days they started taking it in every two days But when the second stage was completing its course, the power of the Kalpadzkşas began to decrease27 (3 46-50)
In the third stage called Susamā-duḥsama (period of happiness and sorrow) the divine trees lost much of their original brilliance and capacity Owing to the dimness of their light the sun and the moon became manifest in the firmament 28 Now, the people taking that event as portentous rushed to the Manu for security from the apprehended calamity Manu, thereupon, tried to dispel their consternation by his informative remark that the planets which were visible to them for the first time, had ever since been moving in the firmament But so long, the view of those luminaries was obstructed by the dazzling radiance of the Kalpaurkşas which by then had suffered diminution The people, thus having been acquainted with the real state of affairs, regained composure and began to live as bcfore 20 It was on the basis of the apparent movements of the above planets as well as other stars and constellations that time came to be divided into days, nights, forinights, months and years 30
26 JHV gives more elaboratc description of the first two ages, apparently
by combining both thc clements of the first age of human life on the one hand and thosc of the Uttaraturus and Haridar şa on the other (7
60-105) 27 Other works do not give separate account of this stage 28 According to VPG (354) this event took place during the reign of
the eighth Manu Cah su, but RPC ascribes it to the period of the sixth Manu (3 79-85) The Harivan'sapurāna 18 in agreement with the present
account (JHV,7 125-140) 29 MP 3 69-75 The Svetambara versions do not refer to this event
Hemacandra also, who on several occasions 15 more elaborate than
Jinasena, does not allude to it 30 Ibid 3 80-89

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In course of time some of the creatures, which were till then docile, began to show sign of violence and even hostility to the people and started attacking them ferociously The people, thus being faced with that odd situation, devised ways and means of their safe and secure living and adopted security measures against those creatures with whom they lived so long in perfect harmony and friendliness Thus, they took recourse to the use of arms and drove mischievous animals, such as lions, tigers, bears, wolves, etc from their place of abode 31
Now, in the next Manvantara supply from the Kalpavrksas dwindled and people began to contend among themselves about the right of possession of the desire yielding trees 32 To check that dispute Manu Simankara defined boundaries and barriers of different groups of persons and asked them to keep within their limits 03
But with the further fall in the supply from the above trees of plenty, incidents of scuffle resulting from the cases of encroachment started taking place frequently. Eventually the Manu of that period had to make the existing boundaries conspicuous by getting them marked by trees, bushes, creepers, etc 34
During the period of the seventh Manu, Vimalavāhana clephants, horses, oxen and other harmless animals were tamed as means of conveyance And to make them their safe
31 Ibid 3 93-106 AIP is the solitary work to have referred to all these
cvents 32 The same story of the gradual disappearance of the Kalpadskşas is
told in the Brahmanical Purānas But in the Brahmanical school that phenomenon is ascribed to people's greed and avarice पून कालान्तरेणव पुनर्लोभावृतास्तु ता । वृक्षास्तान् पर्यगृह्णन्त मधु वा माक्षिक बलात् ।। तासा तेनापचारेण पुनर्लोभकृतेन वै । प्रनष्टा मधुना सार्द्ध कल्पवृक्षा क्वचित् क्वचित् ॥
66-Väyu, 8 22-93, Märkandega. 49 82-33 33 MP, 3 110-11 84 Ibid, 3112-16.

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and subdued rides, the Manu of that period trained his people to equp the above animals with various paraphernalia Thus, the elcphants were furnished with housing, and to keep them under control the elephant drivers were provided with hooks and goads, while horses were saddled and bridled for safe riding 35
During the reign of Maruddeva, the twelfth Manu, men Icarnt the art of boat-making which paved the way for navigation They also acquired proficiency in mountaineering, made pathways along the forests and cut steps up the hills to facilitate their access to those places. It was during his period that hillocks, small seas, rivulets as well as fickle clouds with intermittent rains appeared 36 But after this epoch the period of enjoyment entered its last stage of degeneration Still, the vestiges of this period kept lingering till the reign of Prasenajt, the thirteenth Manu37
By the time of Nābhı, the fourteenth Manu, Kalpavrkşas suffered total extinction, and, with their disappearance the land of enjoyment vielded place to the land of acuon. This transition impelled people to change from the life of enjoyment to that of action The change, however, placed them at the cross-roads of their existence For some times they were forced to lead a life of utter helplessness and starvation, be. cause the only means of their subsistence, the Kalpavskşas, were no more within their approach But eventually Nature took compassion on them and clouds appearing in the sky started raining Now, owing to the even rainfall on the earth, various kinds of crops grew in the virgin soil without tillage and in no time began to invite the starving peoplc, as it were, with their tossing ears of ripe and colourful corns 38 But the
35 MP 3 117-119 36 Ibid 3 139-145 37 Ibid 3 146 38 Ibid 3 162-188 The Brahmanical cpic-Purānic tradition also informs
us that after the total extinction of the Kalpaork sas, the clouds moisted the carth with rain-waters, which caused spontancous gronth of four

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people being unfamiliar with those crops so long were very much apprehensive of their injurious Page #93

The Manus and their Periods
cxclusive possession of the available materials This clash of interests must have been checked somehow or other cither by mutual compactal or by an arbiter. But that arbitration or code of conduct for each individual of the primitive society could no longer refrain the selfish people from appropriating "to themselves by force and violence rivers, fields, hills, trees, shrubs and plants and similar others”.42
The above statement is suggestive of the fact that the contcmporary people, impelled by necessity and aided by experience, opened fresh avenues of life-sustaining activities They learnt river-craft, constructed paths acıoss the forests and made hills and mountains accessible by rock-hewn steps, as it is obvious that the capture of rivers, fields, hills and trees could not have been possible without these devices. Thus, the abovementioned invention must have widened the field of activities and enabled the primitive men to traverse wider areas in search of food and other requirements
Now, after such a long period of strifeful life the prehistoric people discovered comparatively an easy, safe and civilized means of subsistence Somehow, they learnt the use of various cercals growing wild in the virgin soil now made fertile by rain-water 43 In the beginning men must have felt hesitant in utilizing those cereals, the effects of which were unknown to them as yet Naturally some enterprising member of the community must have come forward to put thosc cereals to the test, possibly by testing them And, finding at least some of them fit for human consumption, he would have prescribed their use for his fellowmen This discovery of their livelihood must have been solemnized as the greatest event in their life, for it brought them to the threshold of humen civilization and
41 The Mehābhārata says that in the ancient period people used to resolve
their disputes, cases of trespass and similar other social evils through
mutual agreement, but that could not hold for long 12 07 18-19 42 ततस्ता पर्यगहन्त नदीक्षेत्राणि पर्वतान् । वृक्षगल्मौपदीश्चैवमात्मन्यायाद् यथाबलम् ।।
-Mārka P 40 62, Váyu VIII 180-37. 43. Childe, A New Light on Most Ancient East, Chap. IV.

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opened new vistas of their material advancement. Now, as the wild grains were available in abundance there was every likelihood of there being surplus And, the people must have thought it wise to accumulate and preserve the surplus quantity for future use This idea of having grains in reserve might have prompted them to make earthenwares especially for
purposes
76
This process of social evolution is said to have reached its culmination at the time of Rsabhadeva We are told that with the passage of time the spontaneously available corns ceased to grow any more The people were again confronted by the same problem of existence 44 The ghost of starvation again began to haunt their houses Now, in that state of utter frustration and helplessness they approach Rşabhadeva for alleviation of their distress Thereupon the latter taught them the art of cultivation of various cereals along with other five sources of living, 1 e Ası, Mast, Vidyā, Vānijya and Silpa 45
Examined in the light of discoveries made by the modern antiquarians the above Jaina account of the last phase of the material development of the pre-historic people shows striking similarities with the Brahmanical accounts46 and is borne out by archaeological and anthropological evidences 47 Now it is plain and simple that in the beginning grains scattered on the naturally rich soil spontaneously sprouted and ripened to be
44 MP 16 130-146 ff. The Brahmanical sources in similar way ascribe this important work to Brahma and Prthuvainya, vide Marka P 49 64-76 Vāju 8 146-72, 62 94ff, MBh 12 29 129-136, 12 59 104-141 If we take into account the fact that in the Jaina Puranas, especially in the MP all the qualities and functions of Brahmanical Brahmā bave been arrogated to the first Jina, the difference in names will seem immaterial
45 JHV, 9 35, MP 16 180 ff Both the works exhibit clear signs of 10. fluence of the Vayupurana, 8 61-72, Mark p 49 67-76
46 Vayu P chapter VIII, Märkandeya, chap XLIX
47 Childe, Man Makes Himself, ch IV, Morgan, Ancient Society P 22ff, both quoted in RS Sharma, Aspects of Political Ideas and Institutions en Ancient India, pp 50-51

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77
ready for harvest In growing them no human intervention was necded But owing to the prolonged use without compensatory fertilization of any kind the plot must have lost its original virtue essential for the germination and growth of cereals Under such a circumstance the people must have been forced to think of some device for conserving and improving the productivity of soil Eventually, some genius would have succeeded in inventing some enduring means of production, such as ploughing, Sallowing and irrigation of the land for making settled farming possible 48
This revolutionary invention in the field of food-production must have ushered in an era of high promise for humankind. For, that deliberate cultivation of cercals made men masters of their own destiny by emancipating them from the whims and caprices of Nature 49 As a matter of fact that agrarian revolution must have served as solid ground whereupon man's religious, cultural and social edifices would have been crected. It was just after that introduction of conscious agriculture that men began to expand the field of their material, moral, intellectual and spiritual activities Because, the discovery of the sure and secure means of food-production not only made the people selfsufficient in matters of primary needs but also conferred on them a life of peace and plenty
Thus, they were allowed a leisure which was essential both for making efforts towards better and more prosperous material life as also for meditating upon many a matter of extra-mundane nature already referred to
Thus the above Jaina account, though found in its sys. tematic form only in a single work of the faith, has, of course, a strong basis in the early unbroken tradition, represented by the Brahmanical epic-Purānic works and is also supported by the early texts of Buddhism 60 How similar is the version in spirit and form, with the Brahmanıcal accounts of the material
48 Childe, NLMAE, chaps 111-V 49 Ibid pp 1-9 60 Mahāvastu, 1 342-43, quoted in Aspects of Pohtical Ideas and
Institutions in Ancient India, pp 36 38, PP 49-54

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Aspects of Brahmanıcal Influence on the Jain Mythology
development of the world, may be known from the following summary of the 49th chapter of the Märhandeyaputāna, which is in literal agreement with the Vāyupurana (chap VIII) The work thus says
In the earliest period of mankind, people were born twins, one male and one female , they lived like husband and wife and towards the close of their life produced, only once, twin issues, again one male and one female (Märka P. 49. 10).51 The banks of rivers and lakes, sea-shores and hills were their dwelling places, for that age had a temperate climatic condition 62 (49 13-14) Those abodeless people had unrestricted access to all those places (49 15 ) 63 They were free from desire and ill-will and were not subjected to the distinction of high and low (49 23) 54 Their sources of subsistence were Kalpaorkşas which supplied them besides food, all sorts of raiments, ornaments and similar other articles (49 27-32) 55 The above condition remained during the Kyta age and in the first stage of the Tratá age 58
But as time advanced, the people who were so long perfectly virtuous, were overwhelmed by greed which led them to appropriate to themselves the Kalpavykşas by force and violence (49 32-33) That misconduct caused the disappearance of the Kalpavrkşas (49 33-34) 67 However, in the mean time the clouds drenched the earth with rain-waters causing spontaneous growth of trees, shrubs and herbs which served as substitutes for the lost Kalpavykşas (49 56-61a) 58 But after some
81. Vayu P VIII 43 62 Ibid VIII 47 53. Ibid VIII 48 54 Ibid VIII 49ff (This work is more elaborate in its description of the
idyllic condition of the golden age 50-65) 55 Ibid VIJI 81-90 56 This stage of happy and harmonious life corresponds to the state of
nature in i hich people are said to have lived a carc-free life under the open sky It was after this period that people established villages and towns and built houses and fortresses. Mārk P 49 34-36, Vayu
P VIII 96-100 ff 67. Vayu P VIII 91-93 58 Ibid VIII 129-135a

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79
time the people were, again, overcome by selfish motive and with an intention of making them their exclusive possessions, they (naturally the mighty among them) began to seize rivers fields, trees, plants, shrubs and herbs Thereupon, the earth avenged the selfish and forcible appropriation of her resources by swallowing them up 8 (49 61-63) Thereupon the bewildered and hungry people approach Brahmā for their means of subsistence Then he milked the earth from which different kinds of seeds originated These seeds sprouted and fructuated spontaneously into seventeen types of wild and domestic plants and shrubs60(49 84-72) But after a certain period the plants ceased to grow anymore Then the creator introduced artificial method of cultivation Therefrom the crops are grown after tillage Thus baving managed the means of livelihood, the creator formulated code of conduct for each individual in accordance with the norm as well as the mental propensities of each individual. He also proclaimed duties of different Varnas and Aśramas (49 73-76) "
In view of the analysis already given in connection with the Jaina account, we do not deem it worthwhile to offer an explanation of the above Brahmanıcal accounts For, both the traditions are strikingly similar in their description of the different stages of universal development Nevertheless, a few words must be said with regard to the Brahmanical account of the later stages of world-development The account, like the Jaina onc, says that due to the change of time the spontaneously growing and fructuating plants stopped sprouting which were revived by the Creator (the name of the agent is immaterial) through the introduction of the art of cultivatiou (FHFT EFFTfrien) And with this came into beirg other professions such as cattle-breeding, trade and handicrafts etc Now to keep persons within their own fold and to check clash of interests and overstepping, the people were divided into four Varnas on
59 Vâyo P VIII 1366 137, 143-45 60 Ibid VIII 146-158 01 Ibid, VIII 159 180 The Vayu Putāna gives clearer and more elabo
rate account of the creation of the four Parnas and Asramas,

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the basis of their natural bent towards a particular type of profession Thus the Purānas clearly show that the institution of Vamas was based on the nature of calling which an individual chose of his own accord
From the above description it is clear that the Jaina account of the universal development represents an uninterrupted tradition already embodied in the epic-Purāņic works of the Brāhmanical school Hence, it is of abiding value and interest for the study of the process of emergence of mankind from the state of nature to the status of well-organised people under a benevolent Government
SECTION II As we have seen in the foregoing pages, all the Jaina Purānas give the account of Nabhi, father of Rşabhadeda as a prelude to the universal history in accordance with the Jaina tradition It is, in fact, from the life story of Rsabha that the principal mytho-historical narrative of the world may be said to have begun Now, in this context he has been represented as the progenitor of the whole creation, and in that capacity, has been vested with all the qualities and functions of Brahma both as Prajāpalı and as Stastr Consequently all epithets and names, expressive of the creative faculty of the first member of the Brahmanical Trinity as well as His various functions and associations have been appropriated to the first Jina. Thus, Rsabha is addressed as Karls, Vidhāts, Lokapitāmaha' and so on Besides these, he is also called Svayambhūb (self-cxistent), Aja, Ajanmar (unborn), Ayonijas (not born
1 VPC, V 122, XXVIII 48, CIX 12, RPC 11 201, JHV, 8 196,
209, 213, 220, MP, 26 134, 142, SPC, 38,
MP 25 149 3 Ibid 10 207 4. Ibid 25 14 8. Ibid 2 1, 24 36, 25 100 6 Ibid 24 30; 26 106 7. Ibid 26.100 8 Ibid 24.34; 25 106

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The Manus and their periods from the womb) and Atmabhū (self-born) The terms in question are too celebrated to require any reference to the Brahmanical sources for establishing Brahma's original claim to them In fact, the appropriation of the above epithets and names to Rşabha, obviously born of a parent, cannot be justified without a reference to the Brahmanıcal conception of the nature and exploits of the Creator Moreover, the ascription of the attributes like Padmagarbh710, Padmasambhūtį11 and Padmayonill etc. to the first Jina are all reminiscent of another version of the Brahmapical conception of the same God of creation representing him as sprung from a lotus shooting forth from the Davel (Nābhi) of Visnu 13
Apart from the above representa*ion Rşabha has also been identified with some of Brahma's immediatc descendants pertaining to two different Manvantaras of Hindu cosmogony. As a matter of fact, various substrata of creative process have been combined in Rşabhadeva's personality, in an anachronistic way Consequently he has been made to represent not only threc generations of the first Manvantara but also four generations of the present Varvasvata Manvantara inasmuch as he has been variously styled Svayambhül, Hiran yagarbha16 Kaśyapalo, Manu?? and Iksvālu, each of whom is distinct from the other according to the Brahmanical genealogical records Besides that, the Purānas also call him Puru18, who, according to the epic and the Brahmanical Purānas, was an illustrious king and founder of the main branch of the Lunar dynasty and was later than Ikşoaku by five generations 19
9 Ibid 24 33, 25 100 10 Ibid 25 81 11 Ibid 25 113 12 Ibid 25 134 13 " rat na grupa 7739EUTGITATTI
ब्रह्मा चराचरगुरुय॑स्येद सकल जगत् ॥" MB2, III 12 38 Here Krsna has been conceived as the full incarna
tion of Visnu Mārka p 81 51 Matsga 168 14-15,109 1-2 14 VPC, 28 48a, 15 VPS, 3 68 16 MP 16 266, PMP, 10 5 18 17 JHV 81, MP 18 206 18 JHV 8 211, MP, 3 239, 16 71, 1772, 24 30, 25 143, 47 392, 400, 19. Pargiter, Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, pp 144-45,

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Now to be clearer on the point it is desirable to elucidate the matter in the light of information received from the Hindu sources Rsabhadeva, according to the Manvantara, and the Brahmanical Purānas, was an ideal king of the first Manvantara who rose to the status of Brahmarst by severe austerity and ultimately attained to Brahmaloka20 (abode of Brahman). And, in almost all the Brahmanas, which are decidedly older than the Jaina works and, which also contain more reliable genealogical records than the latter, Rşabhadeva has been represented as the son of Nabhi21, grandson of Svayambhuva Manu According to all the above works he had a lineal relation with Svayambhu, the self-existent god Brahma Moreover, all the abovementioned works show striking unanimity in representing him as of uncommon spiritual power and, beloved of god Brahmā The following pedigree of Rşabha with that of Iksvaku according to Hindu sources may be of help for the study of the former's position in the Svayambhuva race and his Jinist representation as Hiranyagarbha and Ikşvāku Rşabha's pedigree (Ist Manvantara) Pedigree of Ikṣvāku (Seventh Manvantara
1 Svayambhu (self-existent, Brahmā)
2 Svayambhuva Manu22
20 MBh 2 11 24
21 नाभिस्त्वजनयत् पुत्र मेरुदेव्या महाद्युतिम् । ऋषभ पार्थिवश्रेष्ठ सर्वक्षत्रस्य पूर्वजम् ॥ ऋपभादुद्भरतो जज्ञे वीर पुत्रशताग्रज | सोऽभिषिच्याथ भरतं पुत्र प्राव्राज्यमास्थित ॥ -Varup 33 50-51, Mörka p 52 37-38, Vis P 114 59b-61, Kurma p 41 37-38, Agni p Linga p 47 19-24a.
82
1 Svayambhu (Self-existent Brahma) or Hiranyagarbha 2 Marici28
p 21 28, Brahmanda 10 10-11, Vardha p 74,
22 ततो ब्रह्मात्मसम्भूत पूर्वं स्वायम्भुव प्रभु. ।
आत्मानमेव कृतवान् प्रजापाल्ये मनु द्विज 11 शतरूपा च ता नारी तपोनि तकल्मषाम् । स्वायम्भुवो मनुर्देव पत्नीत्वे जगहे प्रभु ॥ 23 ब्रह्मणो मानसा पुत्रा विदिता पण्महर्षय ।
मरीचिरत्र्यङ्गिरसौ पुलस्त्य प ुलह क्रतु । मरीचे कश्यप पुत्र कश्यपात् तु इमा प्रजा ||
Vis 17 16-17
-MBh 1 65 10-11a, 66 4, 34, Mat 171 27-30.

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3. Priyavrata 24
3 Kasyapan 4 AgnIdhra28
4 Vivasvan (Sungod)27 5 Nābh128
5 Manus 6. Rsabha30
6 Iksvāku31 In view of the above genealogical table, it can be said
24
तस्मात्तु पुरुषादेवी शतरूपा व्यजायत प्रियव्रतोत्तानपादी..........
Vs 1718 Priyavrata is said to have begotten on his wife ten sons, of whom Agnidbra is stated to have been the eldest
V1821.6-7 25 त्रयोदशाना पत्नीना था तु दाक्षायणी वरा । मारीच कश्यपस्त्वस्यामादित्यान् समजीजनत् ।।
MBh 17610 26 Agnidhra received from his father contnent called Jambudvípaजम्बूद्वीप महाभाग सोग्नीध्राय ददो पिता..."
Vu2112 27 इन्द्रादीन् वीर्यसम्पन्नान् विवस्वन्तमथापि च ।
विवस्वत सुतो जज्ञे यमो वैवस्वत प्रभु ।। मार्तण्डम्य मनुर्धीमान् अजायत सुत प्रभु ।
-MBh 176 11-12a and 13-16 28. VIs 2 1 16-16, 18, Marl. p 63 38a 29 दक्षाददितिरदितेविवस्वान् विवस्वत मनु
MBh 1.957 30 हिमाय तु वै वर्ष नाभेरासीन्महात्मन ।
तस्यर्पभोऽभवत्प त्रो मेरुदेव्या महाद्युति ॥ ऋषभाद् भरतो जज्ञे ज्येष्ठ पुत्रशतस्य स ।
Vs 2127-8 31 इक्ष्वाकश्चैव नाभागो धृष्ट शतिरेव च ।
नरिष्यन्तश्च विख्यातो नाम उद्दिष्ट एव च ।। करुषश्च पृपध्रश्च वसुमान्नवम स्मृत । मनोवैवस्वतम्यैते नव पुत्रा प्रकीर्तिता ॥ Vayu p_54 29 30,85 3-4 Alarka p 70 11-12, JII 35], Vr, p 4 1, 6, Matsya p 11 40-4I, A!Bh 175 13-17, Rama ] 70 20-24 etc The Purānas, though they differ on the names of Ilşváku's brothers, arc remarkably unanimous on Iksvālu For the suggested text see AIHT,
P 84

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with an amount of certainty that the Jaina Purānas, while preserving the relationship between Nābhi and Rşabha as that of father and son, have attributed to the latter the names and character of both Svayambhi and his son, the first Manu. The next two, viz Priyavrata and Agnidhra have been left out possibly because of their insignificant role in the cosmic development
With regard to the pedigree of lkşāhu it is interesting to note that almost all the six persons of the list have been assimilated with Rşabha in some way or other Of these six, sour have been treated as one with Rşabha inasmuch as he is called not only Hiranyagarbha and Ikşvāku but also Kaśyapa and Manu As for the remaining two viz Maricz and Vivas vai32 (the Sun-god), they, instead of being identified with the Jina, have heen made into the grand sons of the latter Of these tuo again, Vrasvat has been adopted in some of the Puranas as Adityayasas, while in others as Athakırız-both the names denoting the same sense and same person This Adityayasas is said to have continued the main line of Ihsvāku called Adity adams233, whilc Marici is represented as the founder of the heretic order, i e Brahmanıcal religion.
Now, examined in the light of the Brahmanical tradition as cmbalmed and treasured up in the epics and in some of the Bralımapical Purānas already referred to, the Jaina represcntation of Rsabha as Ikşvāku may be said to be the result of
32 In the Brahmanical works he is referred to by several synonyms, of
which Aditya, Sürya and Mälarda apscar to be of frequent occurre.
nces 33 Thus the traditional posteriority of Ikşâhu to Ādriga has been rcversed
in the Jaina Puranas and the Brahmanical grandfather of Iksvaku has heen pushed below to thc status of latter's grandson as Adityayasas or Antakirl. It is also to be noted that the carly Pali tradition preserved n I airsalthol patāsmi commentary on the Mahārainsa as quoted by Dr BC Law in his Tribes in Ancient India 213o muhes Adulya or Sinya prior, in timc, 10 Iksrálu 7s latter's ancestor The work says that some
iricen Prc-Ikstālulings of the Solar dynasty ruled at Kausambi in regular sticcession Similarly, thc Ceylon Chronicles, quoted by the same author, also mention sixteen kings as thic ancestors of king OHala It icáku
-BC Law, TAI, PP 110, 138

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contamination of two dynastic lines separated from each one by five Mandantaras of countless years And, ihıs recast representation of the above dynasties as one may have been actuated by Jaina Puranakäras' thirst for giving their version an original colour with least regard for maintaining chrono logical accuracy Consequently distinct persons, traditionally stated to have reigned at different periods of immense temporal distance, have been conceived as identical by appropriating their significant names to Rşabha as his epithets with new twist and turn in their purport and meaning The epithet Hiranyagarbhad, for instance, traditionally applied to Svayambhu85 Brahmā on account of his mythical manifestation from the golden egg, has been arrogated to Rşabha on the basis of equally fanciful etymology of the term Thus in the Purānas under review Rşabha is called Hiranyagarbhago because of the allegedly miraculous goldshowers during his stay in his mother's womb
Here it is important to note that the miraculous event of goldshower is reported to have taken place on the occasion of the descent of each and every Jina 87 But strangely enough, only the first Jina, viz Rşabha has been conceded the privilege of being called Hiranyagarbha Obviously, the validity of the exclusive ascription of the above attribute to Rşabha can hardly
34. FIGUEIFG gaarate feat FETHTHI
प्रजापतेरिय मूर्तिरितीय वैदिकी श्रुति ।। -Matsya-P 248 1, Kūrma-P 4 38-39a, Agni-P 17 8-16, Vāgu-P 4 15.
16, 767 35 नोत्पादितत्वात् पूर्वत्वात् स्वयम्भूरिति चोच्यते ।।
Vậyu 4 44b. 36 TEHERGHEN HEFT 3, favuracat AnaUT TET
तेण हिरण्णगन्भो, जयम्मि उबगिज्जये उसभो।
--VPC, 3 08, also RPC, 4 156, JHV, 8 200, MP 12 95. 37 THTOATT 4797 Taoeuthanafraai
मेरो जन्माभिषेकश्च सुरै क्षीरोदवारिणा ॥ RPP 5 2 17, 208-216, 21 18.20, JHV 2 19 True to this statement the Puranas dealing with the account of all the twentyfour Jinas do not fail to narrate this cvent,

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be vindicated on the basis of the Jaina account We may, however, justify it in the light of the Hindu mythological tradition, according to which Brahmass alone is entitled to the designation of Hiranyagarbha due to his mythical appearance. Now a study of the Jaina account of Rşabha's life shows that only the first Jina has been raised to the status of Brahmā par excellence In view of the above fact Rşabḥa alone deserves to be styled Hiranyagarbha In this way the term in question has been endued with a special cum-general etymological sense and has, therefore, been used as an attributive name of the Jaina Brahma to the exclusion of other Jinas who, though deified and vested with superhuman character, were not given the prerogative of creatorship
86
1
Next, As Lokapitāmaha, viz. grandsire or progenitor of all beings, Rşabha is represented not only as Brahmā but also as Kasyapa, the mythical father of all the diverse and sundry created beings of the world This way he is made to represent two distinct stages of world development. For, we know from the Brahmanical epic-Puranic tradition that Kaśyapa, son of Marica who was mind-born son of Brahma married thirteen daughters of Dalşa Prajapatz40 and begot on
38
"बृहत्त्वाच्च स्मृतो ब्रह्मा"
and comp "वृहत्त्वाद्भगवान् ब्रह्मा नाभेय."
RPC, 11 201a The author of the Mahapurana goes to an extreme in his fervour for establishing Rsabhadeva's special claim to the status of Brahma with a dig at the character of the first member of the Brah. manical Trinity, which refers to the Puranic story of Brahma's lust for His own daughter Thus the author says ब्रह्मा स्वयम्भूर्भगवान् परमेष्ठी जिनोत्तम ॥ म ह्यादिपरमब्रह्मा जिनेन्द्रो गुरगबृ हरणात् । पर ब्रह्म यदायत्तमामनन्ति मुनीश्वरा ॥ नैणाजिनधरो ब्रह्मा जटाकूर्चादिलक्षण । य कामगर्दभो भूत्वा प्रच्युतो ब्रह्मवर्चसात् ।
MP, 39 127d-129, Comp Matsya-P 3 30-45 Also see PMP. VIII
2 15h
Vayu-P 4 43a
39 Vide notes 27 and 28 (ante)
40 EW Hopkins, Epic Mythology, p 190, AIHT, pp 188-180

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his rives hosts of gods Darlzas, Dānavas, Rákşasas as well as mcn, animals and other ccnticnt and non senticnt beings 41
Now, as the father of dynastics, Rsabha is throughout represented as Ihsalu In this regard both the Digambara and Svelâmbara schools show remarkablc agreement But with regard to the interpretation of the term both the schools are at variance, though giving equally fanciful etymology of the term Thus according to the Digambara school, Ihsvaku was so named because his subjects had abundance of sugarcane juice to drink... But the Soclambara accounts, though connecting the name with the sainc Ikşı, give the interpretation of the term in their own way According to their version Rşabha was called thşvāku, because he stretched his hand to receive sugarcanc (stick) from Sakra 43 So the latter named Rşabha's family as Iksvāku.
Thus we have seen that Brahma Svayambhi, Nabhi, Rşabha Maricı, Kassapa, Manu and lkşvaku have already been represented in the Brahmanıcal cpic-Purānic tradition as mythical forefathcrs of mankind But when we meet them in the Jaina narrative literature, we find them there in a slightly disguised appearance and in a changed situation. They mark in the Brahmanical mythology different and distinct stages of universal development in sequcntial order But in the Jaina Puranas these most ancient personages have lost their individuality, and their names have been jumbled together as cpithets of Rsabhadeva to show the various aspects of his superhuman character
41. MBH 1 65 118, 00 34 42 JHV, 8 210, MP 16 264 43 CMC, p 37, Is 10-12, TSPC 12 664-69.

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CHAPTER IV DYNASTIC LISTS AND GENEALOGICAL ACCOUNTS
Almost all the Purānas under review provide lists of ancient royal dynasties in their own ways These lists are somewhat different from those occurring in the cpics and the Puranas of the Brahmanical school But when critically cxamined and analysed, these converge to the same truth as is conveyed by the traditional accounts
As stated already, the protagonists of early Jainism were totally opposed to matters of mundane nature, and were highly critical of the orthodox tradition which they had stigmatiscd as grossly worldly and nonconducive to the final relcasc of man from the perpetual cycle of birth, decay and death Under the circumstances, early Jaina texts cannot be expected to furnish any dynastic and genealogical information, for it was a theme which was long considered by them as incompatible with the spirit of their religion which preached futility of pride arising from a sense of pure and noble birth 1 Thus, keeping records of the origin of various families and accounts of ancient royal dynasties remained for long beyond the domain of Jaina tradition Hence, it is but natural that the early texts of canonical literature of the Svetāmbaras do not record any dynasty in its proper setting nor do they furnish gencalogical accounts thereof These works only declarc that Ihşvāku Rşabha had divided his people into four classes or corporations (Ganas) Those Ganas were styled Uggas (Ugras), Bhogas, Rāinnas (Rajanjas) and Khaltiyas (Kşatriyas)2 There are still other passages which refer to Ñātas (Jnāta or Jřätska) family together with two dynastic names such as Kaurava and Ihsvaku
1 Ullarā 12 5, 26 2017, TSPC, 42 328, 45 250-264 2 LAI, p 372, Uvāsagadasāa, VII 219 3 Udāsagadasão, 1 66,69 4 TẠI p 888, LAI 189-40, 881, PHAI, pp 119-120

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Except this meagre and incidental information, the Jaina canonical texts state nothing about the genesis and genealogy of these families However, of the above seven classes the Ugrala, Bhoga, Kaurava and Ikṣvāku are celebrated in the Brahmanical tradition as pretty old tribes of Aryan origin
So far as the meaning of the terms Ugra, Bhoga, Kuru, Rajanya and Ksatriya is concerned, the Jaina Puranic works have sought to offer different fanciful explanations in their own ways The Harivamsa-Purana of Jinasena II, for instance, says that the rulers of the Kuru country were called Kurus, those, who were of cruel administration, were styled Ugras, others were named Bhojas on account of their judicious protection of the masses, similarly, those, lovingly disposed towards the subjects became (known as) Rajans (Rājanyas), and those, who were appointed to protect the people from peril, were called Ksatriyas. Hemacandra, on the other hand, states 'the Ugras were the guardsmen, appointed to give cruel punishments, the Bhogas were the ministers etc of the Master, like the Trayastrimsas of Hari. The Rajanyas were the companions
89
4a In the Taittiriya Brahmana (385) Ugras find mention as a particular class of Ksatriyas who were not entitled to rule, while those fit for administration are said to have been called Rajaputras These Rajaputras compare well with the Jaina Rajanyas who are said to have been appointed by Rşabha to rule judiciously
5 कुरव कुरुदेशेशा उग्रास्ते चोग्रशासना ।
न्यायेन पालनाद् भोजा प्रजानामपरे मता ॥ राजानश्च तथैवान्ये जाताः प्रकृतिरञ्जना |
प्रजानां रञ्जनाच्चैव राजानस्त्वभवन्नृपा
-JHV 9 44-45a, cf
-Vayn P 57 58b
6 क्षत्रिया क्षततस्त्रारणात् '
क्षताच्च नस्त्रायतीति स तस्मात् क्षत्रिय स्मृत. "
क्षतात् किल त्रायत इत्युदग्र क्षत्रस्य शब्दो भुवनेषु रूढ
-JHV 9 39.
MBh 12 29 130,
Raghuvamsa, II 58a

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Aspects af Brahmanical Influence on the Jain Mythology
of the Lord, and all the other people were Kşatriyas by name? From these statements it appears that the Jaina tradition considers all the above names except kuru as owing their origin to the naturc of duties said to have been assigned to each group of persons forming these Ganas As such, these are impressed upon us as class designations which were not derived from any real or eponymous progenitor and founder of the said Ganas But the above Ganas together with the Kurus, Videhas and Jñātas or Jñatshas find varying treatment in the Puranas under investigation, which, however, will be discussed in proper context
Now, before adverting to the study of the traditional dynasties as represented in the Jaina Purānas, a few words must be said about the identity of the class styled Bhoga, who find their mention in the Artareyas and Satapaiha' Brāhmanas and recur in the Brahmanical epic-Purānic tradition20 as a powerful branch of the radu line of the Lunar dynasty But Dr B C Law, while presenting a study of different tribes, does not refer to any identity between the canonical Bhogas and the Brahmanıcal Bhojas 11 Dr H C. Raychaudhary also does not seem inclined to identify the two 12 But there are reasons to believe that the Bhogas of the Canonical texts were not different from the Bhojas of the Brahmanical epics and Puranas Firstly, Bhogarājala of the early Jaina texts whom Rajimatı 7 आरक्षपुरुपा उग्रा उनदण्डाधिकारिण ।
भोगा मन्त्र्यादयो भर्तुस्त्रायस्त्रिशा हरेरिव ।। राजन्या जज्ञिरे ते ये समान-वयस प्रभो । अवशेषास्तु पुरुषा बभूवु क्षत्रिया इति ।।
-TSPC, 1 2 974-979 8 VIII 14 9 VIII 5 4 21 10 Veșnupurāna (Wilson's translation, edited by Hall) Vol IV PP 260,
271 11 TAI, PP 388 391 and cf pp 35, 88 12 PHAI, p 120 13 अह च भोगंरायस्स त चसि अघगवहिणो ।
Ullarådhyagana-Satra. Lecture 12 v 43a, also Dasavsyalıyasutra, 28

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91
calls her father and who has been identified as king Ugrasena of Bhogald family, regularly recurs as Bhoja.16 Accordingly, Rājīmati is mentioned in these sources as Bhojasuta 16 Now, the Mahābhārata unequivocally refers to the family of Ugrasena as Bhoja and on several occasions mentions him as Bhojarēja 17 Next, libe Bhogas in the canonical texts the Bhojas in the Mahābhārala often occur in conjunction with the Rājanyas18 and the term Bhoja-tājanyavardhana19 finds mention as one of Krsna's several epithets Secondly, the canonical Bhoga, which as a class designation is mentioned together with Ugra20, Rājanya and Ksatriya, consistently recurs in JHV as Bhoja 21 Now, as the work in question is not temporally far removed from the period of the final redaction of the canonical works, 22 its reference to Bhoga as Bhoja cannot legitimately be rejected as misspelt and misrepresented Besides that, the TSPC has adopted alternately both Bhoga and Bhoja for the same class of ruling family 28 Thirdly, the father of Ugrasena whom the can
14 LAI, 381, 16 JHV 56 107, TSPC vol V, pp 227, 255-256 16 JHV 55 72, 82 17 भोजराजस्य वृद्धस्य
-MBh V 128 37-38 18 #75-37ofrequenza
-Ibid II 14 31 19 Ibid Asvamedhıkaparvan, 877 20 Ullaradhyayana and Satrakstānga translated in SBE Series Vol XLV,
Pp 113 118 339 21 TFTTTTTTTTTTE O 90, 100, and FSTICAE Hote: Ibid 9 214 22 The canons were finally compiled 10 thc sixth century AD, LAI,
p 38, and JHV is placed in the cighth century AD, Dr VM Kul
karni. Introduction to VPC 23 gear at sir-ft-facet getsfy al उग्रा भोजा राजन्याश्च जात्यार्या एवमादयः ।।
TSPC 2 3 674 and compta Scat a:
-Ibid 1.2 974

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92
Aspects of Brahmanual Influence on the Jain Mythology
onical texts call Bhogavanhi (Bhogavrsni is represented in JHV24 as Bhojakavrşnis and in TSPC25 as Bhojorsni of rādava race This Bhegaurşni is, again, represented by the same canonical texts as a grandson of king Tadu 28 Thus, the early Jaina tradition entitles Ugrasena to the epithet Bhogarāja because of his reported descent from Bhogavrsni and connects him with the Yadu race as well Now what transpires from this representation is that according to this tradition the Bhogas were lineally connected with the radu race and had consanguinous relationship also with the Andhakas who, according to the same source, were descendants of Andhakavanhz (Andhakaotsi), represented as a cousin Bhogavrsn1 27 It is, then, obvious that canonical genealogy of the Yadu family makes the Andhabas and Bhogas collateral lines of the Yadu race and entities both the branches to the common name Vişnı for obvious reason of their being descended from persons who could conveniently be called Visnis, because they bore such names which had urşni as their final component 28 Hence this relationship between the Bhogas and Andhahas and ultimately with Yadu as farmers' progenitor may be taken as a positive pointer to the oneness of the canonical Bhogas and Brahmanıcal Bhojas. The Mahābbārata abounds in passages wherein Andhakas, Bhojas and Vrşnıs are mentioned conjointly as sub-lines of the radu
24 JHV 18 16 26 TSPC, Vol V P 37 26 Anta 3 pp 8 22, Nirayā 5, Uttaradhyayanafikā, 221 ff 2 pp 37, 39,
45a-all quoted in JC Jain, LAI, P 377, also VH pp 357-58 27 Dr J C Jain, op at p 377 28 Vide Infra, Harı dynasty, chap VI It is remarkable to note that the
Vrsnis and Andhalas arc branded in the MBh as Vrātsas like Lichchhamus and Mallas who are stigmatised in the Manusmpt as the children of the Vrálya Rajanyas or a satriyas and according to Dr HC Raichau. dhuri. the Vrsnis and Andhokas and other Vratsa clans, cg the Lichchhadis and Mallas are found in the historical time on the southern and eastern fringe of the Dhruvā Madhyamā dz's occupied by the Kuru-Pafcālas-vide AfBh Drona P 143 15, Manu 10 22, PHAI,

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93
race, and in those contexts the term Vrşnı sometimes is placed after Andhaka29 and at times after Bhoja 30
Next, the identification of the canonical Bhogahadasl as Bhojakata of vidarbha on reasonable ground also suggests oneness of Bhoga and Bhoja Phonetic phenomenon together with usual lack of interest in historical matters may be taken as one of the probable reasons for the representation of Bhoja as Bhoga For, in the Ardhamagadhi dialect the intervocalıc stops are often elided and the hiatus is filled up with the insertion of pa- tut: 82 Under the circumstances it may be that in early Ardhamāgadhi Sources the Bhoja found its place as Bhogala through the loss of intervocalic, and consequent insertion of J' of lighter articulation and next, in a bid to give it a clearer form, it was adopted as Bhoga with a queer meaning attached or the newly adopted word
29 899feug-MBh 1 03 104, faqaculat a 2 30 17, अन्धकवृष्णय
-2 52 49 30 भोजवृष्ण्यन्धकाना तु समवायो महानभूत
-MBh 1 217-18, भोजवृष्ण्यन्धकात्मजः
1 217 12, भोजवृष्ण्यन्धका.
1 218 2 31 LAI, p 274, PHAI,PP 90-91,
In VH Bhojakata finds mention as Bhojakaça and is said to have been founded by Rukmin, who having been discomfted by Krena after Rukmini's abduction swore not to return to his ancestral
capital-पइण्णापूरणत्थ भोजकड नयर निवेसेइ- VH, PP
81 98, 100 The worh also reads 1997 as is evident from p 100 32 og Rögimai Rāyā, Rājarı > Ragarşi, etc , Ibid 9 3, 8, 13 The same phonetic confusion may be held responsible for otherwise unexplainable change of 'j' to 'd', eg Prasenajıt>Pasenadı, Jājoalyate> dādallate etc
Palipralăsa p 45 324 As in Bhayakada

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Under the circumstances it will not be simply hypothetical to assert that the canonical Bhogas, who are said to have formed a constituent unit of the vajjian confederacy of Vaisalı were the epical Bhojas who were reportedly with the Andhakas and Viinis in consanguinity, and sometime before the formation of the confederation immigrated to Vaisali and its adjoining tracts This conjecture is further confirmed by the evidence of the Mahabharata which 'refers to the exodus of the Tadavas from Mathura' under political pressure
94
Now, our survey of the dynastic lists and genealogical accounts begins with Vimalasuri's Paiimacarya35 which is the earliest of the extant Jaina Puranas to have supplied a list to different ruling dynasties of yore The royal Vamsas are styled Ihsvahu, Soma, Hari and Vidyadhara Viewed in the light of the canonical notices of ruling families already mentioned above, the present list of the four royal dynasties may be taken as a later creation of the Jaina Purana-writers, and, is in all probability based on the Brahmanical epic-Puranic list of principal royal families universally styled as the Solar and the Lunar dynasties with their manifold branches and sub-branches
Next, the list recurs in the Padmacarita of Ravişena His list is somewhat different from that of VPC on some noteworthy points
33 PHAI, p 142, See also Prof R K Chaudhary India, pp 140-147
34 PHAI,P 142
35 इक्खाग पढमवसो विइनो सोमो य होइ नायव्वो । विज्ञहराण तो हवइ चउत्यो उ हरिवसो ||
Vratyas in Ancient
-VPC 52
36 Supra n 2, The VH, however, gives a different list inasmuch as the work mentions Itsraku, Hari and Kuru together with the four ganas called the Ugra, Bhoga, Rajanya and Naga All these ganos are said to have been ruling at Kosalajanapada,-JC Jain, HPL, p 389

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..96
According to Ravişena's version there were four87 celebrated dynastics with manifold divisions and subdivisions of these the noble line of Ihsvälu was the first, the Rşı-vamsa38 was the second, that of vidyadharass! the third and the family of Hari, the fourth It is clear from the present account that Ravişena has not accorded the Soma-vamsa an independent status Instead, he has introduced one Rşroamsa and represented the Soma-vansa as a branch of the Ikşvālu family Thus, he has effected an apparent improvement on Vimalasūri's account by not conceding the Soma-line a distinct position in the dynastic scheme, for even Vimala has set out the Soma-vamsa as descended from Ikşvālu through his grandson Somaprabha This being the case the claim of the Soma-vaṁsa to the generic name Thşvāku should be considered as legitimate as that of thc Aditya-oamsa which is treated as the main line of the Ikşvakus 41
37 TCGFEHT HETESQ97917: sfeat 791
एषा रहस्य-सयुक्ता प्रभेदा बहुधोदिता.॥ इक्ष्वाकु प्रथमस्तेषामुन्नतो लोकभूपण । ऋपिवशे द्वितीयस्तु शशाक-कर-निर्मलः ।। विद्याभृता तृतीयस्तु वशोऽत्यन्तमनोहर । हरिवशो जगत्ल्यातश्चतुर्थ परिकीर्तित ।।
RPC 61. Comp चत्तारि महावसा नरवइ पुहइम्मि उविक्खाया।
ताण पुण बहुभेया वन्ति अवरस्स सयुत्ता ।। 38 Rstamsa comprises the famılıcs of Jaina Rşıs and represents various
schools of successions of preceptors and disciples Thus, this vamsa is
a Jaina counterpart of the traditional Brähmana vamsa 39 Thc vidyadhara vamsa includes the Gandharvas, Raksasas, Dartyas, Dāna
vas, Asuras and other semi diving and supernatural beings of the Brahmanıcal epic-Puranic tradition In the same Vamsa are included
thc Vinaros and Rksas of the Vālmil. Rāmāyana 40 Harivamsa is the Jinigt version of the Brahmanical radu vamsa For
further information vide infra Hari dynasty, Chap VI 41 In most of the Jaina Puranas the lh şvāku family is said to have bran.
ched off into two main lines called the Adityavamsa and Somavamsa after their respective founders

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It is, however, remarkable, to note that though both the authors acknowledge manifold and complex divisions of the above principal ruling dynasties, yet they nowhere refer to the canonical families of Ugras, Bhogas, Rajanyas, Jñātys and Kurus even as branches of the above mentioned four Mahāvamsas The author of the HP appears to be the first Jaina Puranawriter to have recognised these canonical ruling classes as independent and separate ruling families, for, he has mentioned them together with the Āduya and Soma branches of the Iksvāku dynasty as independent families of rulers 42 Thus, the Kurus, Ugras, Bhojas and Rajanyas (here mentioned as Rājas) are all stated to have been lksvāku's kinsmen and are said to have been employed by the lord in the regal offices of protection and punishment 43 We are also told that the Kurus acquired their name from the country allotted to their share and the rest received their designations in accordance with the duties assigned to them as also on account of their respective treatment towards their subjects 4 Thus in the present context the royal families in question have obviously been treated as belonging to the same stock as the Iksvāku proper Moreover, the heads of these families of rulers have been represented as senior among the ksatriyas of the sksvāku race 45 with no reference to their individual names por to the nature of consanguinity which they are said to have had with Ikşvāku proper. Moreover, the heads of these families of rulers have been represented as senior among the kşatriyas of the Iksvāku race5 with no reference to their individual names nor to the nature of consanguinity which they are said to have had with Ikşvāku
42 Ethat fettsfaga HathaT 791
उग्राद्या कौरवाद्याश्च
JHV 13 12
43 इक्ष्वाकुक्षत्रियज्येष्ठा ज्ञातिज्ञा लोकबन्धुना ।
भूमौ वपभनाथेन स्थापिताम्तेऽत्र रक्षणे ॥
-Ibid 9 43
44 Ibid 9 41-452, See also Supra note 5 46 TaraftavUGST op cit 9 43

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Rşabha. This representation of the Kurus, etc as IkṢvāku's kinsmen may, however, be taken as motivated by a desire to effect a synthesis between the canonical ganas and the puranic primary dynasties already mentioned And, though at the cost of the chronological and genealogical consistency, this unificatory attempt has reached its culmination in some of the later works which represent king Drupada of Virāta as a scion fo the Ugra family and derive the latter from the Kuru dynasty Similarly, the setting out of Kuru as one of the hundred sons of Iksvaku47 also tells the same tale
Now, the dynastic table according to JHV is as follows'1 Iksväkuvamśa48
(1) Adityavamsa (ii) Somavamsa
3 Ugravamsa,
5
2. Kuruvamsa
4 Bhojavamsa 6 Rşıvamśa
Harivamfa49
46 JHV, 72 212
47 TSPC, vol V p 197
48 JHV, 13 33
97
and
7 Vidyadharavamsa
It is conspicuous from the list that both RPP and JHV have general agreement with regard to the principal lines of Ikṣvāku, Harı, Vidyadhara and Rsı and in respect of the two main branches of the Ikṣvāku dynasty to also both the works exhibit substantial agreement But JHV holds a distinct position among the trio with regard to the lines of the Kurus, Ugras and Bhojas etc, inasmuch as unlike both the previous works it has
इक्ष्वाकु प्रथमप्रधान मुदगादादित्यवशस्तत तस्मादेव च सोमवश इति यस्त्वन्ये कुम्ग्रादय । पदचाच्छ्रीवृपभादभूदृषिगरण श्रीवश उच्चस्तराम्
इत्थ ते नृप खेचरान्वययुता वशास्तवोक्ता मया ॥
(The principal line of Ik svaku originated first and from that (line) arose the Adityavam'sa, from the same (dynasty) descended the Somavamsa, but the families of Kurus, Ugras & etc were different (in origin) Later on, from the illustrious Vr abha came into being a nobler class of Rşıs (called) Srivamso Thus I have narrated to you, O
king, the royal dynasties as well as the lines of the air moving beings 49 JHV, 13 34
50. Infra, chap V

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taken cognisance of these lines 51 The reason is obvious, for, the work in question relates the genealogy of the Haris, the Jinist counterparts of the Brahmanical Yadus, in general and the lifehistory of Kışna Vasudeva in particular Now it is obvious that any reasonable attempt to give an account of Krşna's exploits without any reference to his alliance with the Kauravas and Pandavas would be simply unthinkable Naturally it was under this historical exigency that the author of H.P. introduced the Kuru-vamsa with its genealogical details 52 But as the Vamša in question did not find place in the four great lines already enumerated by Vimalasārt and Radişena, so Jinasena, with an object of investing the Kuruline with a separate pedigree, has obviously removed Somaprabha from his original place as Bāhubalin's son and made him son and successor of Kuru53 and founder of the Kuruline 54
Now what our study of the canonical and non-canonical Jaina texts reveals is that it is in VPC that Somaprabha55 is mentioned for the first time as Ikşdāku's grandson ihrough Bahubalin and founder of the Soma branch of the Ilşvāku famıly
61 Supra note 48,-T5251977.
-Ibid 9 90, 100, "A1091 HOTE"
Ibid 9 214 62 infra chap V 53 "+costu ASTER FETES PHIQ"
- JHV 9 450 64 JHV, 45 6-40 55 That Somoprabha is a fresh recruit in thc Jana Purānic lorc may be
proved by his non-mention in the canonical texts wherein only Srejām'sa finds mention as a king of Hastinapura and is reported to have offered sugarcane juice to Lord Rsabha after he had broken his sixmonthly mcditative fast Thus silence about Somaprabha in the carly texts becomes all the more significant from historical and genealogical stand-point, for in all the Putānas beginning from JHV onwards, he is mentioned together with Sreyãi'sa and ultimatcly overshodows the latter as the founder of an independent royal dynasty In fact, among thc purānic personages of Jainism possibly none has undergone so much change in position both genealogically and chrogologically as Scor aprı bha did Vide Infra Ikşvālu dynasty, Chap V,

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99,
But Vimala's version does not refer to any relationship between him and Kuru Ravişena on the other hand, does not make any mention of Somaprabha either as Bahubalın's son or as the son of Kumul Instead, he styles Bāhubalin's son Somayasas probably on the analogy of the personal name Adityayasas ascribed by Vimala to the son of Bharata and represented as the founder of the main branch of the Ikşvāku dynasty called the Adityayasas. Thus in RPP the name Somaprabha is apparently transformed to Somayasas with no indication of his lineal rela. tionship with Kuru. Under the circumstances, it may legitimately be said that the author of the H.V. connected Kuru with Somaprabha under the influence of the Brahmanical Purānic tradition which derives the Kurudansa from the Lunar race (Soma Vamsa)06
As to the dynastic account in the A P., we find that the author of this work admits as many as five independent ruling dynasties of simultaneous origin These dynasties according to the work are (1) the Ikşvāhuvamsa, (11) Kuruvamsa, 67 (iii) Haridamsa68, (iv) Nälhavamsa59 and (v) Ugravamsa 60
The account of the origin of these dynasties shows that
56 MBH III 180 11, V 1493_Ah Strafa ga FETT agrada i
Chap V also VV 4-31, Parvan 94,95, danap 180 11, Drora 144 4-5, Rámā, VII 60 25-28, 59 10 16, Vå 99 119-100, 211-17, Br 13 2-8,5063,80 1, Mat 49 1.43, 50 17-21, Vış iv 19 1-10, 18, all quoted in
Pargiter, AIHT, pp 110-113 57 मोमप्रभ प्रभोराप्तकुरुराजसमाह्वय । कुरूणामधिराजोऽभूत् कुरुवशशिखामणि ।।
AP, 10 258 58 हरिश्च हरिकान्ताख्या दधानस्तदनुज्ञया। हरिवंशमलंचक्ने श्रीमान् हरिपराक्रमः ।।
Ibid 16 259 50 अकम्पनोऽपि सृष्टीशात् प्राप्तश्रीधरनामकः ।नाथवशस्य नेताऽभूत् प्रसन्ने भुवनेशिनि ।
Ibid 16 260 60 $75447sfq IT TARTTTTea afafatit उग्रवशस्य वंश्योऽभूत् किन्नाप्य 'स्वामिसम्पदा ॥
Ibid 10 201

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the fathers of these lines were all contemporaries of Lord Rşabha Ikşvāku and were ruling at different kingdoms as subordinates of the patriarch Except the information that the heads of the above families were appointed by the Lord as rulers of different regions, the work says nothing about their identity, parentage, kingdoms and capitals as well as their relationship with the Master It is obvious from the list that there is substantial difference between the AP on the one hand and all the previous works on the other , for, the work in its dynastic list has not included the Vidzādharavamsao1 and Rşivañśa2 and has incorporated a new dynasty under the name of the Nathavamsa Next, unlike his predecessors, the author of the AP has also supplied the Ugravamsa with an individual founder who has been given the personal name Käśyapa Thus, in the work the term Ugra has been divested of its old functional and qualitative sense of a class designation63 and has been treated as a name of an individual line, reportedly established by a single64 ruler.
Now, among the later Purānakāras, Puşpadanta seems to be the only writer to have adopted Jinasena's scheme wholesale 05 But Gunabhadra and Subhacandra are only in partial agreement with the author of AP insofar as the former does not recognize thc Ugras as representing any independent line, but as a later sub-line sprung from the Kuru dynasty,66 and, thus, partially corroborates the Brahmanıcal epic-Purāņic tradition which has set out Drupada as belonging to the Pañcala branch of the Puru-line and connected with the Kurus both 81 Supra notes 35, 37, 39 and 48 62 Supra notcs 37-38 63 LAI, p 372, JHV 9 44-45a 64 Note 60 (antc). W PMP V 22 6-8 60 द्रुपदा ग्रवशोत्थमहीशा कुरुवशजा
UP 72 212 (The Lings Drupada, ctc born in the Ugravamsa (ucre) the descendants
of the Kuru dynasty) 67 Drupado, according to the epic-Puranic traduon, was the son of Paşata
who was 7 descendant of Ajamidha, son of Hastin Paurada Thus hc belonged to the same stoch to which the Kurus did Sce AIHT, DD 112 13 110,271,

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tof
by consanguinity and marital tie 68 Subhacandra, too, while enumeratiog different dynasties, does not include the Ugradamsa in his dynastic list. Instead, the author reckons the Natha vamsa among the four royal lines of synchronistic origin op
Now, a few words must be said about the position of the Natha-vanısa A study of the Jaina texts reveals that AP is the first work to have mentioned the Vamsa under that name According to the canonical texts Lord Mahāvira was born in the royal family of Varśālı which was known as the Jñālrka70 and, therefore, he was called Jnatyputra or Nayaputta? This Jñaly or jñā i ka has been mentioned in the early Jaina texts variously as Naya,72 Nāla, Nata and Natika78 and is treated there as obviously distinct from the families of Ugras, Bhogas etc. But in the HP of Jinasena the term has been divested of its canonical sense and, instead of being used in the sense of a particular class, has been employed there in general sense of 'Kinsmen' of Ikşoaku Thus, with an expansion of the connotation, the term Jñata or Jñātijña has been used here not as a designation of a particular clan but as an attributive of Ugras, Bhojas, Kurus and Rajanyas all, who are said to have been related with Ikşvāku as his kinsmen.74 It is obvious, then,
68 सम्बन्धी कुरुवीराणा द्रुपदो राजसत्तम ।
MBH, 1 137 61a 69 क्षत्रियाणा सुगोत्राणि व्यधायिषत वेधसा ।
चत्वारि चतुरेणेव राजस्थितिसुसिद्धये ।। सुवागिक्ष्वाकुराधस्तु द्वितीय कौरवो मतः । हरिवशस्तृतीयस्तु चतुर्थो नाथनामभाक् ।।
SPP, II 163-164 70 In the sixth Adhyâya of the Samavāyānga Naya, (Jfāta or FRāts) 13 reck.
oned among the six Aryakulas together with Ugra, Bhoga, Rājanya Ikşvāku and Kaurada, HPL, P 60, LAI, P 381 Accordiog to Dr BC Law (TAI, PP 243-241) the family was also known as the Nätha
clan But with regard to that name the author has not given any ! evidence 71. JC Jain, op cit, P. 373 72 cg Nāya-kulainsi, Naya-kule,-Uoasagadasão, 1 68 69 78 PHAI, P 118. 74. JHV, 9 43-458

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that the same Jñāla?of the early texts has been represented as Nātha in the AP which has invested the family so named with an independent character of a disunct linc said to have been headed by one Alampana
Gunabhadra, apparently following his Guru's scheme, has placed Lord Mahāvīra in the Nathavamsa which is said to have been ruling at Kundanagara or Kundapura in Videha 76 Now, among the Purānakāras Subhacandra alone appears to have accepted Jinasena-Gunabhadra's representation of Mahâutra as a scion of the Nathavamsa 17 Jinasena 178 and Silanlarhave obviously assigned Mahāvīra to the family of Ikşvāku But so far as we know, Vimala and Ravişena make no reference to the family affiliation of the last Tirthankara Hence, we are not in a position to state anything with regard to their stand Hemacandra, too, does not recognise Nāthavamsa inasmuch as he does not include that name in the list of the eight Jatyaryas (royal
75 How the Jaida autbors have taken libcrty in representing this clan in
different ways is evidenced by a passage in the Vasudeda-hindi wbich tells us that Lord Ikşvāku divided the contemporary Ksatriyas into four ganas called Uggas, Bhogas Rainnas and Nāgas - ततो पढम राइणा विहत्ता चत्तारि गणा-उग्गा भोगा राइण्णा नागा । जे उग्गा ते आयरक्खा, भोगा भोगे भुजति, राइण्णा जे सामिणो समवयसा, गागा जे कज्जणिवेयगा । एव च गणसमग्गो कोसलाजणवयपालेइ।
VH, P 162. 76 विदेहविषये कुण्डसज्ञाया पुरि भूपति ।
नाथो नाथकुलस्यक सिद्धार्थास्यस्त्रिसिद्धिभाक् ।। तस्य पुण्यानुभावेन प्रियासीत् प्रियकारिणी।
UP, 76 6-8ff. 77 सिद्धार्थ सिद्धसर्वार्थ सिद्धसाध्य सुसिद्धिभाक् । नाथवशोदभुवा नाथो भूनाथ पाति तत्कुलम् ॥
SPP, 177 78- JHV, II 1-16 79 "तत्य दियरोव पदड्ढमाणोयो ...... इक्खागवंसपभवो राया णामेण सिद्धत्थोत्ति ।......"
CMC, P.270

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103 families of Aryan origin). These Jālyaryas according to TSPC are the Ikşvākus, fiatas, Haris, Videhas, kurus, Ugras, and Rajanyas 80
The representation of the Hari dynasty also does not show a uniform tradition any more There are broadly speaking two schools. One school is represented by Vimalasün, Ravişena and Jinasena I, while the other is represented by Jinasena II, Gunabhadra and Subhacandra The Svetāmbaras follow the first school in many respects The former school places the origin of the line in the age of the tenth Tirthankara Sitalanatha and ascribes its progenitorship to a mythical person of the legendary land called Harvarşa 81 But the authors of the MP make the origin of the dynasty and its founder contemporaneous with Ikşvāku's reign According to the MP the founder of the Hari dynasty was one of Ikşvālu Rşabha's sub-rulers, called Harkānta or Harz 82 Thus, the authors of the MP treat the Ikşvāku dynasty as a sovereign ruling family and consider the rest as subordinate to the former.
Another striking point of difference between the MP on the one hand, and all the other works on the other, is revealed by the diverging representation of the Aditya-Damsa and Somadamsa, for we have already seen that according to the majority of the Puranas the Adityavamsa and Somavamsa were the collateral lines of the Ikşvāku dynasty,83 but the authors of the MP do not consider the Somavamsa as a branch of the latter On the contrary, the Somavamsa is treated as distinct from the
80 Grahat ota-efa-facer: Beatsfall
उग्रा भोजा राजन्याश्च जात्यार्या एवमादय ॥ TSPC, II 3 674 But this list is apparently self-contradictory in 80 far as in the genealogical section the Videhas, Ugras and Bhojas are represented as the sub-lines of the Hanı dynasty and the Kiuru-vam'sa 18 treated as a branch of the Ik spaku dynasty, whereas the Fiālas and Rājanyas, so far as we know, find no mcation as the dynastic names
Vide chapters V-VI infra 81. Sce chap VI 82 Note 58 (ante) 88. Notes 42, 48 (ante), Allo sce chapter V.

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Ikşvāku dynasty and identical with the Kuruvamsa, and the names Somavamsa and Kuruvamsa are stated to have been derived from the founder's personal name Somaprabha and the title kuru respectively 84 Thus, with regard to the representation of the Kuru line the MP may be said to have kept close to the Brahmanıcal epic-Puranic tradition inasmuch as the work acknowledges oneness of the Somavamsa and Kuruvamsa in its own way For, though defiant of the epic-Purānic chronological and genealogical85 sequence, the present account is essentially an anachronistically modified version of the traditional account which has set out the Kuruvamsa as the main derivative line of the Lunar dynasty
The dynastic account as given by Hemacandra in his TSPC is, in many respects different from all the versions already discussed The genealogies of various dynasties are also in great variance with those found in the earlier works. As a matter of fact, Hemacandra has presented a version which displays an element of contamination of both the Jaina and Brahmanual epic Puranic traditions, and his genealogical accounts are inclined more towards the Brahmanical tradition than to the Jaina one This special feature of the version, however, will be shown in proper context Now, so far as the principal dynasties are concerned, the TSPC recognizes only two damsas According to the present work there were basically only two dynasties, viz. the Ikşvakuvamśase and Harivamsa87 Of these two, the former is stated to have branched off into three main lines known as the Adityavamsa, Somavañía
84 AP 16 258 ; Supra note 57, Thc titics Kuru, Kaurapa, Soma and
Indu are alternately applied to the line and its members Sec MP
44 37, 40, 301 , 46 79, 134 85 kuru afıer whom the main branch of the Lunar dynasty was named
as the Kiuru or laurada vam'sa was several steps below Soma, AIHT,
PP 144-48, 253-55 86. afara TerutaUUT TUTTI स्वामिवश प्रतिष्ठाप्य दिवस्पतिरगाद् दिवम् ।।
TSPC 1.2 669 87 Dealt with in chap VI

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and Kurudamsa, which are reported to have received their respective names froin Adityaj aśa, 88, son of Bharata, Ikşuahu's eldest son, from Somayasas, also called Somaprabha, son of Bahubalıns, another son of Ihşvahu and from Kuru,90 said to have been a son of the same patriarch of these three, the Somavamsa is said to have got divided into sevcral sub-lines 91 But we have seen in the genealogical section of the TSPC that both the liuruvamsa and Somavamsa are treated as collateral lines said to have descended from the Ihşudhu race This being the case, then, the term Ikşvāku must be treated as generic in nature and, therefore, comprehensive of all the derivative lines thereof. Hence a separate mention of the Kuruvamsa besides the Ikşvāku in the list of the Játy aryas shows its redundance and creates an impression that the author takes thc Kuruvamsa as unconnected with the Ikşvaku race For, it is clear from the list that the Somavamsa has not been separately mentioned thercin for obvious reason of its having been derived from Ikşdaku. Under the circumstances, it is strange that the author should not have kept to that common place principle with regard to the Kuruvamsa which, according to his representauon, was related to Ikşvalıı more closely 02 than the Somavañía Moreover, the recekoning of the Videhas and the Hans separately among the noble families, is, likewise, inconsistent with the dynastic account wherein the former are represented as the offshoots of the latter
A perusal of the dynastic records as set forth in the foregoing pages reveals that the Purānas under investigation do not represent a unified tradition Now, so far as the representation of the Ikşvāku dynasty is concerned the unanimity is
88 Ibid 1 6 746 89 Ibid 15 754-56, 1 3 244, 247, 333 90 Ibid (Eng trans by H M Johnson) Vol VP 197 91 तदादि सोमवशोऽभूच्छाखाशतसमाकुल । तत्तत्पुरुषरलानामेकमुन्पत्तिकारणम् ॥
Ibid 18 766 02. As it was derived from Ikşoaku's 100 ; TSPC, vol. V P 107,

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seen with regard to only the Adityavamia which is represented as the main line of the former through Bharata and his son Adityayasas But the setting forth of the Somavamsa displays a substantial discord among different authors who may be said to have represented roughly two schools according as they treat the line either as connected with or separate from the Ikşoāku race
Nevertheless, the representation of the Adityavamşa and Somavamsa as sub-lines of the Iksvaku dynasty may be said to have at its root the influence of the Brahmanical epic-Puranic tradition which in a bid to unify the solar and the Lunar dynasties had already bound them to a common ancestry by ascribing the origination of the two distinct dynasties to Ikşvāku and Ila, concurved as Vawasvata Manu's son and daughter respectively 4 However, the seeming disagreement between the traditional representation and its Jaina counterpart as well as the inversion in the order of succession is too superficial to come in our way of treating these lines as the modified versions of the Suryavamsa and Candravamsa of the Brahmanical school.
93 The term 'school', of course, is used here very loosely, for among the authors who connect the Somavamsa with the Ikstāku dynasty as the derivative line of the latter, none is in agreement with the other with regard to the relationship between the Somavam'sa and Kuruvamsa, as will be seen below
84 विशिष्टतरमन्विच्छन् मनु पुत्र तथा पुन ।
मित्रावरुणयोरिष्टि चकार कृतिना वर ॥
यत्र चापहृते होतुरपचारान्महामुने ।
इला नाम समुत्पन्ना मनो कन्या सुमध्यमा ।
Marka P. 111 6-7, Vayu-P chap 85, Matsya-P 11 40 to 12-15, according to which Ila was originally Ila, the eldest son of Valvasvata Manu, but on account of his entrance into Siva's forbidden grove Saravana, he got transformed into a woman and so acquired the feminine name lla on whom Budha, son of Soma begot Purilranas who became the father of the Atlas. This Purana expressly makes Ila the chief progenitor of both the Somavamsa and the Arkavamsa सोमार्कवंशयोरादाविलोभून्मनुनन्दन । ......
Ibid 12 14b, also Brahma-P 3 60 4-8; HV 10 615-22, Viş IV. 16-8ff for details, ATHT, pp 253-257.

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joj
Now, it will not be unrcasonablc to statc that onc of the motives behind this revised and recast representation of the Solar and thc Lunar dynastics might have bcen its aiming at thc purging of thcsc dynastics from their divine origin, ascribed by the Brahmanical cpic-Puranic tradition to the godheads Sürya and Candra respectivcly But a closc study of the Jaina accounts reveals that the way, in which the rationalization has been cllccted, is far from being sausfactory, for more than onc rcason First, the names in question are stated to have oned their origin to such persons who, as the Jaina accounts show, have nothing to their crcdit in the uni. versal development. They appear insignificant both on spiritual and mundanc planes and look like pigmies before the towering personality of their fathers and grandfather. Sccondly, Bharata, father of Adityayasas, having been rep. rescnicd as the first universal monarch ol matchless prowess and Bahubalın, Somayaśas, father, having been portrayed as the Caramasarırın of immense physical and spiritual strength, it would have been logical to namc thc respcctive lines aftcr Bharala and Bahubalın rather than after their uninspiring sons.
Furthermore, the unpac! of the Brahmanical tradition 15 so profound that in spic of thc Jinistrcprcscntation of the above lines as sub-branches of the Ikşvāku race, it 15 only thc Adulyatamsa which finds mcntion as the Iksvaku or Aikşvāka race, and so far as we know, nowhere in the works under investigation the gencric term Ikşvāku has cver been applied to the Somavamsa whose claim to that title, according to these versions, should have been as strong as that of the Āduyavamsa Under the circumstances, it is not extraordinary that the majority95 of thc Digambara Purānakāras parted company with their brethren in their dynastic and , gencalogical scheme and represented the Somavamsa as distinct from the Iksvaku dynasty and identical with the Kuru line
Notwithstanding the aforesaid incongruity and discrepancy, the representation of the Adityavamsa and Somavamsa as
08 Jinasena II, Gunabhadra, Puşpadanta and śubhacandra

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Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jain Mythology
allied royal families is significant insofar as it has recognized the identical source of the two families This way, the present account supports the Brahmanical legend of relationship between the Saura and the Atla dynasties 96
Now, it will be of some value to present a comparative picture of some of the important personages represented in various works as the founders and progenitors of different royal families This will bring home to us the nature of transformation which they have undergone in different works of the same tradition These personages are, for instance, Puru, Somayasas, Somaprabha and Kuru, all connected with the Aila race according to the Brahmanical tradition
Puru
In all the works representing the Brahmanical epicPuranic tradition, Puru holds the same position of high honour as the progenitor of the main line of the Lunar race as does Iksvaku as the father of the Işvāku race All the brahmanical works show striking agreement in depicting him as an ideally dutiful son of king rajatt and illustrious forefather of the Kurus But in the carly texts of Jainism he does not find any mention, nor is the dynasty bearing his name referred to anywhere in those texts I is for the first time in JHV that the term Puru as the first constituent of the compound word Purudeva93 has been used as an attribute of Rsabha-Ikşvaku. Thus, we find that in JHV Puru has been denied his entity as an independent personality and his personal name has been adapted to an epithet of Ikşvāku However, a study of JHV
96 Note 94 (ante)
97 Though the youngest son of Yayatı, Puru is said to have received from him the ancestral kingdom as reward for the extraordinary service which he had rendered to his father, Vayu-P 93 28-75, 88-90, Also AIHT, PP 87-88, 101, 122, 144, 259-60
98 पूर्व सर्वपुराणाना त्व महामहिमा महान् ।
इह दीव्यसि यत्तेन पुरुदेव इतोष्यसे ||
JHV, 8 211
The first long vowel of the term has been shortened here to give the However, in the Brahmanical sources both
name a new appearance the forms are met with.

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Dynastic Lists and Genealogical Accounts
109
shows that this identification of Puru with Ikşvāku has never been utilized in respect of the nomenclature of the Ikşvāku, dynasty, for, nowhere in the work, to our knowledge that dynasty is referred to as Puruvamsa.
Now coming to the MP we find that in the work the process of identification of Ikşvāku with Puru has been brought to perfection inasmuch as not only Ikşoakn has been called Puru but also the dynasty and the various descendants of the patriarch have been accorded that name in its generic form. In fact, it is the latter term which has received a preferential treatment from both Jinasena and his pupil Gunabhadra, who use this term as generic name more often than even the Ikşvahu 90 And, this representation of the lhşvāku dynasty as identical with the Purudamša may be said to have its basis in the stray vedic statements creating an impression “that the Ikşvāku line was originally a line of princes of the Pūrus 100 But here, again, the authors show their own genealogical design, for the Kauravas and the Pandavas, all represented in the Brahmanıcal sources as the progeny of Pūru, have been treated by them as descendants of the latter, but are derived from Somaprabha Kuru, who, as stated before is set forth as the head of a separate royal family 101 Somaprabha, Somayaśas and Kuru
A comparative study of the respective position of Somaprabha and Somayasas affords an interesting picture of the transformation of their character and personality The study of these individuals, who are merged, in one school, into one figure, cannot be made independently, nor irrespective of the character of Kuru who, too, finds his mention in these Purānas in various forms and capacities In fact, his position
99 MP 3 230 , 16 71, 72, 73, 76, 17 72 , 24 31 , 25 75, 143, 192, 46 63,
47 392, 400 100 Vedic Index P 76, also B C Law, Tribes in Ancient India, P 118
But this theory of openess of the Ih soalus and Purus has been refuted on cogcct ground by Pargiter in his ancient Indian Historical Tradition,
pp 133-34 101 Supra, note 67,

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Aspects of Brahmanıcal Influence on the Jain Mythology
together with that of Somaprabha has been subjected to great fluctuation
As stated before, Vimalas īri is the first Purānic author to have introduced Somaprabha as Bahubalin's son 102 and founder of the Soma branch of the Ikşvāku dynasty 103 But in RPP the name Somaprabha has evidently yielded place to a new term Somayaśas as the name of Bahubalu's son and founder of the above mentioned branch 104 of the Thşvāku family Thus, while I imala calls Bāhubalın's son Somajašas and makes no reference to Somaprabha, in any capacily, the author of the Padmacarita styles the son of Bahubalın as Somayaśas and mal es no allusion to Somaprabha in any context Even with reference to Śrejansa in the context of Rsabhadeva's itinarary after his enlightenment, when the former is reported to have offered the latter first meritorious gift of sugarcanc juice, Ravişenazos does not allude to Sonaprabha
Now, Jinasena, the author of the Hariamsapurāna taking Somaprabha of RPG and Somayaśas of RPC as two distinct persons, has evidently represented the former as the son of one Kurul08 and portrayed him as the founder of the kuru line107 which the author has treated as distinct from the Somavamsa, named after Somayasas 108 Thus in JHV both Somaprabha and
102 744 ataqaat anaal 719 fa faqarati
तस्स य महप्पभावो पुत्तो सोमप्पभो नाम ।।
VPC 5 10.
103 Ibid 5,11-13 104 gefa HHTETET ALEST greated in
ऋपभस्याभवत्पुत्रो नाम्ना वाहुवलीति य ! ततः सोमयशा नाम सौम्य मूनुरजायत ।।
RPC, 102-11f
105 Padmacanla 4 1-20, 106 JHV, 9 45b 107 Ibrd 45 5 40 108 sataraat afHigula ETHYETT TTI
f19a te qafat,.. 11
Ibid 18 16

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111
Somayaśas have acquired a separate entity, the former as the son of Kuru and the latter as the son and successor of Bāhubalın.
Again, coming to the MP we find another change in the character and position of Kuru and Somaprabha both. In the present work Somaprabha has been introduced as a subordinate ruler under the overlordship of Rsabha-Ihşvāku from whom the former is stated to have received the title Kururāja109 Thus, the author of the MP has trcated the term Kuru as an attribute and Somaprabha as the personal name of the person. Now, as a corollary of this twofold designation of the eponymous ruler, the line ascribed to him is said to have been styled both Somavamsa and Kuruvamsa 110 And, in consequence of that modificd dynastic scheme, Somavamsa ol RPC and JHV ceases to hold his ground as the son of Bahubalin and founder of the Soma-branch of the Iksvaku dynasty Instead, one Mahakälın111 is made to replace him as the son and successor of Bahubalın and no specific name is given to his line.
Next change in the character and lineal as well as chronological position of Somaprabha is seen in the CMC of Silānka, the first Svetāmbara Putānakara The author of this work describes Somaprabha as a descendant of the Iksvāku dynasty, 112 but with usual lack of interest in genealogical and chronological matters, Silänka does not indicate Somaprabha's chronological position in the Thsoalu dynasty Now, like the author of the MP. he treats the term Kuru as an epithet of Somaprabha and imputes an amusingly fanciful import to it, for he tells us that as Somaprabha was enjoined by Sakra to act
109 16 268 110 MP 44 37, 40, 361 ; 45 79, 1348 ill महावलिनि निक्षिप्तरायद्धि स स्वनन्दने ।
दीक्षामुपादधे जैनी गुरोराराघयन् पदम् ॥
MP 36 104.
112 'Eat a gratiahnat
qa un trati
ÇMC, P. 182

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Aspects of Brahmanrcal Influence on the Jain Mylhology
in accordance with the saying of the Jaina sages so he came to be called Kuru and his line acquired the title Kuru118 Vamsal
Another marked transformation in the character and lineal connection as well as genealogical position of Somaprabha is evinced in the Trsaştıšalākapurusacarita of Hemacandra, whose dynastic lists and genealogical accounts are remarkably different from those of all his predecessors In the present work, both Somaprabha and Somayaśas are made into one individual, the personal names Somaprabha and Somayasas are treated as synonyms114 of one and the same person who is represented as a grandson of Ikşvāku Rşabha and son of Bahubalın 116 It is in this changed background that Somaprabha is set out here as the father of the Soma-branch 110 of the Jksvaku dynasty, and, is represented as different from Kuru who is stated to have been another son of Ik svāku Rsabha and founder of the Kuri-line17 of the same dynasty Thus, it is obvious that according to the TSPC both Somapamsa and Kuruvaṁsa derived their respective names from two distinct persons belonging to the same family and, as such, were collateral lines descended from the same stock Now, so far as the genealógical position of the founders of the above lines is concerned, the TSPC places Kuru one generation above Somaprabha, for, as stated before, the work treats the former as one of the sons and the latter as a grandson of Ikşvāku Rşabha
Thus, it is obvious from the foregoing study that, though in general agreement with regard to the representation of the Brahmanical Solar dynasty, the works under investigation show striking discord in respect of their treatment of the
113 ha THRU ITS FES-Tu ayu tie i
तप्पमिइ वसो वि कुरुत्ति पइठियो।
Ibid P 182.
114 1 3 244-47 115 16 311 116 16 704 05 117 Ibid Vol V P 197,

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113
Lunar race And in consequence of that diverging representation of the line, the works disagree also with regard to the capital city of Bahubalin The Purānas which treat the founder of the Somavamsa either as distinct from that of the kuruvamsa or as unrelated with Bāhubalı ascribe Potanpural18 to the latter as his capital city, whereas the works representing the founder of the Somavamsa as identical or connected with the father of the Kuru-line as well as with Bahubalın as his son refer to Tahsasıla110 and Hastinapura as the capital cities of the former In other words, the Digambara versions, though containing divergent statement with regard to the identity and family relationship of the above two lines, are remarkably unanimous in maling Potanapura120 the capital city of Bāhubalın, whereas the Svetāmbara accounts including that of Vimalasürzlaz describe him as the ruler of Talsasla128 This being the state, it is difficult to say as to which of these conflicting representations is authentic As a matter of fact, both the statements neutralize one another and neither of them is corroborated by any non-jaina evidence 118 RPC, 4.67
पोतनास्ये पुरे तस्य स्थितो वाहुवली नृप JHV, 11 78 , SPC, 6 2 7-8, 0 3 4 , 8 4 7, MP 35 27 , PMP 18 12
10 , 16 19 , 16 22,2 119 VH P 180, I 12, CMC, PP 44, 46 mcntion only Tākşasılā as
Bahubalin's territory , TSPC 16 24-23, 53, 161 310, 674, 689, 728 All these references call Bahubalın ruler of Takşasılā, wbile Somaprabha his son is referred to as ruler of Gajapura, a variant of Hastinapura
(1 3 243-4) 120 Dr JC Jain identifies this city as Pratișthanapura, modern Jhusi,
opposite Allahabad, across the Ganges (LAI, P 323) But his identification lacks authcotication On the contrary, a number of cyidences make the city situa cd on the bank of the river Godavart, Sitanalb Pradhana, Chronology of Ancient India, P 160, Dr HC Raychaudburi, Political History of Ancient India, PP 89, 98, 143, TAI, PP
169, 181, 121 VPC, 4 38 122, This city has been identified with the ruins "to the cast and north-east
of Sarai-kala, twenty miles north west of Rawalpındı (now in west Pakistan)" HC Raychaudbury, op at PP 59-6 1480, TAI, PP, 9-10 , LAI, P 34!

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Another inconsistency in the Digambara versions is displayed by the divergent accounts of the kingdoms and capitals of the above dynasts as well as by those of the countries128 stated to have been ruled over and abandoned by the ninetyeight brothers of Bharala For, all the works represent the father of the Kuru-line as the ruler of Kurujāngala with Hastinapura as its capital, and still most of them state that almost all the kingdoms, countries, 124 principalities as well as many
123 These according to JHV (11 63-76) are () Kurujäägala (11) Papicala,
(111) Sūrasen?, (1v) Pāfacccra, (v) Tulinga, (v1) 1811, (v11) fausalya, (v.) Madrakāra, (1x) Vpkārthaka, (x) Soloa, (xi) Aorşla, (x11) Tngarta, (x111) Kusógra, (xxv) Malssa (xv) Kunbän, (xvi) Kosala and (XVII) Mota, (All these countries are said to have been situated in the Midland, Madhyadesa), (xv1u1) Bāhlika, (11x) Atreya, (xx) Kamboja, (xxI) Yorana, (XX) Abhira, (xX111) Madraka, (iv) Koalhatoya, (XXV) Sara, (XXVI) Válarūna, (xxvii) Kailasa (Tv) Gāndhāra, (xxıx) Sindhu, (xxx) Sautira, (xxxi) Bharadrāja, (xxx11) Dasoruha (xxx11) Prasthāla, and (XXTIL) Tirnatorria (in the north), (XXV) Khadga, (xxxvi) Angasate, (XXXV11) Paurdra, (Xxx11) Malla, (xxxx) Praraka, (vl) Mastaha, (xh) Pragirolisa, (x111) Panga, (xlm) Magadha, (xiv) Manacarkıla, (xls) salada, (tivu) BFärgara (in the cast), (v/v) Bānamukla, (xlvru) l'adarbia. (vl1x) Mānaca (1) Salakāpıra, (11) Mülaka, (lu) Amora, (lui) Dārdika, (liv) Kalinga, (lv) Asrika, (lvi) Kuntala, (1411) Na srásirc, (lun Māhışcta, (lır) Puruse, and (lv) Bhogacardhana (in the couth), (Ixi) Milsa, (1811) Faliranopānta, (lvin) Durga, (la) (lx) kordutr, (tri) Tiakes, (Ixvii) Naranha, (lxuu) A garla, (lxıx) Sörarrata, (iv) Tāpasa, (lexi) Nahuna, (lxx) Bharukaccha, (lv ) Surastra nnd (lxxiv) Normada (in the west), (box) Dasárnaka, (IXXVI) 115.inddi, (Laxua) Tritura, (IADVI) Anaslo, (lxxix) Narşadha, (Ixry) Napalo, Iltaxi) Ullamararra. (Iomi) Vardısa, (lxxxni) Antapa (Iron) Kausala. (1xxx) Pallona, and (lxxxvi) Vinshälrås, (on the I ordlige pl trau). (IXX111) Bhadic, (XXX 11) Valsa, (lxxxix) Kusa, fyc) l'idehr leci) Brança, acu) Sarlara, aod (xcni) Vajrathandila (all
these countries are said to bare beco under the midland) 12: Vott orthc names of the countrics are gren in the MP (16 152-60),
recriably deler from those in JHV Those countries according to the MP serm (i) Sut osels, (11) Acants, (11) Pundra, (iv) Udra, (v) Armpotec (51: Marrako, (vas) l'uni, (111) Kasi (1x) Kalinga, (x) Anga, trollorca, (xi) Subna. (111) Serrldrora, (av) fta'smira, (x1) Usinara, fyrri Arants, (*111) Lotsa, (y ni) Samudrola, (xx) dfälara, (xx) Duisus, lyrgy Precho, (Wii) Macedha, (xxin) Pciderbha, (xxiv) litiru. Jergels, (mm) Fierahara, (XXVI) Maharafra, (xxvii) Surāşira, (XXVII) Atnsro, (1713) Bonana, (XXX) Vanarasa, (soxi) Andhra, (XXX11)

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of cities, towns and capitals of ancient India were carved out by Lord Rsabha Ikṣvāku, who apportioned them hundred sons to govern
to his
Under the circumstances we are constrained to believe that the countries as well as their capitals must have derived their names from Rşabhadeva's hundred sons, who were, according to these sources, first rulers of those kingdoms, and as such one of them must have had the name Kuru after whom the country allotted to his share might have been so named. The Brahmanical epics and Puranas are full of references which unmistakably show that the newly carved out kingdoms and capitals etc often bear the names of their founders125 whether real or eponymous Historical evidences also bear testimony to the fact that in the newly discovered and inhabited regions it is the discoverers, founders, rulers and other celebrated personages who give their names to those places 128 Thus, the representation of Bharata's brothers as rulers of Kuru(ksetra) and Kurujangala obviously contradicts the delineation of Somaprabha (though reported to have the title of Kururāja) and Śreyāmsa as kings of Kurujangala, for we have
Karnata, (xxx111) Kosala, (xxxiv) Cola, (xxxv) Kerala (xxxvi) Dāru, (xxxvn) Abhisāra, (xxxvin) Sauvīra, (xxxix) Śūrasena, (x1) Aparāntaka, (xlı) Videha, (xl11) Sindhu, (xl111) Gandhāra, (xliv) Tavana, (alv) Cedi, (xl1) Pallava, (xlvin) Aratta, (xlıx) Bählika, (1) Turuşka, (11) Śara and (11) Kekaya
The list recurring in Puşpedanta's Mokāpurāru (V 20 5-10) is shorter than those in the preceding works and, is different from the same with regard to the names of countries as well
125 Such as Pandya, Kerala, Kola, and Cola, all named after the descendants of Puru, bearing those names,-Vayu 99 5-6, HV 1 33 122-13, Matsya, 48 45, Similarly, Gandhara is said to have derived its name from a descendant of Druhyu, Vayu 99 9, HV 133 26, Matsya 487, for Uthala, Vayu P 85,19, HV 10 10, Marka P 111 15, Vis P 41 12-13, for Mithilā, Vāyu 89 5 6, for Anarta, Sauvira, Madraha, Kekaya, Anga, Vanga, Suhma and Kalinga, Vayu 86 24, 99 23-34, 27-28, HV 13 31f, 31 29-30, 33-34, Matsya 12 22, 48 19-20, 25, for Srāvasti Vayu, 88 27, Matsya 12 30, HV 11 22, for Hastinapura, Vāzu 99 185ff, Matsya 29 42, MB 195 3t, for Varsāli, Vayu 86 17, Bḍ II1 61 12, Vis IV 1 18
128 Pargiter, op at p 137,

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already seen that those persons, according to the same tradition, were not among the progeny of Ikşvāku Rsabha
Now, Hemacandra, certainly mindful of these inconsiste encies and discrepancies in the dynastic accounts of his Digambara predecessors, has apparently tried to remove them insofar as he has represented Kuru and Somaprabha as distinct persons and tacked them to Ikştāku ķşabha as latter's son and grandson respectively. Now, abiding by the universal practice of nomenclature of places mentioned before, he says that the tract known as Kuruksetra received its name from Kurul27, son of Ikşvāku Rsabha. Similarly, he states that the capital city of Hastmāpura was founded by, and so named after Hastin whom the author presents as Kuru's 128 son. But a study of Hemacandra's version shows that his statements about Hastinapura suffer from self-contradiction inasmuch as he has already represe ented Somaprabha, the eldest son of Bahubalın as the ruler of Hastinapura.139
Thus, from these two conflicting statements it is obvious that with regard to the representation of Somaprabha as the son of Bahubalin and ruler of Hastinapura, Hemacandra has followed his Jaina predecessors, especially Sanghadāsagani, the author of Vasudevahındı 130 But in respect of Ruru and Hastin191, he has evidently drawn upon the Brahmanical epic-Purānic tradition hy inverting the traditional genealogical order of the two 132
All these discrepancies and inconsistencies in the dynastic and gencalogical accounts may be taken as instances of
127. TSPC, vol. V. P. 197, 128 Ibid Vol V P 197,
129 Ib.d 1 3 243-44 130 भयव पितामहो...पत्तो य हरियणारं। तत्थ य वाहुवलिस्स सुग्रो 1909€T, 754 a gatyti
VH p 164 131. Väyu P 99 165, Meissa-P 49 42 , MBh. 1.95 31. 132 All the Brahmanical sources represent Hastin as Kuru's ancestor ;
MB 195 34 and 39, Paju 99 165, 214, HV 20 16 , 32 41, 85, Mialja-p 49 42, 50.20, Vı . 4.19.1.10, 18, MBh 94 48-50

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119
Jaina Purānakäras' lack of historical sense and confused knowledge of traditional lore Now, what we arrive at from the study of these divergent statements is that the authors took up the same traditional dynastic and genealogical prototype which their predecessors had discarded as unworthy of attention and wove out a seemingly new pattern by inventing some new names, associations and legends around them And the obvious result was that the dynasties and their genealogies were set out in grossly distorted, distempered and confused form
The reasons for such a state of affairs are many First, having long remained almost totally cut off from the current of traditional lore, the Jaina savants lost all interests in matters of extra-religious nature Secondly, their religion having been averse to the secular side of the social institutions, they had little regard for the chronology of ancient events and genealogy of old dynasties Thirdly, they were ever busy striving to display the falsity and perversion of the traditional accounts which they dubbed as the productions of pseudopoets (osin afa) It was against such a background that the Jaina Purānas came into being.
Nevertheless, the impact of the Brahmanıcal epica Purānic tradition was so pressing and profound that it made itself felt in multifarious ways and on various planes and it is this state of affairs which gives the faina Purānic studies greater significance and values than anything else.

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CHAPTER V
THE IKSVĀKU RACE AND ITS VARIOUS
BRANCHES
As is evident from the foregoing study, the Purūnas under investigation set forth the Ihşvahu dynasty as a sovereign ruling family with Ikşoāhu Rṣabha as its founder The dynasty proper is represented by the Adityavamia said to have derived its name from Aditya, asas, the eldest son of Bharata But, as we have already seen, the Purānas show great disagreement with regard to the dynastic affiliation of the Somavamsa as well as the Kuruvamsa 2 However, we have not treated these vamsas independently for the obvious reason that these lines in the Jaina versions eventually lose their status as independent royal dynasties and receive the rank of collateral lines sprung from the Iksvākus race
To begin with, the pedigree of the Adityavamsa consists of mainly two parts and, according to the Jaina versions, the last king of the first part is separated from the first king of the second list by an incredible number of years 5 Some of the Puranas, however, give accounts of some of the Ihsuahu kings reportedly born in the intervening period But these personages in no way supply any connecting link between the two parts
Under the circumstances, it is impossible to join those detached lists and notices of kings into a workable pedigree of
1 VPC, 53-9a, RPC 5 4-10a, 260-61, VH, p 301, JHV, 131 13a, MP. 47 393, GMC, p 50, TSPC, 1 6 251-52, 2 6 127-34
2 As discussed in the preceding chapter.
3 TSPC, 1 5754-756, Vol V p 197 Also see chap IV (ante) notes 98, 99, 102-105, 108-109, 112-17
4 He is placed in the fabulous period of the twentieth Tirthankara, Suoratanatha,-VPC 21 41, RPG, 22 73-74
5
The life span of the persons said to have been born in the intervening period is counted in lacs and crores of years

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moderately unbroken succession The first part occurs in three of thc Digambara Purānas and in two Svetambara works This part of the pedigree as appcaring in VPC in as follows :
(1) Bharata, (ii) Adityayasas, (iu) Simhayasas, (iv) Balabhadra, (v) Basubala, (vi) Mahabala, (v11) Amplabala, (vi) Subhadra, 11x) Sāgarabhadra, (x) Ramtejas, (xi) Sarprabha, (xu) Prabhūtalejas, (xi) Tejasvin, (xiv) Tapana, (xv) Pratapavān, (xvi) Atruirya, (av11) Mahadirya, (xviii) Uditaparākrama, (x1x) Mahendraurhrama, (xx: Sürya, (xxi) Indtadyumna, (xx11) Mahendrajit, (199) Prabhū, (XXIV) Prbhu, (xxv) Andamana, (xxvi) Vrsabha elle, (XVV11) Garudānka, (xvvin) Moganka.
The corresponding list as found in RPC7 stands thus .
(1) Bharata, (11) Adityaz ašas, (111) Sutayasas, (iv) Balanka, (v) Subala, (vi) Mahabala, (v1) Atibala, (viu) Amsia, (1x) Subhadra, (x) Sāgara, (x1) Bhadra, (x11) Ravitejas, (x1) Sasın, (xiv) Prabhiilalejas, (v) Tcjasuin, (xvi) Tapana, (xvu) Pratapavan, (XVII) Atrdirya, (x1x) Suvirya, (sx) Uditaparakrama, (xxi) Mahendradzhrama, (xxu) Sürya, (xx111) Indradymna, (xxiv) Mahendrajit, (xxv) Prabhai, (xxvi) Vibhu, (xxvii) Andhvamsa, (xxvii) Vitabhi, (xxix) Vrşabhadhvaja, (xxx) Ganıdanka, (xxxı) Mrgánka
A comparison of the above two lists shows that Ravişena had derived his gencalogical list from Vimalasūn's version by introducing some changes in some of the names as well as in the structure of the pedigrec Thus Suñhayaśas of VPC rccurs in RPC as Sitayasas and Balabhadra is adopted as Balanka. The fifth and sixth names, Vasubala and Amitabala of VPC recur in RPC as Subala and Alibala respectively Subhadra has been replaced by Ampta and Sāgarabhadra has been separated into two different names, Sagara and Bhadra in the latter work. Again Sasuprabha of the first work has been abridged, in the second, into Saśın, and Mahadirya has got converted into Suvirya Lastly, in place of Aridamana of VPC two other names, Andhvamsa and Vitabhı have been inserted between
6. & 3-7 7. 5 4-8

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Vabhu and Vışabhadhdaja in RPC Except for these real and superficial variations, RPC shows substantial agreement with Vimalasüni's genealogical account
The Hanvamsupurānes of Jinasena is the third Digar bara Purâna to have given this part of the pedigree Its account, however, keeps closer to RPC version than to VPC, and subject to some superficial variations in a few names, marked by Srtayasas, Balānka and Amsta of RPC which recur in JHV as Smitayasas, Bala and Amrtabala respectively, the list in the latter work is practically the same as that in the former
Among the Svetāmbaras, Sanghadāsa, Silānka and Hemacandra have given the pedigree of the Adriya branch in its first part, Of the above three authors the first and the lası10 have set out in all only eight immediate successors of king Bharala These successors were (1) Adulyaj aśas, (u) Mahāyasas, (11) Atibala, (10) Balabhadra, (v) Balavirja, (vi) Kirtidirya, (v1) Jaladirya, and (V111) Dandadirya Silānka, on the other hand, has given nine names and his list shows agreement with those of Sanghadāsa and Hemacandra with regard to only the first four names, the remaining five names being, to some extent, the variants of those occurring in the VH list Thus Bharata's immediate descendants, according to Srlänka's version, 11 were (1) Adityayasas (Ārccajas) (11) Mahāyaśas (Mahājasa), (11) Atzbala, (iv) Balabhadra (Balabhadda), (v) Tejoditya (Teyaviriya), (vi) JualanaDiriya (Jalanadiriya), (v1) Ambudirya (Ambuviriya), (vu:) Satyadirya) and (1x) Mahāvirya (Mahāvinja) Now, what emerges
8 13 1, 7-11 9 ...सयमेव इदेरण राया अहिसित्तो प्राइच्चजसो नाम सयल भरह भुत्तूण
निक्खतो। तस्स य महाजसो तस्स य अइवलो तस्स होइ बलभद्दो। बलविरिय कत्तविरियो जलविरियो दडविरियो य ।
VH p 301 10 Tatar SunTEARETATTHETTET I
प्रतिवलो वलभद्रो बलवीर्यस्ततोपि च ॥ कीर्तिवीर्यो जलवीर्यो दण्डवीर्यस्ततोऽष्टम ।
TSPC, 18 251-52a, also 2 6 129-134. 11. CMC, p. 50

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121
from the above study is that the Svelambara versions show at least two sets of working the pedigree, one represented by Sanghadāsa and Hemacandra and the other by Śilānka, and the perfect agreement between the VH and TSPC lists reveals that genealogical account in the latter work is based on the former rather than on the CMC account
Thus our foregoing study displays that the Svetambara lists are too short to merit any extensive comparison with the Digambara version. Nevertheless, even these shorter lists show striking points of dissimilarity with the Digambara ones, for none of the names except Balabhadra recurs in the Digambara lists Under the circumstances, this basic difference between the lists of the two schools eventually results in the neutralızation of each version.
A comparison of both the Śvetämbara and the Digambara lists with the Brahmanical, epic-Puranic genealogies of the Ikşvāku dynasty shows that neither of the former lists has anything in common with the latter Although a few names12 of the Brahmanical royal lists can be found in the Jaina lists, yet the identification of those names with their Jaina counterparts cannot commend itself on that slender point of similarity. For, as is obvious from the Jaina lists, the names occur in a very different context and variant forms 13
Thus it is not until the account of the second Cakravartin Sagara that we meet with two Ikşvāku monarchs together with one Aila king of Brahmanical celebrity The narrative of the Sagara occurs in these Puranas13 as a part of the life story of the second Tirthankara Ajitanatha who is represented as the son of
12 Such as Bhadraratha among the Anavas, Bala among the Ayodhya line of the Iksvatus and Vibhu of the Ksatravyddha dynasty of Kast,-AIHT, PP 147-49
13. VPC, 5 50 63, 168-203, RPC, 5 56-64, 74-75, 247-283, JHV, 13. 26-80, UP 48 71-141, SPC, 5 3 6-8, 5 10 3-5, 5 11 1-5 14 4, VH P, 300f, CMC, pp 56-71, TSPC, 2 2 529-580, 3.3 1-177, 2.4. 1-370, 2 6 62-178, 2 6 1-615,

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an Iksvahu king, Jitasatrul by name This Jutasatru is introduced in the Digambara accounts as the son of Tridasañjaya said to have been the son of one Dharanidhara 15 But despite the fact that these works set out Dharanidhara and Tridaśañjaya just after providing a lengthy list of the early Ikşoākus already mentioned, the accounts do not give us any information about their relationship with the last king of the list The Svetambara lists, on the other hand, are very short Naturally, it will be too much to expect any genealogical continuity between the last member of the first list and the father of Agitanatha
Now, the Purānas under investigation embody at least three versions in respect of the parentage of Sagara as well as his relationship with Ajitanatha VPC and RPC, for example, represent Sagara as the son of Vyjayasagara, second son of king Tridaśañjaya 18 Thus, according to these works, Ajitanātha and Sagara were both cousins But JHV without alluding to their parentage as also to the relationship they bore to each one, stops with a very brief mention of these personages as contemporaries The Uttara-purana gives a substantially different
14
Like the Brahmanical Janakas of Videha and the Buddhist Brahmadattas of Varanasi Jita'satru is very popular name in the Jaina works At Jast thirteen Lings bearing this name are mentiored in the Vasudevahindi,-Vide pp 27, 3u 39, 49, 54, 74, 89, 121, 174, 237, 268-279, 286-87, 295-96, 348-50, 300-304
15
एव परपराए समइक्कन्तेषु पुइपालेसु । angqgzaûç azfmadı azað svaì 11 तस्स य गुरणारगुरूवो पत्तो तिग्रमज समुप्पन्नो । तस्स विय इन्दुलेहा भज्जा पत्तोय जियसत्तू ॥ VPC, 5 50-51, Also RPC, 5,69-60, SPC, 5 1 2-5 16 तियसजयस्स पुत्तो वीओ च्चिय विजयसायरो नाम । तस्सवि य होइ भज्जा, सुमङ्गला स्वसपन्ना | तीए गव्मम्मि सुश्री जाश्रो सगरोत्ति नाम विक्खाओ ॥
VPC, 5 82-83a, RPC 574, 5PC 53 6-7 The last work, however, has dropped the prefix r of Vijayasagara, thus finding mention as Jayasagara
17. 13.26-20

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account of not only Sagara's parentage but also of the circumstances that prepared the Cakrin for renouncing worldly life. Thus, the work introduces Sagara18 as the son of one Samudravijaya without referring to his relationship with Ajitanātha, the second Jina The Svetambara versions, on the other hand, unanimously represent Sagara as the son of Sumitra19 or Sumitravijaya, 20, said to have been the younger brother of Jitasatru, father of Aptanatha.
However, it is significant that all Purānas under investigation represent king Sagara as a scion of the Ihşvāku race and, with some modifications in the events and legends connected with his life, the Jaina Purānas tell almost the same story as is found in the epics and the Brahmanical Purānas 21 Thus, like the latter works the Jaina sources set out Sagara as the father of sixty thousand sons22 of formidable physical power The Puranas, with the exception of the UP, tell us that those sixty thousand brothers were reduced to ashes by a Naga king whose house in the lower regions had been accidentally destroyed by the former
123
The episode 23 in a nutshell Is that once Sagara's sixty thousand sons went to Mt Aştapada (Kailasa) to pay homage to the twenty-four Jina shrines built by king Bharata with precious metals There with a view to protect the shrines from future destruction, the princes dug up a moat
18
..................साकेतनगरे कौशले नृप । समुद्रविजयस्तस्य सु वाला रमणी तयो || महाबलोभवत्सूनुरिक्ष्वाकु सगराह्वय ।
UP 48 71-72a
19 VH 300-304, CMC p 55
20 TSPC, 2 2 12, 65-72, 103-104ff
21 He is unanimously represented as an illustrious Ikşvāku sovereign of his time.-Rāmā 170 30, 11 110 18 MBh 111 100 7-8 Vayup 88 127-143, HV 1 13-32 to 14 20
22 MBh 11 107 1-6, Vayu 88 161-163, HV 115 7-10, Rāmā 1 38 to 1 41 etc
23 VPC, 5 169-174, RPC, 5 248-52, JHV, 13 28-29, SPC, 5 10,4 to 5 11,2, VH, p 300-304, CMC pp 63-64, TSPC, 2 5 87-177.

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Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Faina Mythology
around Aştapada and started filling it with the waters of the Ganga by splitung its bank with the staff-jewel (Danda-Talna). But the influx of the waters into the moat, which was dug down to the habitat of the serpents, caused great upheaval among them and infuriated their lord Dharanindra to the degree that he burnt them to ashes with his fiery glance
The Brahmanical epic-Purānic textses tell the story of the destruccion of Sagara's sons almost in similar way. The legend in brief is that the 60,000 brothers were directed by their father, Sagara, to follow his sacrificial horse. But during its wandering the horse disappeared into the carth Now to search out the horse the princes dug down the ocean to the lower region (Patāla), where they found the horse near the hermitage of sagt Kapıla The insolent princes accused the sage of the theft, which enraged him to such a degree that he reduced them all, except four, to a heap of ashes Later, Sagara's great grandson, Bhagiratha25 through his severe penance, effected the descent of Gangā on earth and caused the celesual river to flow tơ the ocean where she sanctified the remains of Bhagiratha's forefathers and conveyed their souls to beaven The legend further adds that during its course from Sankara's head to the earth and thence to the ocean, the river inundated the sacrificial ground of the royal sage, Jahnu26, who thereupon drank up its waters, but being entreated by the sages be released the stream through his ears. We are further told that as the Gangā was brought down on earth by Bhagiratha, so she earned the name Bhägirathi.2? And as she was,
24 Vāgup 88 141-48. HV 114 2181 Ves p 4 4 4-22 MBL. 3 107,4-33.
Rámi 1 88 to 1 41. 25. Dayup 47.24-40, 88 167-704. V4 p 4.4 85. HV 1 15.15-16 MBb.
3 107.67 to 109 19 Rāmā. 1 38-41 26 Väyup 91 54-582 , HV I 27 4-8 , Veş p. 473-6, MB., 13 4 3. Bd.
m 66 25-28 , Br 10.15-19, 18 83-86. 27. tas at TSTATYTHTF fi तस्माद् भागीरथी गगा कथ्यते वशवित्तमै ॥
Payu, 88,169, HV. 1.16.10.

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125
later on, discharged by Fahnu so she came to be stylcd Jähnad128 after having been accepted by the royal sage as his daughter.
A comparison of the above two accounts, as appearing in the Brahmanical and Jaina texts, clearly shows that subject to some modifications, the Jaina accounts are in general agreement with the epic-Purānic versions of the episode. Thus we find that in the Brahmanical accounts the 60,000 princes meet their end on account of disrespect shown to sage Kapila, while in the Jaina versions they are destroyed by an offended Näga king. As is evident from the accounts, in both the versions the ultimate cause of tragedy is the indiscrect religious fei vour of the princes
A perusal of the various Jaina texts, however, reveals that there does not subsist uniformity of representation of the incident Now what is more significant is that the disharmony is found in the versions of the same sect. Thus, Gunabhadra's account of the life of Sagara and his sons is substantially different from the versions of his Digambara predecessors For, according to the Ullarapurāna20 version, Sagara's 60,000 sons actually did not meet the tragic end But it was god Manicūla's stratagem which showed the sixty thousand princes as dead We are told that the device was adopted by the god to prepare king Sagara for the renunciation of the worldly lıfe With this end in view the god gave king Sagara a false report of the sad and sudden destruction of his sixty thousand sons, whom the deity had actually turned into a heap of ashes through his magical power. The king believing the statement was filled with disgust for worldly life and took to mendicancy after installing Bhagiratha on the throne His said sons after regaining consciousness followed their father's path
Thus the Sagara-carita suffers from the same disharmony of representation as many other narratives, and its individual parts are worked out all the more differently in various works
28 Hy 1 27 8,1 42 47 Câyu 91 57-584 MBh 13 4 3, 29 48 107-30

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The story has been utilised rather to inculcate the transitory nature of the worldly objects and, as such, has been adapted to subserve the religious purpose without any regard for the preservation of the genealogical as well as historical aspect of the narrative Gunabhadra's version, however, is contradicted by majority of the Puranas which, as stated before, show general agreement in their own versions of the legend
126
Next, similar lack of uniformity is seen with regard to the genealogical position of Jahnu and Bhagiratha In the Brahmanical tradition the former occurs as an illustrious king of the Aila race and the latter is set out as fourth in descent from Sagara But in the Jaina Puranas both the persons recur in varying forms and diverging relationship.
Now, so far as Jahnu's position is concerned the UP and SPC do not mention him in any capacity VPC, on the other hand, has apparently turned him into Sagara's queen and has, accordingly, transformed the name to Jahnavi, as whose son Bhagiratha32 has been set out Among the Digambara works RPC33 alone mentions him as Sagara's son JHV however, gives the name in a confused way inasmuch as the work refers to one Ahnu as Sagaro's eldest son, which term is undoubtedly a corrupt form of Jahnu
As regards the genealogical position of Bhagiratha, he too finds varying representation in the said works Except in RPC he occurs in all the above Purānas35 as Sagara's son Now what
30 AIHT, pp 99-101
31 The order of descent 18
Sagara-Asamafija-Amśumat-Dılıpa-Bhagiratha,
Vide Vayup 88 165-67, HV 1 15 12-15 Mbh, 3 107 84-69, cf. Rāmā 1 70 25-26, 2 110 25-27
32
z àì sozfa-qa qfęfasdsy ufazfé zou i
33 5284a
34
पत्रा पष्टिमत्राणि तस्य दुर्ललितक्रिया | परम्परमहीना प्रत्याख्यातानुपूर्वका ।
36 VPC. 5 173-76, UP 48 127 130, SPC, 6,10 4-8,
VPC 5 201a
JHV 13 28.

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is most astounding is the version of RPC which, in some passages, has reckoned Bhagiratha among Sagara's sons and still in another has expressly mentioned him as the son of Jahnu to whom the work has alluded by the patronymic Sāgarı (son of Sagara).
The Svetambara versions, too, though in general agreement with regard to the alient features of the episode, are at mutual variance on the genealogical position of Bhagiratha The VH,37 for instance, makes him the youngest son of Sagara, and the CMC38 and TSPC refer to him as the latter's grand
son
(
41
Another discrepancy in the different versions is evidenced by Bhagiratha's diverging names in the works in question The VH40 calls him Bhagirahı (Bhagirathi) and thus creates an impression of its being a patronymic after Bhagiratha But as Bhagirahi is expressly mentioned as Sagar's youngest son, so the above conjecture cannot stand scrutiny Next VPC42 and SPC48 style him variously as Bharrah, Bhagirahi, and Bhatrahı These words, however, may be considered as the Prakrit forms of either Bhagirathi or Bhagirathin The CMC44 on the other hand, makes him Bhagiraha, which term may be derived from Bhagiratha and, thus, may mean 'a son or a descendant of Bhagiratha' But in face of the fact that none of this Bhagiratha's ancestors has been accorded the name Bhagiratha,
30 RPC 5 152-54, 277 ard comp 5 284-85
37 ततो राया भागी हि वालपुत्तं श्रारणवेड P 304
38 It refers to Bhagiratha as पत्तपत्त of Sagara ततश्च सगरश्चक्री निज पौत्र भगीरथम् ।
39
127
40
P 304-305
41 Sec note 37 (above).
42 5 175-76, 201, 203-205, 215
43 5 10 7,5 11 3, 12 1, 14 3 44 PP 70-71
P
70
26 540a

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Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology
the above interpretation will be simply absurd The above anomalies, however, cannot be explained away as the results of the phonetic peculiarities of Prakrit and Apabhramśa languages, for, in that case the usual forms would have been Bhagiraha or Bhagiraha and not the abovementioned forms. The TSPC,45 however, mentions the man with his traditional name as Bhagiratha
But, despite the nomenclative and genealogical differences, the Svetāmbara versions have remarkable agreement with regard to the traditional names Jähnaviso and Bhagirath767 ascribed to the river Gargā They, however, give their own interpretations of the epithets in accordance with changed situations Thus they all state that as the Gangā was first brought to the moat by Jahnı, so it received the title Jahnavz68. and as it was afterward led to the ocean by Bhagiratha so it came to be called Bhagirath749
Now, whatever be the mutual disagreement in respect of the genealogical position of Jahnu and Bhagiratha, the Putānas under investigation exhibit remarkable unanimity in holding
46 26 540 555-63, 670, 672, 576 46 Vide note 28 (Supra) 47 Note 27 (Supra) 48 (1) जण्हणा प्रागरिसिया पु व तेण भण्णइ जाण्हवी
VH, P 306 (n) गगा पढम जण्हकुमारेण प्राणियत्ति जण्हवी
CMC, p 71 (ii) अष्टापदाद्रिपरिखापूरणार्थमकृप्यत । जनुना यत् ततो गङ्गा तत प्रभृति जाह्नवी ॥
TSPC, 26 167 49 (1) #Titafemi aat 977 HITTET I
VH, P 306 (1) तनो भागीरहेण समुद्द पाविय त्ति भागीरही भण्णति
Смс p 71 (111) CET itafa 751 malfall
TSPC, 2,6 576b

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that among the fabulous number of sons and grandsons of Sagara only Bhagiratha survived and continued the main line of the Ikṣvākus This representation obviously makes him forefather of Dasaratha and Rāma Thus so far as this aspect of the story is concerned, the Jaina versions are in perfect consonance with the Brahmanical epic-Puranic tradition about the genealogies of the Iksvākus of Ayodhya, for the Brahmanical genealogical texts show absolute agreement in representing Sagara and Bhagiratha as illustrious ancestors50 of the heroes of the Rāmāyana
129
Now, coming to the second list of the Iksvaku kings who reportedly flourished during the age of the Twentieth TirthanLara Suoratanatha, we find that the kings contained in the list are far removed in time from their ancestors as noted before. Even the group of persons mentioned in the narrative of the second cahrin cannot serve as a connecting link, for, there is allegedly a big gap between the period of Bhagiratha and that of the kings placed in the second list Now, if as many descents be assigned to each of the intervening periods of the intermediate Tirthankaras, as have been set out as the descendants of the first Tirthankara, the number of kings by the age of the twentieth Jina will be about 500 Similarly, if the Jaina computation of times be accorded credence, the number of years in the periods will defy human calculation, for, the span of life of the personages placed in these periods is measured in lacs of Purvas 52 In fact, no other branch of ancient Indian tradition suffers from such a monstrous exaggeration
Now, the second part of the Iksvāku pedigree occurs in VPC, RPC and TSPC as a prelude to the narrative of Rama,
50 Vayup 88 165-185, HV 1 15 2-27 Rāmā 170 25-31, 2 110 25-35 Visp. 4 4 34-87
51 VPC 20 65-69, 73-83 RPC, 20 74-90 JHV 7 21-31, 49-56 AP 3 217-227
52 The life span of Ajitanatha is said to have been seventytwo lacs of Purvas We are told that one Purva consists of 8400000 y 8400000 years (AP 3219) The period of life of each succeeding Tirthankara is, however, given in decreasing order Thus the span of life of Suvratanatha is stated to have been thirty thousand of years For details see VPC, 20 99-104, RPC, 20 116-112 TSPC 1 6 278-320.

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the eighth Baladeva of the Jaina faith The rest of the works under investigation begin their Rāmāyana versions either with a brief introduction of Dasaratha53 or with that of Anaranyass who is introduced in the story as former's father This portion is very important from the standpoint of comparative mythological study, for it contains the names of some such personages as are known to us, from the epic puranic sources, as the bygone sovereigns of unique achievements These are, for instance, Kakutstha,55 Pṛthu, Mändhātṛ, Anaranja, Vijaja Saudāsa, Raghu, Nahusa50 and Aja
A comparison of the Jaina Puranic lists with those occurring in the Brahmanical epic-Puranic texts, however, reveals that the above names do not recur in the Jaina works in the same genealogical position as they do in the Brahmanical sources The order of succession, too, is entirely different from that in the epics and the Brahmanical Purānas. The names as occurring in the three lists, subject to some variations, are in general agreement Of the three lists, that in VPC may naturally be taken as the source of the remaining two lists The genealogy as given by VPC says that king Vijaya of Saketa had two sons Vajrabahu and Purandara The elder renounced the world and the younger brother succeeded to the throne Thus, the order of descent is as follows 57
(1) Vijaya, (11) Purandara, (111) Kirtidhara, (iv) Suhosala, (v) Hiranyagarbha, (vi) Naghuşa, (vii) Sodasa, (vi) Simharatha, (ix) Brahmaratha, (x) Calurmukha, (x1) Hemaratha, (x1) rasoratha, (x1) Padmaratha, (xiv) Mṛgaratha, (xv) Śasıratha, (xvi) Raviratha, (xvu) Mändhatt, (xvi) Udararatha, (xix) Virasuṣena, (xx) Prativacana, (1) Kamalabadhu, (xx) Raviśatru, (xx) Vasantatilaka, (xxiv) Kuberadatta, (xxv) Kunthu, (xxvi) Sarabha, (xxv) Viratha, (xxvi) Rathamirghoşa, (xxix) Mṛgārıdamana, (xxv) Hiranjanabha,
53 UP 87 148 PMP LXIX, 11 cmc p 175
54 SPC 15 8 4-8
55
For the adjusted order of descent of these kings, see Pargiter, op cit. pp 145 and 147
50 He finds mention, in all the three works, as Naghuşa see Lelow 57 VPC, 21.41 to 22 101,

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The Ihsvaku Race and its Various Branches
(xxxi) Puñjasthala, (xxx11) Kakubha, (xxx) Raghusa, (xxxiv) Anaranya, (xxxv) Anantaratha and Dasaratha
A comparison of this list with those occurring in RPC58 and TSPC59 shows that from Vijaya to Hemaratha all the three versions have perfect agreement But after that name both RPC and TSPC start showing signs of variations After Hemaratha the genealogies in these works run thus
RPC80 12 Śataratha
13 Prthu
14 Aja
15 Payoratha
16 Indraratha
1
17. Dinanatharatha
18 Māndhātṛ
19 Virasena
I
20 Pratimanyu
21 Kamalabandhu
1 22 Ravimanyu
23 Vasantatilaka
24 Kuberadatta
I 25 Kunthubhakti
26 Sarabharatha
27 Dviradaratha I
TSPC1 Sataratha
7 4-108-112
Udayapṛthu
Väriratha
I Induratha
I Adityaratha
Mandhātṛ
I Virasena
I
Pratimanyu I Pratibandhu
I
Ravimanyu
T Vasantatilaka
Kuberadatta
Kunthu
I Sarabha
Dvirada
Simhadasana I
58 21 74-77, 134-144, 163-64, 22 101-102, 112, 132 145, 153 7 4. 3-5, 28-30, 34, 37, 66-71 84-85, 97, 105-106,
59
60 22 153-62
61
131

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Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology
Hanyakasıpu
Puñjasthala
28 Mrgesadamana I
29 Hiranyakasıpu
30 Puñjasthala
I
31 Kakustha
32 Raghu
1
33 Anaranya
34 (1) Anantaratha and (11) Dasaratha
Kakustha82
1 Raghu
Anaranya
(1) Anantaratha
(u) Dasaratha
As is obvious from the above lists, their variations are due to the additions and omissions of the some of the names as also on account of the replacement of a few names or their components by their synonyms or totally different terms These facts aided by the element of displacement of some of the names have led to the structural variations in the three lists So, all the following differences can be explained as the results of the above phenomena
Thus, fasoratha of VPC63 is transformed to Sataratha in RPC and TSPC65 after the substitution of the first component But so far as Prthu and Aja of RPC are concerned, these
62 In other contexts Hemacandra has recognized only Kakutstha inasmuch as he has referred to Rama by such patronymic as Kakutstha This shows the unavoidable influence of the Brahmanical representation of Rama's ancestor See TSPC, 7 4 526, 7 5 99, 133, 318, 323, 399, 7 6 56,
etc
63 22 96
64 22 163
65 7 4 106
06 This exhibits Ravisena's leaning towards the Brahmanical genealogies
wherein both Prthu and Ajo find mention as the forefathers of Rama See Rāmā 170 21, 30, 2 110 11 34 Vayup 88 25, 183, Vis p 4 2 34, 4 4 84-86, HV 1 11 20, 1 15 25 26 But in the epic-Puranic works both are set out generations apart Of these two, Aja is celebrated as Dasaratha's father, but as is evident from the list Ravisena has made the former some twenty steps anterior to the latter Also see Pargiter, op at, pp 146, 147,

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are new entrants in place of Padmaratha and Mrgaratha respec. tively of the two names the first has been incorporated in the TSPC list as Udayapşthu, while Aja has been omitted. Next, one Payoratha lias been introduced in RPC as Aja's son who is adopted in the TSPG as Vāriratha Dinanatharatha of RPC and Adityaratha of TPSC are the synonyms of Raviratha of VPC Next, as son of Māndhāts, Udayaratha 18 excluded from the pedigree both in RPC and TSPC and his place is assigned to Virasena which name is an emended form of Varasuşena of VPC list Similarly, Pratimanyu, Pratibandhu, Ravimanyu, Mfgesadamana, Simhadaśana and Hiran yakaśıpu are all instances of partial transformation of the names occurring in the list of УРС 67
However, of the above names the last one is important from the comparative standpoint, for this name has occurred in VPC as Hiran yanābha Brahmanical sources set out one Hiran yanābha88 as an illustrious Ikşvāku ruler of Kosala Though not sure about his exact position, the epic-Purānic works show marked unanimity in representing him as a descendant of Dasaratha but Vimala's reckoning of Hiranyanābha among the ancestors of Dasaratha may be taken as an example of his usual lack of interest in preserving the chronology even moderately. Now, what is more surprising is that Ravişena and Hemacandra, possibly in a bid to lend the name an ancient look, have converted it to Hıranyakaśıpu, which, according to the Brahmanical sources stands as the name of an oppressive Daitya-king. 89 67 For these alterations and modifications comparc the lists as given
above 88 Vāyup 88 207 Viş p 4 4 107 For detailed information about him sce
Sita Nath Pradhan Chronology of Ancient India, pp 123-137, AIHT,
PP 94, 115, 173 69 The story of Hiran rakasıpu and his son Prahlada, a great devotec of
Vişnu, is told quite elaborately in some of the Brahmanical works Wc are told that to deliver the world from the tyranny of the demon and in defence of Prahlada, God Vişnu bad to incarnate Himsclf as Nara. simha (half man and half lion), in which form He slew the demon king, Vış p 1 chaps 17-20, HV 3 41 to 47, MBh 1 65 17, Mat, 161 2 Mahabharata alludes to the event as of remote occurrence,
आदिदैत्यो महावीर्यो हिरण्यकशिपु पुरा । arathe ag prat afara....... 11
HIIT 102 22

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Aspects of Brahmanıcal influence on the Jaina ilfythology
Except that we do not come across any king of that name in the cpic-Purāņıc lists of the royal families
As for the names Raghu and Kalustha of RPG and TSPC these may be taken as the emended forms of the colloquial Prakrit names Kakubha and Raghusa as found in VPC
Now, our perusal of the forcgoing lists reveals that these contain two types of names Some names are probably of the Jioist invention, while others are of Brahmanical popularity The latter type of names finds simply a bare enumeration, while the names of the former class are associated with some events of purely religious nature. Their description leaves no doubt that these persons as well as their accounts have been invented to inculcate the imperativeness of the Jaina way of asceucism and to illustrate the efficacy of Jaipa religion and ethics The accounts are given on a stereotyped pattern and are bereft of human interest. Thus, Vagrabāhu, son or grandson70 of king Vijaya is stated to have renounced the world just after his marriage 71 Kirtidhara, son of Purandara, is said to have taken to monkhood after installing his fiftcen-day-old son Sukošala on the throne 72 Next, we are told that the latter followed the example of his father, after conferring sovereignty on his son who was still in his mother's womb 73
Besides the above stories, we come across one of Sodasa (also called Saudāsa), son of Naghusa, the Jaina, ciupterpart of the Brahmanical Nahuşa The tale, 74 illustrating, as it does, the dreadful consequences of meat eating and the marvels of Jinadharma is a Jaina recast of the Brahmanıcal legend 75 of
70. Ravişena has inserted in his list one Surendramanyu as the son of Vijaya
and father of Vagrabāhu (RPC, 74-77) 71 VPC 21 42-73, RPC 21 76w123, TSPC, 747-27 72 VPC 21 80-92 , RPC 21 140-164 , TSPC, 7 + 31-37 73 सथाविऊण गाढ सुकोसलो भरणइ तुज्झ गम्मि । भद्दे, होही पुत्तो, सो अहिसित्तो मए रज्जे ॥
LVPC, 22 21, Also RPC, 22 44 , TSPC, 7 4 60 74 VPC 22 72-95, RPG, 22 132-52 , TSPC, 7 4 86 105 76 Viş p 4 4 40-09 MBh. 1 1751 176-80 , Bhāg 9 9 18-39, Romā, 170;
40,2.110.29, 7.86.10-37.

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Mitrasaha Kalmaşapäda Saudása Both the versions state that Saudāsa developed a cannibalistic habit which led to his fall from regal office, but after spending some years of abnormal lise he regained sanity as well as his lost kingdom
As has already been pointed out, the kings of Bralimanıcal fame do not find their mention in the above lists in the same order of dcscent as in the epic-Purāņic lists of the Ayodhya branch of the solar kings King Vijaya, for example, who tops thc Jaina Puānic tists as an ancestor of Kakustha, Pșthu and Māndhāls is represented, in the Brahmanical dynastic lists as a descendant of all the three 76 Similarly, the Brahimanıcal tradıtion regards the above four biogs including Vijaya as the ancestors of Sagara77, but the Jaina tradition represents the latter as a forc-father of all the Ikşvāku rulers of note
Now, so far as the respective positions of Kahulstha and Raghu are concerned, the Jaina Purānas in their representation of the two as father and son are closer to thc Rāmāyana gcncalogy78 which, unlike the Puranic accounts, has bound these personages in the same relationship as the Jaina accounts. The reckoning of Naghusa, also sceins to have been based on the same Rāmāyana account?
King Aja's is, however, a different case Hc finds mcntion only in RPC by his original nomenclature But this work, too, has pushed him several steps above Dasarath280, the traditional son of the former 81 However, the works are 76 Vägup 88 25, 67a, 75a, 120a , HV 1 11 20b , 12 0b, 13 28 Vis p
42 32-34, 00 01, 43 25. For their position in the family tree sec
AIHT, pp 145, 147 77 AIHT, pp 145, 147 For his place in the line, see No 41 of the gene
alogical succession 78 (1) ... figereta TEFTATI
Råma 1 70 39b, (11) SETET GETS g 1997: 1
-Ibid 2 110 28b 70. i 70 41,2 110 33 80 See the list (above). 81 The epics and the Brahmanıcal Puranas unanimously represent Aja as
the father' of Dasaratha Rāmā 1 70.42 , 2 110 34, MBH 3.274 6, Vayup88'183 , Visp 4 4 86 , HY 1 16.26.

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Asperts of Brahmanıcal Influence on the Faina Mythology
one with the traditional accounts in making Dasaratha father of Rama, Lakşmâna, Bharala and Satrughna. But with regard to their respective mothers the works betray great divergences VPC, for example, styles Rama's mother Aparāzitā82, represents Lakşmana as the son of Sumitra85 and makes Karkey 784 mother of both Bharata and Salrughna But Ravisena, though basing his version85 on VPC, parts company with Vimalasūri in respect of Satrughna's mother, who, according to Ravişena's version was Suprabhāgs, a fourth queen of king Dasaratha But Gunabhadra and Puşpadanta, represent Rāma as the son of Subāla87 and make Lakşmana son of Karkey788 instead of Sumitrā Next, the authors refer to Bharata and Satrughna as the sons of another queen of king Dasaratha, whom they do not mention by Dame 89 Silānka, on the other hand, obviously following the Brahmanical epic Purānic accounts more closely, gives the Dame of Rāma's mother as Kausalya (Kosalā) and repre ents Laksmana and Bharata as the sons of Sumitra and Kaikeyi respectively But with regard to Satrughna the author seems to have followed Vimalasūri's version, inasmuch as he makes Satrughna
82 25 7-8 83 25 9-11 84 अह केगई पसूया भरहकुमार तहेव सत्तुघण ।
-VPC, 25 14a 85 RPC, 26 19-28, 35 86 ibed , 25 36
सुषुवे सुप्रभा पुत्र सुन्दर यस्य विष्टपे ।
ख्यातिः शत्रुघ्नशब्देन सकलेऽद्यापि वर्तते ।। 87 UP 87 148-150a, PMP LXIX 12 1-9 88 UP 07 1506-162, PMP, LXIX 12 11-12 89 area OUT Fitutsagung TFTI 7775757..
UP 67,165 But Puspadanla apparently makes this unnamed queen into two different ladies as his word says भण्णेक्कहि भरहु पसण्णमणु, अण्णेषकहि धरिणिहि सत्तुहणु,
-PMP, LXIX. 14 10

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second son of Karkeyr but not of Sumitra, the traditional mnother of Salrughna 80 It is, however, remarkable to note that Hemacandra, though a Svetāmbara, does not follow Silänka Instead, he has adopted Ravisena's version almost literally, Thus, as in RPC, so also in the Trışaştıśalākāpuruşacarita, Rāma, Lakşmana, Bharala and Satrughna are represented as the sons of Anarājital, Sumitrā,o? Karkeying and Suprabha't respectively
Non, as is evident from the foregoing study, the Jaina dynastic lists have omitted a number of traditional Ikşvāku kings of distinction These arc, for instance, Yupanāśva, Insanhu, Hariscandra, Ambarışa, Dilipa and several others.95 Similarly, nonc of the collateral lines of the Ikşvakus has found any mention in these texts Only the Janaka or Videha dynasty of Muhila, the traditional second great line of the Ikşvāhu race, has received a treatment But the works in question have set out this line as a derivative of the Hanı dynasty, the Jaina counterpart of the Brahmanical raduvamsa 88
Kuruvamsa Alias Somavamsa
The authors are at great variance with regard to the dynastic affiliation of the line Majority of the writers derive this line from Somaprabha, but Hemacandra and Devaprabha attribute its origin 10 Kuru, treated as one of the hundred sons of Lord Rşabha Ikşvahu However, as this point has already
90 तत्थ कोसलाए रामभद्दो पुत्तो, केकईए भरहो सत्तुग्छो य, सुमित्ताए लक्खरगो य कुमारो ।
-CMC, p 175 91 TSPC, 7 4 177-184 92 Ibid, 7 4 187-192. 93 Ibid , 74204 94 lbid , 7 4 205 05 Vārup 88 8-2 13. Ho 1 11 12 to 1 16 36 Mat 12 26-57, Padma 58
130-162, V18 p 4 2 11 to 4 4 102, MBh 3 202 1-8, Rāmā 170 21-44,
2 110 6-85 96 Discussed in Chap VI

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Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jarna Mythology
been discussed in the preceding chapter,97 we now proceed with an analysis of the pedigree
Two of the extant Jaina Puānas give the genealogy of the kings of this line at length, though not completely, as the worhs profess. It first occurs in the Harivamsapurāne of Jinasena and is next adopted with some modifications by Subhacandra in his Pāndavapurāna The remaining works generally start their genealogical accounts with the immediate ancestors of the Kaurava-Pandava brothers The list as appearing in JHV°8 gives the following Dames (1) Somaprabha, (2) Jayakumāra, (3) Kuru'', (4) Kurucandra, () śubhankara, (6) Dhrtıkara, (7) Dhrudeva, (*) Dhrtihara, (9) Gangadeva, (10) Dhrtimitra, (11) Daruhsetra,100 (12) Suvrata, 101 (13) Vrātamandara, (14) Śricandra, 117) Supralistha,102 (16) Dhrtapadma, (17) Dhrtcndra, (13) Dhrtavilya, (19) Pratisthita, (20) Dhrtıdrști, (21) Dhrlıdvuti, (-2, Dhrtıkara, ('3) Pritikara, (24) Bhramaraghosa, (25) Harighosa, (26) Haridhvaja, (27) Sūrya ghosa103, (28) Sutejas, 104 (21) Prthu,106 (30) Prthivipatı, (31) Ibhavāhana,108 (32) Vijaya, (33: Jayarāja,107 (34) Sanatkumāra, (37) Sukumāra, (30) Varabumāra, (37) Viśva, (38) Varśvānara, (3), Visvaketu 10:49) Brhaddhvaja, (41) Viśva
77 Supra 08 45 8-73 09 Else shore Anantapirya is mentioned as thc son and successor of Jaya.
Famāra THV, 12 47-49 Subhacandra, howcvcr, has inscrted Anantapirya
betycon Jagakurrāra and Kuru, pp 3 273 276, 42 1004 According to Pr (45) thc name is Dhrliksema 101 pp (45) insert onc Al sayın before Sutrata 102 Thc names occurring betucen Supratt stha and Bhramaraghoşa, the 24th
name, are not incntioned in Pp Thc work hovycvcr admits that after Su ralışta and before Bhramaraghosa, (who recurs in the work as
Bhramaghrga) many kings serc born in the family-Pp 46 203 Rccurs in the Pp list hy its synonym Radighosa (47) 104 Its place is taken by Mahārırya (Pp 47) 105 The order is reversed in thc Pp (47) insofar as it comes after
Prehrinatha, 7 synonym of Pythoipatı 206 This name is changed to the more general term Gajavahana (Pp 47) 107 Left out in the Pp (48; 103 Final components of this and the following name interchanged (Pp
49)

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139
sena, (42) Sāntinātha, (43) Nārāyana, (44) Naraharı, 108 (45) Praśāntı, (46) Sāntivardhana, (47) Sānucandra, (48) Saśānka, 110 (49) Kuru, (50) Sürya,111 (51) Kunthu, (52) Sudarśana, (53) Ara, (54) Sucāru, 112 (55) Cāru, (56) Cārurūpa, (57) Cārupadma, (58) Padmamāla, (59) Subhauma, 160) Padmaratha, 113 (61) Mahāpadınal14 and Visnupadma, (62) Supadma, (63) Padmadeva, (64) Kulakiri, (65) Kirti, (66) Sukīrti, (67) Kırtı, (68) Vasukirti, (69) Vāsukı, 116 (70) Vāsava, (71) Vasu, 172, Suvasu, (73) Srivasu, (:4) Vasundhara, (75) Vasuratha, (76) Indravírya, (77) Citra, (78) Vicitra, (79) Virya, (80) Vicitra, (81) Vicitravirya, (82) Citraratha, (83) Mahāratha, (84) Vrtaratha, (85) Vrsānanta, (86) Vșsadhvaja, (87) Śrlvrata, (88) Vraiadharmá, (89) Dhria, (90) Dhāiana, (91) Mahāsara, (92) Pratisara, (93) Sara, (94) Pājāśara, (95) Saradvipa, (96) Dvipa, (97) Dvipāyata(na), (98) Susanti, (99) Sāntibhadra, (100) Säntisena, (101) Santanu, lio (102) Dhstavyāsa, (103) Dhrtadharman, (104) Dhslodaya, (105) Dhrama tejas, (106) Dhrtayasas, (107) Dhplamāna, (108) Dhrta, (109)
109 In the Pp this name and the following odc do not occur lastcad
Santivardhana is made into Nārdyana's son (Pp 6 2) 110 Subhacandra adopts it as Candracıhna (Pp 6 3)
111 It is replaced by "Sūrasena' (Pp 03) 112 Between Ara and Sucāru is inserted Aravinda as Ara's son and Sucāru 18
altered to Sucāra (Pp 7 36 ) 113 Tno group of five nam:s occurring between Sacarn and Padmaralha is
omitted from the Pp list and only one Süra is included in it as the name of Sucāra's son and as that of Padmaratha's father (Pp 7 36) Next, after Padmaratha one Mlegharatha is mcntioned as the formcr's
son 114 This name as well as Visnupadma occurs in Pp (7 37-38) as Padmaratha
and Visnu and two more names Padmanabha and Mahapadma are inscrt.
ted between Padmaratha and Supadma (Pp 7 38,74) 116 Between Supadma, the Sixtysecond pamc of the present list and Väsuke
only thrce names, viz Kiri, Sukirt and Vasukırlı recur in the Pp list (774) But the names occurring berwecn Viisuk: and Sāntanu do not
find place in the Pp list (775) 110 He is stated to be the husband of Princess Yojana gandhi (taf T.
FATI 117757157 Tiri, JHV, 4531 According to the cpic. Purāņic accounts 2 oyanagandha was an cpithet of Satyavali

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Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Faina Mythology
Dhrtarāja To this Dhçlaraja were born three sons, viz Dhrlarāştra, Pāndu and Vidura by Ambrhú, Ambālıla and Arnbū respectively
Now, before presenting a comparative study of all the relevant accounts, we deem it necessary to analysc thc abovc list in the light of Subhacandra's version Although thc Pandapapurāna of Subhacandra stands, chronologically, last among thc works forming the basis of our study, yct we lake up Subhacandra's account first for our comparative appraisal of the lists For, the Pp list117 is practically thc same as that found in JHV The points of disagrcement between the two lists, as noted in the preceding footnotes, are generally mall and verbal, mainly caused by the use of some synonyms or by omissions and additions of a few insignificant names Now, as both the versions cover almost the same length of pedigree and show remarkable agreement with regard to thc setting out of a substantially greater portion of the genealogy, naturally any major representational difference between the two lists will speak something very significant It is obvious from both the versions that harmony is found in that part of the gencalogy wherein we hardly come accross any name contained in the Brahmanıcal cpic-Purānic pedigrees of the Puru-kuru-line Thus it appears that the names in this part, being mainly inythical in nature and without consequence, were adopted in the later worh without any major transformation in their character and genealogical sequence Truly speaking, these individual terms served only as connecting links between the mythical founder of the line and the proximate forefathers of Kurus
But the representation of the immediate ancestors of the Kaurava-Pandava brothers presents a different case As regards this part, the author of the Pāndavapurana had many Jaina versions before him Naturally, he selected one from them to the exclusion of Jinasena's version and presented that in his own way by effecting some changes in the adopted pedigree Thus, Subhacandra's rejection of JHV version, in preference of
117. Pp 3 274b-276, 4 2-10, 6 2-3, 30; 7 2 25, 36-38, 73-74

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another, seems significant, for, it shows that even he did not place reliance on Jinasena's genealogical account of the later Kurus.
As a matter of fact, the PP parts company with JHV from Väsuki onwards The latter work has a group of thirty one names between Vasuki and Santanu A close study of these names reveals that most of them are coined by combining the components of mainly three names,118 viz Paraśara, Dvarpāyana (an epithet of Krşna-Vyasa, traditional son of the sage Parāśara) and Vicitrauirya Moreover, in some cases, only the different parts of the above three names have been turned into distinct personal names 219 Thus, this coinage of new names has caused an abnormal increase in the number of descents Besides that the list betrays a reversal of the order and position of even those persons whose priorits and posteriority in the pedigree happen to be of universal acceptance 120 Under the circumstances, it is not unlikely that the above deficiencies and dis crepancies in the Harvamsapuräna list should have forced Subhacandra to skip from Väsuhe on to Sântanu with a casual reference to the occurrence of some successions between the two personages of the line
Another important feature of JHV list is marked by the fact that it has inserted seven names between Sāntanu and Dhțiarāja, the alleged father of Dhrtarāstra, Pandu and Vidura This representation makes śāntanu a distant ancestor of Dhstarāştra and his brothers, and stands alone inasmuch as none of Jinasena's successors followed that scheme
Now, it will be befitting to analyse the various versions of this part of the pedigree chronologically Thus we take up the Uttarapurāna version first Although the genealogy of the Kurus as found in the work is very brief, yet the information
118 cg Mahāsara, Pratısara, Saradvipa etc ---JHV, 45 29-30 119 Such as Citra, Vicitra, Virya, Sara and Dripa Ibid , 45 27, 28-30 120 Majority of the Jainapurānas, like the epic-Purānic sources make Victraditya posterior in time to Parā'sara and Dvarpāyana See below
अथ कौरवमुख्यस्य हस्तिनास्यपुरेशिन ।।

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Aspects of Brahmanıcal Influence on the Jaina Mythology
which it contains about some of the immediate forefathers of the Kaurava.Pandava brothers is very important from the standpoint of comparauve study of the Jaina and Brahmanical accounts The UP while introducing the Kauravas and Põndavas, refers to one king Saktı by name as the great-grandfather of Dhrlaraştra, Pāndu and Vidura According to the version, 'lo king Saklı of Hastināpura, chicf among thc Kurus, was born Parāśara from queen Satakı , Hıs (Parāśara's) son was Vjasa of good intellect, by princess Satyavati, born in the family of Mats; a, and to this Vjāsa and Subhadra were born three sons, Dhstarāstra the great, Pandu and Vidura121 (by name)
The pedigree in accordance with the Ullarafurāna version stands thus
Saktı+ Sataki
Parāśara +Satyavati
Vyāsa +Subhadrā
1 Dhstarāstra 2 Pându (3) Vidura
An analysis of the above pedigree in the light of the Brahmanıcal epic-Purānic genealogies of the later Kurus will bring to our notice a very important and interesting fact The Brahmanıcal sources show striking unanimity on the point that the Kuruline after Victravirga would have been extinct122 but for the intervention of Vjāsa who was begotten by the sage Parašara on Satyavati, while the latter was still a maiden 123 We
121 affaat AEISTET 9799137 97737T I
तम्ब मत्स्य कुलोत्पन्न राजपुत्र्या सुतोभवत् ।। मत्यवत्या मुघीाम पुनयामसुभद्रयो । धृतराष्ट्रो महान् पाण्डुर्विदुरश्च सुतास्त्रय ।।
UP, 70 101b-103 122 MBh 1 95 72 123 तस्या पूर्व कानीनो गर्भ परामराद् द्वैपायनोऽभवत् ।
MBh 1. 05 49. Also 1 104,3-18

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know it full well from the sources that Säntanu's son Victravirya dicd issueless Now to save the line from extinction, Satyavati sought the services of her illegitimate son Vyāsa, who having been commissioned under the custom of Levirate (Niyoga) begot three sons, two by Vicitravīrya's widows, Ambika and Ambāliha, and one on the slave-girl of the first lady 124 These sons of Dvaipayana were respectively known as Dhstarastra, Pandu and Vidura Thus according to the epic-Purānic tradition, Krşna Dvaipāyana V asa was the actual progenitor of the above-mentioned persons and grandfather of the Kaurava-Pandava brothers. This being the case, then, the sage Parāśara was directly connected with the heroes of the Mahabharata The epic Puiānic tradition further tells us that this Parāśara was son of Sakız 125 Thus, the pedigree, according to the above information will stand thus
Saktı126
Parāśara127
Krsna Dvaipāyana Vyāsa
Dhytárāsțra Pāndu
Vidura Thus, a comparison of the Ullarapurāna pedigree with the traditional tale of the actual parentage of Dhrlarāstrabrothers leaves no doubt about Gunabhadra's indebtedness to the epic-Purānic sources In fact, relying fully on the Brał.manıcal records, Gunabhadra las brought Sakız, Parāśara and 124 MBh 1 95 53-55, 1104 24-47, 1 105 Vayup 69 241-42 H 1 32
13 Thus says the Vrsnupurāna 4 20 38 सत्यवतीनियोगाच्च ...कृारणद्वैपायनो मातुर्वचनमनतिक्रमणीयमिति कृत्वा विचित्रवीर्यक्षेत्रे धृतराष्ट्रपाण्डू तत्प्रहितभुजिप्याया विदुरं चोत्पादयामास ।
Also sce låt 50 23, 34-56, Bbāga 0 22 4, 1-22 & etc 126 GAITEZEfgfag17 may T EZGTI
जनयामास य काली शक्ते पुत्रात् पराशरात् । कन्यव यमुनाद्वीपे पाण्डवाना पितामहम् । -
- Bh 160 1 2 Also Ibid 1 60 6, Vış p 33 18 126 He is also called Sabiri - Vājup 1 174, 70 83 127 Vārup 1 1746-175 2 12, 7083 84, Mai 201 30-31, Kuma 1 19 23,
MBb 1 175 6, 1 176 13-10, 1 177 1-3, 1 180 2.

Page #162

144 Asfects of Brahmanıcal Influence on the Jaina Mythology Vsasa into normal relationship with Dhịtarāştra and his brothers, and has, thus, brought to prominence only the other side of the story by roisting the aforesaid personages into the dynastic genealogy as royal successors
Prşpadanta's Mahapurāna appears to be the only known work to have adopted Gunabhadro's version with one exception. Thus, subject to a variation in the name of Parāśara's father which occurs in PX1P128 as Hastıraja (Hatthirāü) instead of Sakti, the work in question does not show any disagrcement with the UP account The replacement of Saltı by this Hastirāja may, however, be taken as an anachronistic representation of Brahmanical Haslır, 119 a remote ancestor of the Kaurava-Pandava trothers Onr important point to be noted with regard to Puspadanta's version is his representation of Vyasa as a false port (Alural aj120= .111laları) It is nordless to state that this allegarinn malcs the identiti of Vrāsa conspicuous inasmuch as he liar alreads bron labelled as an author of the misleading and distorted account of the Mahabharala tale.131
The Sretamlara vcrsions, on the other hand, are at great variance with the Digambara accounts as discussed in the Toregoing pages And it is interesting to note that all Svetāmbara versions despite their mutual discrepancies converge to a mint - inch is very close to the Brahmanıcal representation of this part of the pedigrec Śslanka, for instance, begins his proralogical account, almost abruptly, with one Satadhanit
IS TIF 1707aft afz geroz eginala, de afa yafaa
मुसोनिय गिटार वरवमाननिय हुयउ पारासरु ताहि मुउ स्वेण मुरवर नगनु, मन्टनायमग्र नच्चवइ तह दिण्णी सदरि मुद्धसइ, प्रय गान नरि प्रलिगकइ तह भन्न मुभद्द पमपणमः, ताहितेण पर गुठ परन्ट पट लवसगल निन्वयकायउ पद वितर पुणु
iniret;n1ling oor Hanger
--PVP, I.XXXII, 5.10. the map 1,70 VUT, pp 111, 146,

Page #163

The Iksvaku Race and the Various Branches
whom he represents as the father of King Santanu 182 As in the Brahmanical sources so also in the CMC Gängeya (Bhişma) and l'iculravirja are set out as the sons of king Santanu. Further, Dhrlarăştra, Păndu and Vidura are recognized as Vıcıtravīrya's The genealogical table according to the work is as
sons.
follows :
Satadhanu
Śāntanu
Gangeya (Bhisma)
T Dhṛtarastra
Vicitravirya
Pändu
133 TSPC 8 6 264-65 Pc 19-11
134 TSPC Vol V p 197 PC 1 12-18
135 TSPC Vol V P 197 PC 1 21.
145
Vidura
Now, the accounts as given by Hemacandra and Devaprabha are not only in mutual agreement but also in substantial harmony with the epic-Puranic representation of this part of the royal genealogy As stated before, both of them derive th: line from Kuru133 whom they set out as a son of Iksvahu Rşabha and after mentioning Hastın as the son of the former, they skip over to Anantavirya, his son Krtavirya and a few others 134 Next, without furnishing any information about Santanu's parentage,1 135 both begin the account of his later life in similar way and give the names of his wives as well as progeny together with the account of all the principal events of their life almost in the same form and spirit, as are found recorded in the
132 तवसप्पभवेसु सखातीएसु गा सु सयघणू शाम राया सवुत्तो । तस्स य gat aaq 1a Dar agat i ac gà gar—¬ñsì fafaadifen य । तत्य गगेश्श्रो कुमारवभयारी सवुत्तो । विचित्तवीरियस्स उ तिष्णि gar Aycqvmi, A agı auzzst, qg, fagzi a 1
-CMC, p 182,

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Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jarna Mytholog
137
epic-Puranic texts 136 Thus, according to both TSPC and PO king Santanu had three sons, one by his first queen Ganga an the other two from his second wife Satyavat? The first was th illustrious Gangeya and the other two were known as Citrangad and (Vi)-citrautrya Of the above three sons of Santan Gangeya (Bhisma) took the vow of perpetual celibacy138 an Citrangada was slain by a Gandharva.139 Now, Victravirya marrie three daughters of the king of Kāsi, named Ambika, Ambalık and Amba, who respectively bore him three sons, Dhṛtaraştr Pandu and Vidura Here Hemacandra does not refer to Dhrt rastra's inherent blindness or Pandu's pale complexion, whil Devaprabha makes an express mention of these defects.140 Th pedigree in accordance with PC and TSPC stands thus :
Gangā+Santanu+Satyavati
146
Gängeya (Bhisma) Citrangada
Vicitravirya
Dhrtarästra
Pandu
Vidura
Thus, it is obvious from the above study that the Svetam bara versions of the pedigree follow the Brahmanical re resentation of the part more closely than the Digambar genealogies As is evident from the above table, the Svetamba works, like the epic-Puranic sources, do not foist Sakti, Par sara and Vjasa into the royal genealogy But, unlike the epi Purana texts, the versions do not represent Dhrtarastra and h brothers as Vicitravirya's Kşetraja sons, begotten by Vyasa c the former's widows, Ambika and Ambaliha but as actual
136 Bh 1 95 47-55, 1 100 45-103, 1-101, 1-14 is p 4 20,33-38 137 TSPC 8 6 268-69 PC 1 261
138 PC 1 158-247, hich describes Gangeya's terrible vow of chastity in th same way as in the Mahabharata, cf MBh 1 101 75-99
130 Descprathe gives the name of the Gandharva as Nilangada against th traditional name Citrangada PC 1,261 and cf MBh 1 101 6-10, Vis p 4 20 35,
140 PC 1 353-54.

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The Ikşvaku Race and its Various Branches
147
procreated by Vicuravīrya himself A probable reason of this modification scems to be the somewhat uncivilized and obno. xious nature of the ancient usage of Levirate which was unpalatable to the Jaina standards of ethics and morality Naturally, by effecting the above change, the Jaina authors have purged the story of that unwholesome element
Another special feature of the Svetāmbara version is the representation of all the three daughters of the king of Kaśı as Victravirya's wives But the epic tells us that of the three sisters, whom Bhışma had carried off to Hastinapura, only the second and third sisters, viz Ambalıkā and Ambika were married to Vicitradirya 141 The eldest sister, named Amba was set frec by Bhışma, because the former had already mentally chosen the Saloa king as her lord.142 Hence, Victtravirya, according to the Brahmanical sources had only two wives 148 Now the Jaina reckoning of Ambā among Vicitraðirya's wives may be taken as having been actuaied by the motive of elevating the social status of Vidura, who, though held in high regard and treated as the brother of Dhiarăstra and Pandu, was, according to the Brahmanical tradition, born of a slave girl employed in the royal seraglio
Still another form of the pedigree is found in Subhacandra's Pandavapurāna, the last work in the series of the Puranıc literature under investigation The version as given by Subhacandra bears a clear mark of its having been made of heterogeneous elements derived from the different works of his predecessors Thus, unlike Gunabhadra and Puspadanta, the author of this Purana reckons king Sāntanu among the forefathers of the Kaurava-Pandava brothers, but in lieu of Gāngeya (Bhisma), Citrangada and Vicitravīrya, he introduces Parāśara as the son of king Santanu 144 Next, Parasara is made the father of both 141 MBh 1 102 3-00 142 Ibid 1 102 60-64 143 MBh 1 95 61 Vış p 4 20 36 144 yifa tifrayantenT #Ta tatuut
सत्यकी तत्प्रिया प्रीता मीता वा रामभूभुज । पराशरमहीशस्तु तयो सूनुरभूवली।
-SPP. 7 756-70,

Page #166

148 Aspects of Brakmanıcal Influence on the Jaina Mythology Gāngeja by Vyasa by two different wives, viz Ganga146 and Gunavat:148 respectively. Now, in accordance with the changed parentage of Gängeya, the traditional circumstances leading to Bhışma's proverbial sacrifice for the sake of his father Sāntanu147 have been made occasion for Gängeya's vital vow of chastity in favour of Parāśara's marriage with Gunavali, also called Yojanagandhikä 148 Thus, just in the traditional way, Gangeya is said to have renounced his right to kingdom as well as the right of marriage in favour of the sons of the fisher-gir) whom his father Paraśara wanted to marry 149 As is evident from the above study, Subhacandra has combined in his version the divergent elements derived from both Gunabhadra's version160 and the Soetāmbara account as presented by Devaprabha 151 And in interweaving these clements into a genealogical thread, both Devaprabha and Subhacandra must have kept in view the epic-Purānic representation of Bhişma and Vjāsa as half-brothers,162 albeit in an extra-ordinary way.
Thus, the present account may be treated as a sub-version of versions which latter are themselves based on the different aspects of the traditional accounts as noted before. Now what transpires from the comparative study of all the versions is that in contradistinction with all the versions of his predecessors as well as the Bralımadıcal epic-Purānic accounts, Subhacandra has connected Parāśara and Vyasa with Sāntanu as the latter's son and grandson respectively Another alteration made in the genealogy is marked by Bhışma's representation as the grandson of Santaru, the achpowledged father of the former Thus tha
145 SPP, 777-80 146 Ibid , 7112-115 147 Ibid , 1 100 77-96. 148 SPP 7 93 104, 116. 149 Ibid , 783-106, Comp MB 1 100 75-99, and PC 1 168-247 150 See note 121 Supra 151 Hence the influence of the epic-Puránic tradition on SPP is indi
rect 152 Tha foraat 764FTETT Tfq Aragoi rat fafanatism... 11
MBH, 104 335-34a

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The Ilsvahu Race and its Vanous Branches
149
PP account stands alone and is stultified on that account. Neverilcless, Subhacandra has done justice to Bhişma's lofty character in his own way, apparently parling company with Jinasena who, though representing Bhışma as the son of king Sāntanu, has set out the former as the father of Rukmin, 163 and, thus, has confused hiin with the Bhoja-king Bhişma or Bhışmaka, father of Rukmin and Rukmini and father-in-law of Sri-Kyşna
Now, so far as the Jaina representation of Satyavati, great grand-mother of the Kaurava-Pāndava heroes, is concerned, almost all aspects of her life find expression in one way or other Although none of the Puranas in question individually gives us full information about all the incidents of her life, yet all versions taken together reveal the same truth about this ancestress of the heroes as is conveyed by the Brahmanical texts
In JHV,164 she finds mention as Yojanagandha and 15 represented, as in the Brahmanıcal sources, as the wife of king Santanu. But the work does not connect her with her traditional sons Instead, one Dhrtavyasa, an obvious counterpart of Vyasa has been set out as her son, between whom and Dhjlarāştra etc. have been inserted sever166 names as shown supra This setting, however, has caused an abnormal distance between Satyavati and her traditional grandchildren, Dhplarāşgra, Pandu and Vidura, which is supported by nonc of Jinasena's successors
A significant aspect of her maiden life finds modified representation in the works of Gunabhadra and Puşpadanta who treat her as the duly married wife of Parāśara and set out Vyasa as their legitimate son 166 Another singularity of the Purānas is Satyavati's introduction as a princess of the Matsyal67 163 Gatsa erratta Frant Efqhu foar i
यस्य गङ्गाऽभिवा माता राजपुत्री पवित्रधी. ॥ -JHV. 45 35 In another context calls him lord of Vidarbha, Ibid 42.
67, 66 Cf MBL. V. 148 1-16, 39, Hy 2.47 25, 41; 2 48 3 184, Vide Note 116 (ante.). 156. Ibid, 45 31-33 156 UP 70 102-3a PMP LXXXI I 2 7-9. 167 UP 70 102, PMP. LXXXII. 2,8.

Page #168

150
Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology
famıly Now, a perusal of these statements clearly shows that the versions point to the same frullis and associations of her life as arc revealed by thc epic-Purānic works.
The epic168 tells us that shc and her twin-brother Malu'n were children of king Vasu by an Apsarar called Adnlů who was cursed by Lord Brahman to live on cartlı as a fish for certain period The twins were found in the womb of the fish. The malc child was made over to his father, king Vasu and the female child grew up in the house of her foster lacher, Dašalis (lowcaste man) This situation gave the girl the names Dásakanya160 and Dasejr 101 Now, as she cmnilied filthy fishy smell, so she was styled Malsgagandha162 and Maisjagandhınz 163 Next, through the grace of sage Parasata she gained wonder. ful perfume in place of the fish-odour, and on account of diffuse ing that pleasant smell, she recived the famous epithicts Gandhavati and Yojanagandha 101 Besides these attributives she also bore two personal narres, Kalz105 and Satyavatz 108 When she was still an unmarried virgin, the sage Parāśara met her while crossing the river Yamuna and prevailed upon her in having physical contact with him, and the result of the intercourse was Krşna Dvaipajana Vyasa who gave himself to asccu• cism Now, as he was born on an island (Dvipa) in the Yamuna so he received the epithet Dvaipajana 107 On account of his black complexion he was called Kyşna and as he divided the single veda into four and arranged them into the different Sam.
158 MB 1 63 50-80 159 Ibid, 1 63 67 160 Iord , 1 100 48,58, 1 104 9 161 Ibid , 1 100 50, 1 104.26 162 Iord , 1 63 09 103 Ibid, ? 63 67 164 Id 1 63 82 83 105 Ibid, 1 104 23, V 147 19, 30 166 Ibid , 1 63 68, 83, 86 167 न्यस्तो टोपे स यद्वालस्तस्माद् द्वैपायन स्मृत ।
-MBh 1 03 86b

Page #169

The Ikşvāku Race and its Various Branches
161
hitas, so he acquired the name Vyasa.168 We are further told that this same Satyavati, who regained her maidenhood after the birth of Dvarpāyana, later became the second wife of king Šāntanu169 of the Puru-race
Our investigation shows that except the above legendary connection between Satyavati and Matsya there is nothing to suggest the former's relationship with the latter. Hence we are tempted to hold that this same mythical tie between the two may be taken as the basis of the Jaina representation of Satyapart as a princess of the Matsyalto race For, so far as we know, nowhere in the Jaina Putānas even a fabricated Matsya dynasty worth the name has been mentioned or referred to Thus, it is obvious that the Digambara authors, in their effort to give their versions an appearance of originality, have normalized the above-mentioned abnormal events and associations of Satyavati's early life and legitimatized her illegitimate son begotten by the sage Parāšara The Svetāmbaras, on the other hand, impliedly disapproving the Digambara method of working the pedigree, have maintained absolute silence over the association of Satyavati with Parāśara and Vyāsa And taking account of only the brighter aspect of her life the Svetāmbara versions have set out the former as the wife of king Santanu and mother of Cutrāngada and Vectravirya, as shown before.
Thus, the Jaina genealogies compared together on the one hand and with epic-Purānıc genealogies, on the other, force us to conclude that from the Brahmanical epic-Purānic works the Jaina authors have drawn the materials of their own choice and reproduced them in accordance with their individual tastes Now, being actuated by a desire to invest their 168. faouth Sang RTG # TEHT TE sfat
-Ibid , 1 03.882, यो व्यस्य वेदाश्चतुरस्तपसा भगवान षिः । लोके व्यासत्वमापेदे कायाद कृष्णस्वमेव च ॥
-1.104,16, 160 I 95.48.49 170 Sec notes 121 and 12

Page #170

152
Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Niythology
accounts with an air of originality, the authors havc cffected arbitrary alterations in the borrowed matters. Eventually, this has led to irreconcılable discrepancics among the different versions Over and above that, thc Jaina knowledgc or some of the epic-Puranic subjects was not based on their direct acquaintance with the original icxts, but, was derived from hearsay which is liable to perversion and misrcpresentalion ol facts
Under the circumstances, it is of immense significance that we meet with a good many number of instances which, even in their modified, altcrcd and distorted forms, point to the same traditional truth as is told by the Brahmanical cpic. Purānic works

Page #171

CHAPTER VI THE HARI-DYNASTY
As in the case of other dynasties, so also with regard to the dynasty of Hart, Vimalasur is the first Jaina author to have supplied its gencalogy Except the author of the Mahapurana and his followers almost all his successsors—both the Digambaras and the Svetāmbaras-have adopted his scheme. Nevertheless, a comparative study of all the versions reveals, on some important points, substantial disagreement between different versions, which, however, will be discussed in proper contexts
All the Purānic authors have marked agreement in representing this dynasty as a separate ruling family But in respect of its progenitor and the age of its origin they exhibit fundamental differences On this point, the authors are divided into two groups one group is represented by Vimalas ūn as well as majority of the writers of both the sects, while the other group is headed by Jinasena II who is followed by Gunabhadra, Puşpandanta and Subhacandra, all belonging to the Digambara sect
The Purânakäras belonging to the first group place the origin of the dynasty in the age of the tenth Tirthankara Sitalanátha,' whereas the authors of the second group make it contemporaneous with the Ikşvāku dynasty 2 According to the genesis of various royal families, as found in the AP, one Harikānta, said to have been a vassal under Iksvāku's overlord. ship, was the founder of this line Puşpadanta also makes the ame statement about the origin, identity and affiliation of the dynasty Gunabhadra, though otherwise indifferent towards
1 VPC 21 2-7, RPC 21 27, JHV 13 34, CMC pp 180-81, TSPC,
Vol 1 pp 73-74 , also VH.pp, 356-57 2 AP 10 259, UP 70 74-76 88-80 , PMP, 5.22 0, pp 7 118-20,

Page #172

164
Aspects of Brahmanıcal Influence on the Jarna Mythology
giving genealogical details, accepts the prior cxistence of the line inasmuch as he iepresents Sumuhha as reincarnaled in the pre-existing family of Hari 3 Subhacandra, however, is clear than Gunabhadra, for he expressly places the origin of the dynasty during the reign of the Primeval Lord,' viz Rşabhadeva, the first Tirthanlara
Now, with the sole exception of the AP, all the Purānas begin the genealogy of this line with the account of Sumukha and Vanamala, wife of Viraka, variously represented in different Purānas The fantastic tale of their immoral union is told for the first time in VPC in connection with the pedigree of king Janaka of Mithila, whose lineage has been derived from the same ancestry as that of the Yadavas? In some of the later Purānas this tale in minialure is developed into a full-fledged story of seduction with individual embellishment The account as found in VPC is that in the expanding period of Sitalanātha, there was a king in Kaušāmbi, Sumukha by name. In the same city lived a weaver, named Viraka, whose wife called Vanamālā was seduced by the king Both of them enjoyed pleasures of senses for long and, after death, were born as twins in Hari. darşa Now, Viraha born as a god recognised them and carried them off to Campā 'As born in Harivarşa, he was brought (th-refrom) to this (place), so he became known as Hariraja in the three worlds "s According to RPC both of them were born
3 UP 70 74-75 4 अथादिदेवनिर्णीतो हरिवशकुलो महान् ।
- pp 7 118a 6 CMC alone calls her Prabhāvati (pp 180-81) and this is the only work
to have represented Viraha as a vassal of Sunnukha, Ibid p 180 6 21 29-34 , RPC 21 48-54 7 Cf JHV 17 1-37, 53-60, 161-62 , 18 1-14 8 VPC 21 2-7 RPC copies the account almost literally, but instead of
representing Viraka as a weaver (Kuvında), the latter work makes him
a merchant, i c a Varssa, (RPC, 21 28) १ हरिवासपमुप्पन्नो, जेण इरिऊरण प्रारिणो इहई । तेण चिय हरिराया, विक्वानो निहुयेगो जायो।
-RPG 21.7

Page #173

The Hari-Dynasty
155
as husband and wife in Harpura, and while sporting on the Rukinaguri in the southern row of the Bhogabhūmi, they were carried off to Bharatalo by that unnamed god. The work says, like VPC, "as he, together with his wife, was brought from the land of Hari, so he got famous as Harı all over the world."11 This Hari, as both the accounts state, was the progenitor of the Hartvamsa.
The above account of the origin of the Harı dynasty as well as its genealogy recurs in JHV in a developed form The account is also at variance with the previous two on some important points Sumukha, for instance, is said to have been born as a son of one Pavanagiri, a Vidyadhara king of Haripura Vijayārdha 12 Vanamālā, according to the work, is born as a daughter of one Pavanavega of Meghapura on the same mount. 18 Next, they14 were united in wedlock, and one day, while enjoying the youthful pleasures of their conjugal life in the garden of Harivarşa, they were lilted away to Campalt by the same god. There that Vidyadhara prince was installed as a king of the land whose ruler Amtadidhıtıkırtı had died sonless Jinasena, however, does not make this Vidyādhara the founder of the Harivamsa, but his son whom the author gives the name Harz18. Now, it is obvious that the above representation of Sumukha's reincarnation as a Vidyadhara gives the line a colour of Supernatural origin and invests the father of the line with superhuman character.
Gunabhadra's account?? of the later birth of Sumukha and
10 Ravişena docs not refer to Campā, nor to the kingdom which all the
later Purānas mention as having been offered to him Sce below ll. यतोऽसौ हरित क्षेत्रादानीतो भार्यया समम् । ततो हरिरिति ख्याति गत सर्वत्र विष्टपे ।।
RPC 21 7. 12 JHV 16 17-23 13 Ibid 16 25-27 14 No menuon is made of their names 18 Capital of Anga, idcnuficd as Bliagalpur AIHT, p 272 LAI, P
275 16 JHV 16 67-68 17. UP 70 06-90

Page #174

158
Aspects of Brahmanıcal Influence on the Jaina Mylhology
Vananalā, though similar with thc previous versions in general run, is different from them in many respects According to this version, Sumukha was a merchant of Kaufämbi, wlio, after death, was born at Bhogapura in Hanvarşa as the son of king Prabhasjana of the Harı dynasty by his qucen named Mskandil, and was named Simhahetu. Vanamālā, wisc of Viraha (also called Viradalta; was born as thc daughter of king Vajracăpa of Vasvālayapura and was given the name Vidyunmälä When of age, both Simhakelu and Vidyunmālā were united in holy wedlock Now, while enjoying their life in a garden, they were seen by Viradalta, born as a god named Citrāngadale and were recognised as his former offenders Citrāngada, burping within with anger lifted them up to take a vengeance on them. But he was dissuaded from that cruel act by a god Süryaprabha, who out of compassion towards the pair, dropped them in a forest of Campā There they werc picked up by a trained elephant, specially employed by the ministers of the kingdom to choose a successor to king Candrakırlzle who had died sonless When asked by the people about his identity, Simhalclu introduces himself as 'the moon in the spotless sky of Harivamśa' 20 Though he gives out the names of both his father and mother, yet the people prefer to call him by the matronymic Márhandeya derived from his mother's name Mshanau.21
The accounts as given by Puşpadantaz2 and Subhacandra23 are in literal agreement with Gunabhadra's version, as noted above Hence these versions may ve taken as based on the Uttarapurāna Subhacandra, however, gives the namc of Vidyun.
18 Name of the god appears for the first time in this work 19 The present work has evidently preferred the simple term Candrakırtt,
already mentioned in the VH (P 357) to the circumlocutory name Ampladı shitikirti of JHV (16 63) which, however, denotes the same
sense as the former 20 aftaTTATOTTAATSE...
-70 89a. 21 UP 70 90 22 Mahapuránu LXXXI 13 12 -LXXXI 19.12 23. pp. 7 118-129

Page #175

The Hari-Dynasty
māla's father as Vajraghoşa instead of Fajracapa and that of his capital as Silanagara. But this element, too, is based on another reading of the relevant passage of the UP as indicated in its footnote, 24
157
In the Caupannamahāpurısacarıja25 of Śılānka we see still another form of the episode, which partly agrees with that incorporated in the Vasudevahind 28 and partly differs from it. Thus unlike VH, the CMC of Ślanka represents Viraka as Sumukha's vassal (samanta) and calls his wife Prabhavati Next, reincarnated Viraka is mentioned as a Vyanlara god instead of the Kilbışaka god of the Vasudevahındı In other particulars, though meagre, the CMC does not differ from the VH, for, like the latter, it sets forth Sumukha and Prabhāvati (Vanamālā) in their next incarnation as twins, who are reportedly delivered by Viraka to the people of kingless Campa to be installed as a king, with the special instruction that the couple should be served with flesh, wine and fruits The motive of the instruction in both the works is the same, viz creating such condition as would lead them to perpetual infernal life
20 In
The account as found in the TSPC27 shows greater affinity with that in the VH28 than with any other version fact, the TSPC version is based, for the most part, on the Vasudevahindi Thus, like the latter the work in question represents reincarnated Sumukha and Vanamālā as twins, born in the mythical land Harwarsa, and gives them the names Har and Harini respectively. Next, the deceased hing of Campa, in whose place Hart is installed as a king, is found mentioned as a scion of the Ihsvaku family only in those two works. However, mention may be made of one element which does not find any mention in the VH That is the introduction of a
24 p 344, note 1
25 PP 180-182 26 pp 356-357
27
Vol IV pp 73-78.
28 Cf pp 356-57
29 The CMC (pp 180-81) cannot be regarded as Hemacandra's source, for, many details which are identically supplied both in the FH and in the TSPC, are missing in the CMC

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Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology
nun called Alrey730 as a procuress through whose manoeuvre the lascivious union between Sumukha and Vanamala takes place But this element also does not appear to have been Hemacandra's own invention, for, Ātreyr as a Düli has already found place in the version of JHV 81 The only novelty which Hemacandra seems to have introduced in the character of Atreyi, is her conversion to a nun Thus both in spirit and form the TSPC account of the origin of the Hari-dynasty may be taken as a developed form of the tale told in the Vasudevahindi, with an addition of a minor detail apparently derived from JHV.
Thus, it is evident from the above study that only Gunabhadra, Puspadanta and Subhacandra represent a unified tradition, and, therefore, they may be placed in one group. Sanghadāsa, Vimalasūri, Ravişena, Silanka, and Hemacandra may be said to have represented another school32 only roughly for, all these authors show mutual differences on some important points Jinasena, the author of the Haridamsapurana, on the other hand, stands alone, as is evident from the foregoing summary of his version
The foregoing account of the origin of the above line, besides being not confirmed by any non- Jaina sources, is too fabulous to command any credence from historical or genealogical standpoint Furthermore, it shows striking points of
30 TSPC, Vol IV p 75 31 maigi aa 47 477 galania! श्रात्रेयी वनमालाया. ममीप सुमुपाज्ञ ॥"
- JHV, 14 77 32 The expressions school', 'group' and (tradition' can be applied to the
Jauda Puranakāras very loosely, for the same author who shows harmony with a particular author on some points, often show's disharmony with the same on other points This is truc of all the authors irrespective of their sectarian affiliation Thus, the points of agreement and disagreement are never constant This is mainly because of the fact that the authors have tal en grcat liberty in the presentation of the universal history, and have presented at times nous version by blending together the materials derned from one or more sources and some of their own invention

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159
differences and discrepancies As noted before, there are at least two schools among the authors While one school presents the originator of the line as a contemporary of Ikşvāku,83 the other school makes him considerably posterior to the latter. Now, it is obvious that the said founder of the line could not have bcen both contemporary with and posterior to Ikşvāku by a long temporal distance of countless years, as the Jaina traditions make us believe Naturally, these two divergent ways of representation eventually result in mutual stultification
Over and above that the Puranas which assign the origin of the line to the period of Srtalanatha, are at great variance with regard to the place, parentage and progenitorship of the person represented as the father of the Haris VPC34 and RPC,36 for instance, set forth Har as the reincarnation of Sumukha and father of the Harz-line as well without mention of the kingdom which he occupied. But JHV does not concede that privilege to the incomer whom the work leaves unnamed, and transfers the fathership of the line to his son whom it calls Harı 38 Gunabhadra, 37 Puspadanta38 and Subhacandra 39 on the other hand, though acknowledging the carly origin of the dynasty, actually start its genealogy with the later incarnation of Sumukha Thus, unlıhe earlier works, the UP, PMP and SPP describe
33 Vide note 2 (supra) 34 21 5-7 35 21 7-9 30 अथ तयोस्तनयो हरिरित्यभूद्धरिरिव प्रथित पृथिवीपति ।
-15 67a and हरिरय प्रभव प्रथमोऽभवत् सुयशसो हरिवशकुलोद्गते । जगति यस्य सुनाम-परिग्रहाच्चरति भो हरिवश इति श्रुति ॥
15 68
37 Utarapurāna, 70 8.91 38 Mabāpurana LXXXI 13 12-19 12 39 Pandavapurăņa, 7 119-129

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Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology
him as a descendant of the already extant Han-dynastyal and Invest him with a personal name Simhakelu and a matronymic Markandeya Among the Svetāmbaras, Silänka is non-informative on this point Hemacandra," on the other hand, represents him as a denizen of the mythical land and like Sanghadasa, calls him Har instead of his son and thus treats the former as the father of the Hari dynasty.
The early part of the Han genealogy is given first by VPG'8 in connection with the ancestry of Janaka, and is next adopted by RPG4 in the same context. The Purānas, being principally concerned with the Ramayana account, do not supply the pedigree of the Haris proper, the Jaina counterparts of the Brahmapical Tadadas But the genealogies as given by these two works are deficient, for, after setting out a few names in broken succession at two stages, the authors skip over to Vasavaketu, represented as the father of Ling Janaka
Now coming to the main line, the Haridanía proper, we find the same names forming the early part of the Harı genealogy The pedigree of this line consists of mainly three parts. First part begins with Har or Simhakelu and ends in some works with Vasugin and in a few is carried some steps further, and,
40. It is to be coted here that, according to these three works, there is an
immeasurably long gap in the pedigree of the Haris, as the works do pot take notice of persons born after Hari-(Kanta), represented as the contemporary of the first Tirtha kara, and before Simharelu's father,
ho is placed in the Tirtha of the tenth Tirthantara Silalanātha This fact also proves as to how lightly the Jaina authors have treated the
genealogies of different dynasties 41 Op at. sol IV p 77 42. Vasudecalırdi, p 367 हरिवासे य मिहणं जाय ।
ET ATH TUI, 7Ef mit dat... 43 21 7-10 44 21 7-9 45 ic from Hort to Mahidharc during the Tirtha of Sitalanātha and then
from Sumitra, father of Munisurrolanátha, the twentieth Torthankara, to Mfaharasha VPC 21 11-31, RPC 21 10 54

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The Hari-Dynasty
101
thus, ends in VPC46 and RPC*7 with Mahadhara, in JHV (15 59) with Giri, and in TSPC48 with Mitragini The second portion is resumed with the account of king Sumitra, father of Munzsuoratanátha, the twentieth Tirthankara and ends with one Chima in JHV40 and with Brhaddhvaja, said to be the son of Vasu, in the TSPC 60 The last part of the pedigree commences with Yadu62 and ends with the grandsons of Kęşna and Balarama.
All the Puranās show general agreement with regard to the names included in the first part, with some variations, additions and omissions The list as appearing in the differnt works is as follows VPC52 & RPC53. Han-Mahāgiri-Himagui, Vasugir, Indragiri,
Ratnamāla, Sambhūta, Bhūt adeva, Mahidhara. JHV64 :
Vidyadhara of Vijayārdha (unnamed), Han,
Mahāgırı, Himagıri, Vasugiri, Gırı. UP55, PMP56 & SPP57. Simhaketu (Markandeya), Hargiri, Himagıri,
Vasugiri. TSPC:59 : Hari, Prthvipali, Mahagır, Himagıri, Vasu
gin, Giri, Mitragin. From the above lists it is obvious that the lists in VPG and RPG are identical. Similarly UP, PMP and SPP also show substantial agreement both in the names as well as their order But the lists in JHV the first known Puräna on the Harz-lineage
46. 21 10. 47 21 9a. 48 Vol IV. p 79, 49, 183 60 Vol IV P 147 51, discussed infra 52 21 7-10 63. 21 7-9 54 15 48. 65 70 9093 56 LXXXI 10 7-9 57 7 129 58, Vol IV p 79

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Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology
proper and in TSPC differ not only from those in the abovenoted works but also mutually For, while JHV agrees with VPC and RPC in inserting Mahagiri between Harigiri and Himagırı, it differs from the latter works insofar as the work in question gives Har the second place in the genealogical sequence TSPC, on the other hand, gives one more name Prtholpatio between Han and Mahagiri As stated already, the first part of some of the lists stops at Vasugiri, but those of VPC, RPC and TSPC give a few more names after him Now, of the two names appearing after Vasugir in the TSPC list, the first, 1 e Giri has already found its place in JHV Thus, this difference in the genealogical text of the TSPC may be ascribed partly to Hemacandra's having his account on different sources and partly to his own invention of names.
60
162
This part, to our knowledge, has nothing in common with the early portion of the Brahmanical Yadava pedigree Hence their identification with the names forming part of the early portion of the genealogies of the Yadus in the Brahmanical works is not possible
The second part of the genealogy begins with the account of king Sumitra, represented as the father of Munisuoratanatha, the twentieth Tirthankara 1 Now, as the last king of the first part of the pedigree is placed in the age of the tenth Tirthankara, Sitalanatha, there is naturally a big genealogical gap between the period of the last member of the first part and that of the first king of the second portion This deficiency in their genealogy has been implicitly admitted by all the authors of the Purānas under investigation Now, if the Jinist calculation" of time be accorded credence, the number of years elapsed
59 For this name the work is undoubtedly indebted to the Vasudevahindi which has already included the name in its genealogy of the Haris in the same order The genealogical text of the VH (p 357) reads thus " सो हरीनाम राया, तस्स हरिणी देवी, तेसि पुत्तो पुहविपई नाम । तस्स महागिरी ततो वसुगिरी, ततो नरगिरी इदगिरी य ।
60 15 59
161,
61 VPC, 21 11 26, RPG, 21 10-37, JHV, 16-61-62, 62 Supra first note,

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The Hart. Dynasty
163
between the period of Silalanātha and of Alunisuvralanälha03 will be incalculablc, and the aggrcga'c of successive individuals supposed to have been born during the intervening ages, will be infinite Hence, that representation must be given sufficient discount
Of all thc lists containing the second part of thc pedigree that in JHVO is the lengthicst. It contains several such names as do not rccur in the other lists Nevertheless, the version, though particularly devoted to thc history of the Haris, does not profess to be complete and exhaustive on the genealogical plane. This part, as in VPC and RPC, begins with kind Sumilra, but, unlike those in the said works, carrics thc pedigrec further 10 one Bhima in thc main line with casual and imperfect notes of and allusion to some of its unnamed sublines, From Sumitra to Blima the genealogy gives the descent almost in continuous succession.
Though most of the names reckoned in this section arc different from those of the Brahmanical Yadava pedigrce, yet there are still many which may be said to have their counterparts in the traduional gencalogical lists But the order of these names in the p digrec is so different and the information about the persons bearing these names, so meagre that any attempt to identify them with their Bralimanıcal counterparts appears absolutely difficult For, mere sameness of names cannot form a sound basis of identification Notwithstanding the above fact, the inanner, in which ihc Purānas in question have treated the pedigrees of various dynasties as well as thc personages reportedly connected with those dynastics, affords some grouuds for establislung a connection between the Brahmanical figures and their Jaina namesakes.
The second part of thc Hari genealogies as occurring in the different works is as follows
63 The life-scan of Silalanātha is said to hac been one lac of Pürbas
The cleventh to the sixteenth Jina bad cach lived for cightyfour lacs, seventytwo lars, sixty lacs, thirty lace and onc lac of years The seventeenth Jina lived for 95 thoutand years, and the eighteenth and the nineteenih Jinas, 84 thousand years cach. VPC, 20 99 104, RPC.
20 118 121, JHV, GO 312-15 64 1561-62, 10 17,56, Canto XVII, Also XVII 1-8,

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164
Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jamna Mythology
JHV63
VPC65 & RPCCO
Sumitra, Munisuvrata, Suprala, Dakşa, Ilāvardhana, Srīvardhana Šriurhşa, SamJayanta, Kunima, Mahāratha, Puloma Sumitra, Munisuvrata, Suorata, Dakşapra
jāpatı, Arleya, Kunima, Puloma Now before undertaking to analyse the above lists, it is desirable to cite the relevant portion of the pedigree as incorporated in the Vasudevahindi 68 The work, though not a Purāņic text, gives the pedigree down to Vasudeva The genealogy as appearing in the work stands thus
Indragiri, Dakşa 'Prajāpatı', Ila, Pulina, Varıma, Kunima, Mahendradatta
As is evident from the above list, the Vasudevahindi shows remarkable d sagreement with the Puranas insofar as the former does not know of the group of the first Ihree kings of the Puranic lists as forming part of the Harı pedigree The VH, on the other hand, unequivocally represents Dahşa as the son of Indragir169 instead of Suorata. Similarly the work, though mentioning Munisuvrata as a Tirthankara, (PP 309, 348) has nowhere referred to him as a scion of the Hon dynasty. These divergent representations suggest that both Vimalasiri and Sanghadasa have based their versions on two different sources or have invented pedigrees independently Now Van alasīri's version was apparently copied by Ramsena almost Verbalım and was, next, adopted by Jinasena, the author of Harivaṁsapurāna with some modifications mainly on the basis of the VH version.
Thus, what emerges from the study of the different lists, is that ercept for the first three names of the second part, JHV is nearer to the VH than to VPC and RPG with regard to the remaining portions of the pedigree This fact becomes conspicuous from the fourth descent onward Dahşa of the latter
65 21.11-30 68 21 10-24, 31, 48-60 07 16 61-62, 61 13, 65; 17, 17 1 24 68 p 357. 82 इदगिरिपुत्तो दरखो नाम राया "पयावइ" त्ति वुच्चइ।
-p 357,

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The Harz-Dynasty
165
works, for instance, recurs in JHV, as in VH, as Dahşa Prajāpalı The only originality, which Jinasena has shown, is that he has fabricated an obnoxious tale70 after the Brahmanical legend of Brahmā's incestuous marriage with his own daughter Salarūpa, l and, tacked it on to Daksa to explain his epithet Prajapal: Another difference between VPC and RPC on the one hand and JHV on the other is marked by the representation of Dakşa's son The latter work, unlike the former, does not accept Ilāvardhana as his name. Instead it calls him Aileya which is obviously an improved version of the name Ila applied to him in the VH7 However, this reckoning of Auleya or lla among the ancestors of the Yādavas is very significant from the standpoint of comparative genealogies, for, though presented in an entirely different form and reversed order, his very inclusion in the line, like the Brahmanical representation, acknowledges the race of the Yadus as sprung from the Arleya (Aila) stock 73
So far as the first three names are concerned, it is not possible to establish their definite identity with their Brahmanical counterparts Nevertheless, the names taken together with
70 The story in a nutshell, as told by Jinasena 18 that Dakşa, out of lasci.
vious passion for his own daughter, made the latter his own wife Conscquently his first wife lla, (mother of his daughter-wife) together with her son, Aileya left Dakşa's kiogdom and repaired to an inaccessible place where she founded the city named Ilādardhana Now, the author suggests that Dahsa having been tbc husband of bis own 183ue
acquired the nicknamc Prajāpalı on that account JHV 17 3-18 71 Matsya, p 3 30-45. 72 (Far) qafafaat qfTTe EESTI पुत्त इल गहाय सपरिवारा निग्गया ॥
-p.357 73 The radus and Pūrus together with the Anus, Druhyus and Turvasus
belonged, according to the epic-Puranic tradition to the Aila race, as these all dynastics descended from Purüravas Aila Vayu P 86 6-17,
51-52, 32 1-2, 93 12-13, 15-17 MBb I 75 18-19, 24-26 80-85, HT. 10 16-17, 25 46-47, 26 10-11, 28 1-2, 30 1.2, 4-5 Also, Pargiter, Op. Cit pp 8488, 102-116

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Aspects of Brahmanıcal Influence on the Jarna Mythology
Arleya reveal, at Icast their nomenclative relationship with the persons bearing these names in the epic-Purānic genealogical accounts of the Aila race One Sumitra, for example, has been mentioned in the Mahābhārata74 as an ancient king of celcbrity. Another passage of the same work refers to him as a Harhaya king ? Still another Sumiita with a more definite lineal relationship with the Pädava Ailas is reckoned among the sons of Vrşnı 70 Next, a king styled Suorata is included, :n the Brahmanıcal tradition, among the sons of king Ušīnara, the eighth descendant of Anu, sun of Tazātı by Sarmıştha All the reser. ences to these persons, though included in divergent sub-lines and represented as generations apart from each other, point to their similarity to the Jaina counterparts, for all these personages eventually belong to the same stock called Aila
Advcrting to the other names of the above lists we find that JHV does not include Stivardhana and Srivrhşa among the descendants of Auleya, and makes Kunima, the fourth descendant of Ilāvardhana of VPC and RPC, son and successor of Alleya Similarly, Sapljajanta has been pushcd a few steps below, where, as Sañjaya, he has been represented as the grandson of Pulonian and son of his second son Carama And, all these differences between VPC and RPC on the one hand and JHV on the other, may be ascribed to the fact of the latter's greater dependence on the VH than on the previous works.
Now, the lists in the first two works stop short with Puloman and other Puranas do not contain any workable
74 11 176 (C) 76 XII 1 125 (C)
"EFATTAH TAFTEET..... It must be noted here that according to thc Brahmanical sources, the Harhagas formed a branch of thc radavas of the Alla race Vide AIHT,
P 102. 70 गान्धारी चैव माद्री च वृष्णेर्भार्ये वभूवतु । गान्धारी जनयामास मुमिय मित्रनन्दनम् ।।
-Vayu P 98 16b-174
latsyap 46 1 Also AIHT, pp. 104-105 77. V'dyu p 19 18-20, HV 31 23-28, Matsya P, 48 16-18.

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The Hari-Dynasty
pedigree untill Yadu The Trışaştı salakapuruşacarita78 too has given, in an intermittent order, only five names from Sumitra to king Vasu, both inclusive Consequently our further studies are based on JHV and its probable source, the Vasudevahindi.
However, the pedigree from Puloman down to Mahidatta, as given in JHV, does not agree with the corresponding part of the VH7° version Moreover, the genealogical information is extremely deficient Puloman, for example, is said to have two sons Pauloma and Carama. Now, Pauloma, being represented as elder, is said to have continued the line, while nothing is stated about Carama except that he had a son named Sanjaya.80 Thus from Pauloman to bing Vasu, who figures prominently also in the Brahmanical epic-Purāņic tradition, the pedigree is given only of the main line, and no reference is made to any of its branch lines This deficiency of the account is further illustrated by the fact that Mahidalta, son of Pauloma, is said to have two sons, namely Arıstanemi and Matsya 81 Now, thc Jater 18 said to have continued the line, but nothing is reported about Arıştanemi, who, having been set out as the elder son tof Mahidatta, is normally expected to have continued the line. But the skeleton account does not allow us to ascertain whether the line brahched off into two sub-lines or Aristanemi, -the real heir apparent, abdicated the throne in favour of his younger brother Matsya and carved out a new kingdom for himself or took to renunciation in accordance with the Jaina teaching or some other circumstances compelled him to give up his claim to his paternal kingdom This deficiency is common to all Puranas under investigation. The work, how. ever, prosesses to present the pedigree from Matsya onward in regular succession But as usual it takes note of only onc dcscendant of cach successor in a most imperfect way
78. Vol uv p 144 79 P 367 cf JHV 17 24-29. 80 Ibid. 17 17-881 81 Ibid 17 20.

Page #186

105
spesis of Brok 1992
infiter de motos 147*: lepkepent
Fulls**:
Ilie pedirorpata nire glisanteel galpon't go -
Pulomara
Paulomn
Craig
sitorun (trofer slir: adren)
Wahidnica
Aristancini
Siniya Asahan : kane telles full sopply 1014 important to no'celat errado 1 ?*** ! cruriiri? in the alors pedigere linke their cusutreppe in titres para gical lists of different dynastirs ierosina 15o Ilir xliv. 47210a! sources Bue no definic statement can be uda n thiri oncncss, for joerd verbal agreement can lirip yi so x1- a logical conclusion Ncretlirlest, tam freion'n Srey' Anffanent and Aleluyr among the decirl01** it, it mit without sigmficance from the standing of konparative goncalogics ; for, the person beirin: Cra namin savo alrcady been represented in the Bralehedical trade.son the scions of the different branches of the vila ot! wel as it! Afanava or Solar racc Sunjaja, for in-innt., orrur on thic epicPuranic tradılions as the rich gruidsun of 1,4011, alo called Vipapman, son of u and grandson I'müracis Ira Ano:her Sanjaya rccurs as the clcvcnil descent of Sirplatja Jera" father-113-1an of Rana Dasaratl. Similarly, and Tristamps 11 mentioned as the ninth descontos of the same Jarsts, Von, in view of tlic fact that thc Janał na dynasty of Afithila has been represcntcd in the Jaina Puranas as a sub-lınc of the Hari dsnasty, so it is not very unlikely that thic scions of that linc should have been incorporated in the main linc of the Hari in their changed selling
82 Ibid 17 24-31 83 AIHT, pp 85-80, Vayup 038 84. Pes P IV 1.16 85 Chronology of Ancient India, pp 140, 14, AIHT, P 149 86 VPC, 21 29-31, RPC, 21 62-84, TSPC Vol IV p. 182

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The Hari-Dynasty
169
Next, the inclusion of Matsya among the early Arlas is of great significance from the comparative standpoint In the Brahmanıcal tradition Matsya87 is reckoned among the sons of king Vasu Uparıcara of Ced: The diffcrence between the Brāh. manical tradition and the Jaina one is simply positional inasmuch as in the latter tradition Matsga has been placed many stops above Vasu and, so, has been treated here as latter's ancestor But this disagrcement between the two traditions is not of material importance, for the traditional order might have been reversed with a motive to lend the pedigree an independent appearance In any case, the reckoning of Matsya as a scion of the family, to which ling Vasu has also been assigned, is not without value, for, the representation points to the same truth as is conveyed by the Brahmanical tradition about Matsya's connection with Vasu
The order of succession from Ayodhana to Vasu is as follows88.
Ayodhana, Mūla, Sala, Sürya, Amara, Devadatta, Mithilanätha, Harışena, nabhasena, Sankha, Bhadra, Abhicandra, Vasu
The corresponding part as found in the VH89 shows that Jinasena has inserted in his list four extra names between sala and Hanışena Thus their non occurrence in the VH list shows that these names are of Jinasena's own manufacture However, two of the above names, viz, Müla and $āla have some core respondence with Mülaka and Viśāla, of the Brahmanıcal tradition Mülaka90 in the Brahmanical sources is represented as the grandson of Aśmaka, a scion of the Solar race Sala, already mentioned in the VHol as Višala and represented as
87 HV, 1 32 01-93, Vis P , 4 19 81, Vägup 99 219-222, Also MB) 169
34-63, which gives a mythical account of Matsya's birth 88 JHV, 17 32-37. 89 p 357. 90 Sita Nath Pradhan, Chronology of Ancient India, pp 148-49, Pargitar,
op cit, pp 94 147 274, 01 p 367.

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Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology
the founder of the kingdom of Mithila, displays a definite sign of similarity with Visala of the Brahmanical tradition 92 Although the full identity of the above personages cannot be stressed on the basis of the present data alone, yet in view of Jinasena's usual disregard for viewing a matter in its historical and chronological perspective, it 18s not unlikely that the persons belonging to the various dynasties and sub-lines should have been strung together anachronistically in a single genealogical thread. Hence it will not be unreasonable to hold that the terms Mula and Sala are the suffixless and prefixless adaptations of Brahmanical Mulaka and Visala repectively
How lightly the Jaina authors have treated the pedigree of the royal personages is best illustrated by the divergent representations of king Vasu Uparıcara Vimalasur, for instance, has set forth him as the son of an Ikṣvāku king Ajita of Ayodhya by his wife named Surakāntā 03 Ravişena, on the other hand, makes him son of Tayatı," the names of whose lineage and wife have been kept the same as those of Anita's Another school is represented by Gunabhadra and Puspadanta9 who introduce Vasu as the son of king Viśvāvasu by his queen SriThey, however, differ on the name of his capital, which the former gives as Svastikavat? and the latter, as Sravasti (Sava
mali
92 He was a descendant of Nabhāgarışta (also known as Nãbhānedistha), son of Manu, and is credited with the establishment of the Vaisala Dynasty, Vayup 86 3-17, Vis p, 4 1 48-49, AIHT, pp 96-97, 147. 03 श्रसि प्रोज्झाहिवई इक्खागुकुलुब्भवो राया । नामेण महासत्तो अजिओ, भज्जा य तस्स सुरकन्ता । पुत्तो य वसु-कुमारो,
-VPC, 11 7-8
94 विनीताया महानामीदिक्ष्वाकु कुलभूपण । ययातिर्नाम राजास्य सुरकान्तेति anfunt | agafarshJFIFY..
......
1
-RPC 11 13-14a
95 द्वीपेऽत्र भरते देशे धवले स्वस्तिकावती । पुर विश्वावसुस्तस्य पालको हरिवशज । देव्यस्य श्रीमती नाम्ना वसुरासीत्सुतोऽनयोः ।
-UP 67 257a-58
98 एत्येव खेत्ति सावत्यिपुरि । विस्सावसु रारणउ विमलजसु । तहु सिरिमइ afafa ga ay
-PMP LXIX 28 9-10

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ii
tthipura) 97 Sanghadāsa, 98 Jinasena99 (II) and Hemacandra,100 however, represent a different tradition about Vasu's lineage According to their versions Vasu was son of king Abhicandra of ibe Hari dynasty. Now, unlike the versions noted before, the slatemcnts of the above authors are, on some important points, in substantial agreement with the Brahmanical representation101 of Vasu Thus, like the Brahmanical sources, these authors refer to his capital as Suklımati, stated to have been situated on the bank of the river of the same name Furthermore, they represent him as connected with the kingdom of Gedi.
Now it is evident from the above study that all the nonconforming Jaina versions, when collated, present a ludicrous motley of confused and contradictory statements Nevertheless, we may scrape together, from these divergent and discrepant statements some important facts, which, when correlated, point to the same tiuth about Vasu as is revealed by the Brahmapical tradition" Thus, what emerges from these notices 16 that Vasu was a descendant of king rapatz102, and belonged to the Arla race from which the line of thc jādavas sprang Furthremors, he was king of Cedi, was considered an authority on matters of religious importance and fell from his pristine glory because of giving false judgement with regard to a religius dispute.103
The works in question are at variance also with regard to Vasu's sons and successors The VH10% gives their number as eight, but names only two of them. The version alleges that
97 Comp notes 95 and 98 (ante) 98. VH p 357 99 JHV, 17 86-37a 100 TSPC, Vol IV p 144 101 MBh 1 63 1-35, Vāyup 93 26, 99 219-221, HV 1 80 14-15, 1 82. 90-91
Vis P + 19-80 Mat 50 23-24 Garuda i 140 26-30. 1112 Note 94 supra 103 VPC 11 21-25, RPC 11 34-72, JHV 1763-164, UP 67 276 81,, 329
36, 385-439, TSPC, Vol IV pp 144f, and comp MBh, Āfoamedhika.
parvan, 91 8-23, Väyup 67 97-110 104, p 857

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172
Aspects of Brahmanıcal influence on the Jaina 11 zliwlngr
after the fall of Vasu luis first six sons were installed on the throne, and all of them were killed one after another by an cnraged goddess. But the last two brothers callcd rupasu and Pihaddhaya (Psihudhuaja) somehow escaped 106 Now, of the two brothers the former is stated to have settled at Mathurā, while the kingdom and capital occupied or founded by the latter are not named Another deficiency of the version is its silence over the line expected to have descended from Sudasu, Vasu's seven. th son The later Haris are represented as the descendants of Prhaddhaya, 108 the eighth son of the fallen king Unlike this work, JHV gives the number of the Visada brothers as ten and names all of them individually. These names, according to the work 107 were (1) Brhadoasu, (11) Curadası, (III) Väsada, (IV) Arka, (V) Mahādasu, (VI) Visvavasu (VII) Ravi, (VIII) Siirya, (IX) Suvasu and (X) Byhaddhvaja The first eight brothers108 are siated to have met the same fate as the first six brothers in the VH version. Now, Suoasu and Bfhaddhvaja are reported to have Aed away to Nagapura (Hastināpura?) and Mathură respectively 109
Now, the genealogical account, as found in the TSPC, explicitly shows that Hemacandra, though principally basing his version on JHV list, is in remarkable disagreement with Jinasena II in respect of the names of some of Vasu's sons and their order Thus, Bghaddasu, Arha, Malāvasu Ravi and Sürya of FH7U list recur in the TSPCN as Psihuvası, Sakra, Vibhavasu, Sūra and Mahäsūra respectively
The Putānas, which connect Vasu with the Hans, represent the Yadavas as the descendants of Vasu's youngest son Prhaddhayale (Pğuhudhvaja) on Brha idhoaja 118 But the descents from
105. Ibid 106. Ibid 107 JHV 17 67-80 103. Ibid 17 181 109. Ibid 17 162 110. 17 68-59 111. Vol IV. p 147 112 VH. p. 357 118 JHV. 18 1f, TSPC Vol IV p 147, Vol V p. 37

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The Hari-Dynasty
173
Byhaddhuaja down to radu are given only in the VH and JHV The TSPG, though acknowledging thc cxistence of some intermediate successions between Brhaddhuaja and radu, does not set out any of the descents in the intervening period
Now, a comparison of the relevant part in the VH with that in JHV shows that the latter has cffecicd a change in the pedigree by addition, omission, transformation and inversion of the order of the names The VH 1154114 gives the names from Pihaddhaya down to 'adre as follows (I) Prhaddhaya (II) Subāhu, (III) Dirghabahu, (IV) Pagrabāhu, (V) Andhabahu, (VI) Bhanu, (VII) Subhanu, (VIII) Yadu
The names and order of descents in JHV116 stand thus · (I) Brhaddhvoja (II) Subahu, (III) Dirghabahu, (IV) Vajrabahu, (V) Labdhabhımāna, (VI) Bhanu, (VII) Yavu, (VIII) Subhānu, (IX) radu
It is obvious from the above lists that Prhaddhaya (Ppthydhvaja) of thc VH recurs in JI1V as Bçhaddhvaja The next three names are identical and exactly in the same order in both the lists But discrepancies occur from the fifth name, for Ardhabahu, the fifth descendant of Vasu in the VH list, is omitted from JHV account and his place is assigned to one Labdhāblimāna 116 Next, one Yavu has been inserted between Bhānu and Subhānu and a king named Bhima has been incorporated as the latter's son and immediate forefather of Yadu
Thus we find that cven the versions that connect Vasu and his progeny with the Yādavas, do not exhibit full accord among themselves Now, a comparison of these versions with the Brahmanical Yadava-paurava pedigrees reveals that the Jaina versions, though at variance with the latter in regard to the number, names and order of succession of Vasu's progeny, are in substantial agreement with the Brahmanical representation of Jarasandha, for, like the Brahmanıcal sources, the Jaina Purānas, too, include Jarasandha among the descendants of king
114 p 867 115 18 1-6 118 Cr VII, P 887 and JHV 18 3

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Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology
Vasu through his ninth son Suvasu and also connect the former with the Barhadratha dynasty of Magadha 117
The names of kings, set out as the descendants of king Vasu, do not allow us to state with authority about their identity either with the traditional offspring of Vasu or with the scions of the various padava lines and sub-lines Nevertheless, the names have some parallels in the Brahmanical pedigrees of different royal lines Hence it is not unlikely that the names of kings belonging to distinct dynasties should have been incorporated in the Jaina genealogical lists with some modifications in their forms and positions either by changing their initial or final component parts or by replacing the original names by their synonyms or by curtailed representation of names Furthermore the changes may have been effected also by shifting the lineal relationship as well as the sequential order of some of the persons in their new situations
The Brhaddhvaja as son of king Vasu has a partial agreement with Bṛhadratha, represented in the Brahmanical sources as Vasu's eldest son 118 Next, one Subahu has been set forth in the epic-Puranic texts as a yadava king of Cedi 119 The names with bahu as final component are not wanting in the Brahmanıcal royal pedigrees 110 But their genealogical positions and lineal affiliations are so much different from those of their Jaina counterparts that we cannot be sure about their identity. Labdhabhimana is probably Jinasena's own invention, raou may be treated as a corruption of one radu, represented, in the Brahmanical tradition as one of Vasu's sons 121 Bhānu, on the other hand, may be taken as a curtailed form of Bhanuman, son
117 JHV 18 17-22, TSPC, Vol V p 42, SPP 7 147 48, Comp. HV 132 91-98, Vayup 99 219-226, Vis P 4 19 80-83, Mat 50.23-34
118 Varup 99 220, Viş p 19 91, HV 1 32 92
119. MBh III 64 132, 65 45
120 AIHT, p 94, 146, 169
121 The Harivamsa reads thus
मारुतश्च यदुश्चैव मत्स्य. काली च सत्तम
1 32 93a There is still another radu set out as the son of Haryasva of the Ik svaku dynasty, GAI, p 39f
-

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The Hart-Dynasty
1754
of Stradhuaja Janaha122 or Brahmanical celebrity And the inclusion of the name in the list may be taken as a corollary of the Jaina representation of Janaka's line as bound to the same ancestry as that of the yādavas 123 As for Bhima, the Bıahmanical sources record three yādava hings, who bore names either beginning or ending with Bhima The first of them was Kratha-bhima 124 Another Bhima was known as Bhimatal ha125 and, was nine steps below the former This second Bhima was an older contemporary of Subāhu of Cedi, referred to before Bhimasatuata126 was the third Bhima who was father of both Andhaka and Vişnı, the traditional forefathers of the Vasudeva brothers and Kamsa Now Bhima of the Jaina list appears to be the most likely substitute of the last mentioned Brahmanical Bhima as the immediate forefather of Yadu and his descendants of the Jaina versions
The last portion of the pedigree appears in all the Puranas which deal with the life-story of Kịşna But the works show great differences and discrepancies with regard to the names of persons set forth as the immediate ancestors of Krşna and Kaisa This will be evident from the following genealogical tables based on the various Jaina versions
122 Vägup 89 18, Vi$ p IV 830, Rāma 170 23,71 14-19 123 Vide i oles 43-45 (ante) 124 AIHT, pp 103, 146, 108 125 - Vāgup 95 40-41, HV. I 30 25, Vi$ p, 4 12 41 126 HV 2 88, 38, 42-48

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Aspects of Brahmanıcal Influence on the Jaina Mythology
(I) Pedigree based on the Vasudevahind7127 versum
(II) Pedigree according to
THi28
Yadu
Yadu
Narapati
1 šauri
2 Vira
Šūra
Suvira
1 Andhakavrsai 2 Bhogavs-
Andhakavrsni
Bhojakavrsni
sni
--1. Ugrasena Ugrasena
2. Mahasena 1 Samudravijas a
3 Devasena 2 Akşobha
–Kamsa 3 Stimita
1 Samudravijaya 4 Sāgara
2 Aksobhya 5 Himavān
3 Stimitasāgara 6 Acala
4 Himavān 7 Dharana
5 Vijaya 8 Pūrana
16 Acala 9 Abhicandra
17 Dharana 10 Vasudeva
8 Purana 11 Kunti / both daughters 19 Abhicandra 12. Madri
10 Vasudeva ul. Kunti
12 Mādri (III) Uttarapurānal29
Sūrasena
Śūrayira
1 Andhakavřşti
2 Naravșst (Same as in JHV list)
I Ugrasena II. Devasena III Mahāsena 127 pp 357-88 129 18 6-16 120, 70 93-97 Puspadanta, in his Mahāpurānu gives the same list as is found
in this work The Mahapuránu, however, gives Nosapatidrs!(Naravalvifbi in place of Naraorpi, PMP LXXXI 19 10-11, LXXXII 1-2,

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177
The Hari-Dynasty
(IV) Trsaşțišalākāpuruşacarta180
Yadu
Sūra
Sauri
Suvira
Andhakavrsni
Bhojavfsni
(Same as in the VH list)
Ugrasena
Kamsa The CMCISI account is too brief to merit comparison with any of the versions It mentions none except Soriya 'Saure) whom the version makes father of Samudradijaya, Vasudeva et cetera The work, however, impliedly accepts Yadu as the forefather of Samudradijaya, Vasudeva as well as their children to whom it refers as Jayavas182 (Tādavas)
The Pandavapurāna188 of Subhacandra gives the following pedigree
Śūra - [brothers] - Vira
Andhakavşşti
Bhojakavřsti
Samudravijaya
1 Ugrasena 2 Mahāsena
3. Devasena It is obvious from the above tables that except the UP and PMP (which represent a distinct group among the extant Puranas) the Purānas are at great variance with one another And this representational disharmony is not the result of sectarian difference, for, the works also belonging to the same sect
130 Vol V p 37 181 p 182 182 pp 183, 187ff 133, 7 130-144,

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178
Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Farna Mythology
are in substantial disagreement with regard to the names and their chronological order The VH and TSPC, for instance, though representing the Svetāmbara tradition, cxhibit striking points of differences The works in question, though setting forth Yadu and Sauri as ancestor and successor respectively, are at remarkable variance in respect of their mutual relationship in the genealogical tree For, it is evident that in the VH Sauri is represented as the son of Yadu, but in the TSPC he is set out as the grandson of the latter and, as son of Sūra, who is included in the list possibly to account for the patronymic term Sauri, apparently derived from Süra It is also obvious that Suolra and Bhojadęsni of the TSPC have their parallels not in the VH but in JHV Another difference between VH nnd TSPC is evidenced by the diverging representations of Andhakaorsņi and Bhojadrsni, for, 10 the former work both are represented as full brothers, while in the latter, as in JHV, they are set out as cousins. Furthermore, the name Bhojavşşnı of the TSPC is more akin to its counterpart in JHV than to that in the VH Thus Hemacandra's list tends more towards JHV version than to the VH list
Thus the Digambara tradition is represented by three distinct versions The first among them is that in JHV and serves as the source of the later versions in respect of some of the names in their altered forms and readjusted genealogical positions Another version is found in the Uttarapurāna which is literally adopted by Puspadanta's Mahāpurānu The third method of working the pedigree is seen in SPP which represents a contaminated version sharing the peculiariues of both the Syetāmbara and Digambara genealogies
A comparison of all lists shows that the UP presents an entirely different list It mentions none of the names of the lists of the VH and JHV unul Samudravjaya, his brothers and Ugrasena, father of Kamsa Thus instead of starting the pedigree from Yadu the work begins it with Sūrasena and makes him father of one Süradira This Sūrasenali is apparently a new
134 Vägup 94 49, HV 1 33 , Vış 4 11 21, Vat p 137-49, Also AIHT,
PP 102 266

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The Hari-Dynasty
179
recruit from the Brahmanical tradition As to Sūravira, the term represents a combined form of Sūra of JHV and Vira of the VH Another peculiarity of the present version is marked by the transformation of Vșşnı, the final component of Andhakavşşnı into Vīşlı as well as the substitution of Bhogaopşni or Bhojakavīşnı by a new name Naraorşti, which in all probabılıty is a combined form of the first part of Narapatz135 of JHV and the transformed form of Vįsni
Thus, in contradistinction with the canonical sources as also quite contrary to the majority of the purānic versions, the work in question deprives Ugrasena and Kamsa of thc title Bhoja or Bhoga, sor, as is evident from the pedigree, it does not include any Bhoja among Ugrasena's ancestors Thus the genealogical portion of the UP seems utterly arbitrary and fanciful Moreover, its accounts also suffer from self-contradiction inasmuch as despite the present representation of Ugrasena as a scion of the Har dynasty, the work has, elsewhere, assigned him to the Ugral36 family, which, again, is treated as an offshoot of the Kuru dynasty 137
Subhacandra, on the other hand, has evidently worked out a somewhat different pedigree which may be taken as a blend of the elements derived from the previous lists Thus, the name Vira is obviously in kceping with that in the VH138 list But the term Bhojal aurştı presents an interesting case, for the first part of the name is in essential agreement with that in JHV list, while the final parts of it and Andhakavrşfi are like those of the corresponding names in the UP list The name of the father of Andhahavrştı, on the other hand, is the same as that of Andhakavrsni's father in JHV version.
As is evident from the above lists, the UP, PMP and SPP do not mention Yadu among the ancestors of the later Harus, yet tl csc works implicitly acknowledge him as their forefather
136 This form 13 preserved in the Naravaloilth (Narapalıorsli) of PMP
(LXXXII 11-15) 138 UP 71 145 137 98TITATIFE-HEISTI 98987: 1
Ibid 72 212a 738 Sce Supra, gencalogical talcs for comparison

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Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology
inasmuch as in their narrative section they refer to Vasudeva, his children and kinsmen by the patronymic Tādava 189 As a matter of fact, it is the latter term which has been applied to them more frequently than even the unanimously accepted Jaina name Har
180
A comparative study of the Brahmanical epic-Puranic accounts and the Jaina genealogical lists exhibit that most of the persons included in this part of the pedigree have their prototypes in the Brahmanical tradition, though not in the same form and genealogical as well as dynastic relationship as in their new situations Yadu, for instance, is too famous to require any introduction as the father of the Tadava race
Sauri in the Brahmanical sources occurs as a patronymic term derived from Sura,140 father of Vasudeva Hence it means, in the said tradition, the decendants of king Sura in general. The term has, however, been applied specially to Vasudeva141 and sometime also to Krsna 142 The VH account, without taking note of this fact, has adopted the term as a personal name of Yadu's son But Hemacandra, partially relying on the Brahmanical tradition has inserted Süra between Yadu and Sauri obviously to account for the patronymic character of the latter term
Two kings bearing the name Suvira are found recorded in the Brahmanical sources One is represented as a son of king Sibi Ausinara,149 a descendent of Anu, Pururavas Arla Another Subtra occurs as a descendent of king Dormidha,144 son of Hastin, and, thus, falls within the Paurava line of the Atla race This latter Suvira was a contemporary of Ugrasena and Vasudeva,148 while the former was several steps above them 140
139 c g UP,
71 12, 13, 15, 63, 75 PMP, LXXXIII
21 13, LXXXVII 6 8, 8 15, 12,12ff SPP 7 152
140 Vayup 95 143-144, HV 1 34 17-18, Viş p, IV 14 25-29, Mat 40 1-10, 23-24, MBh 1 67 129a, 1 110 la
141 Vayu 96 172-736 HV 1 34 34
142. HV 1 85 7a
143 Visp IV 18 8-10, Vayup 99 23, HV 1 31 29, Mat 48 10f 144 Vayup 99 184-193, HV 1 20 46, Mat 49 70-79, Viş IV 19 55
145 AIHT P 148
146. Ibid, pp 109-110

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The Hari-Dynasty
181 As for Sūrasena, we meet in the Bralımanıcal sources with two persons of that name. One is set out as the son of Satrus ghna Dasarath of the Ilşvaku dynasty.147 Another Sūrasena is rcprcsenied as a scion of the Harhaya branch of the Yadava race, and is reckoned among the hundred sons of Arjuna KārtaDina 149 It is this latter Sūrasena who has greater affinity with his namesake in the UP list, which might have been based on the epic-Purānic statements about Sarasena, Süra and Sūravira, 140 said to have given rise to the Haihaya sub lines known after them
Now, so far as the names Andhakaurşnı and Bhojavrşnı are concerned these have their prototypes in the Brahmanical epic-Purānic accounts Although the names in question do not occur in the Brahmanıcal genealogies in the same from and order as they occur in the Jaina Purānas, yet there are sufficient evidenccs to show their adoptive nature Our study of the Mahābhārata reveals that the phrases like Andhahadīşnı and Bhojaurşnz180 as the names of three distinct branches of the Sātvala Yadavas, have already found mention in the epic and the Brahmanical Purānas
Now, before examining the nature and limitations of the Jaina representation, it must be pointed out that in the Brahmanıcal sources the terms Andhaka and Vîşnı stand as names of two distinct persons, set out as the sons of king Satvata 151 But the position and scope of the term Bhoja are remarkably different from those of the first two names, for, unlike the two, Bhoja has been used in various capacities First, it occurs as 147 AIHT, pp 170-171 118 Vāyup 94 3-49, HV 1 33 48-49, Mat 43 7-49, Bd III 69 3 55, Viş p
IV II 11 21 149 7212 TOTTA UTAFITETIT
1-HV 1 33 662 100 Vide chap IV notes 29 and 30 (ante) In all these examples as well
as in similar others, the terms Andhaka, Bhoja and Visnt alternately change their position, somctimes coming before and somctimes after
one another in the compound form 151 Väyup 96 1 2, HV 1 37 1-2, Mat 44 47-48, Pad V 13,31-32, Vis p.
IV 131

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182
Aspects of Brahmanıcal Influence on the Jaina Mythology
the final part of the compound word Andhakabhoga162 treated as the full pame of Andhaka This phenomenon entitles his des. cendents Ugrasena and Kamse to the patronymic Bhoja. Next the term is also found used as a separate attributive of Andhaka, and in this latter form it is often conjoined with Mahā.153 Besides that, the term Mahābhoja is mentioned, in some of the Purānas, also as the name of another brother of Andhaka 164
But what is more significant is the wides use of the term Bhoja as the family designation of several branches of the Yadaval56 race The name Vişnı, on the other hand, was of restricted use inasmuch as it was applied to only that branch of the Yādavas which sprang from Vrşnı and in which Krşna was born 156 Thus, the Vişnus, 157 though descended from the same source, were not identical with the Andhahas and Bhojas
But the Jaina tradition in a bid to effect some originality in genealogical scheme has apparently twisted the phrases Andhahavịşnı and Bhojaussn2168 to its own purpose. This way, both the brothers are made Vrşnis and to distinguish one from the other the individual terms Andhaka and Bhoja have been prefixed to buth Vrşnis Thus both Andhaka and Bhoja have acquired a new character with the arrogation of the common name Vişni, to both of them as also with the denial of separato entity of Vrşnı of the Brahmanıcal description Now it is obvious that this new representation entitles the progeny of both Andhakavrşnı and Bhojavrşnıs to the patronymic Vrşnı, besides the individual names Andhaka and Bhoja None the less, the influence of the Brahmanıcal tradition has made itself felt so powerfully that nowhere in the Jaina Puranas Bhojavrsni's progeny, Ugrasena, Kamsa et cetera are ever called Värşneyas
152 MBh II 14 69 163 Scc collated text as given by Pargiter, op cit p 103 154 Vis p IV 13 1, 7, Ag 274 247, Bhåg LX 24 6f 165 ^Bh II 14 0, 25, Vāgup 94 51-52, 96 17a, 125, HV. 1 33 52, 137,
16, 22-25, 1 54 63, 65 MBVII 11 7b, V 67 21, 165.24, V.158 1-2,
16 HV 2 30 43 166 AIHT, pp 103-5, 107, 148, 279-80 167 Vide chap IV (ante ) note 29 168 Ibid Dote 30

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The Harz-Dynasty
183
Instead, they are often referred to as Bhojas160 or Bhogas Similarly, Andhakavīşni's descendants, Samudravijaya, Vasudeva and their children, are often referred to as Varşneyasion or Vişnis, but never as Andhaka
Thus our foregoing study of the Jaina purānic records does not create a favourable impression about the genuineness of the royal pedigrees they supply Their mutual contradictions, inconsistencies and discrepancies subtract much from their values as reliable sources of dynastic and genealogical information about the royal families of yore There deficiencies are further exhibited by the fact that none of thc works has cared to give information about the various well-known collateral lines and their offshoots 161 And, though full of an extravagance of concocted names and situations, the genealogies omit most of the celebrated kings whose existence as the forefathers of the later Hans, has unquestionably been acknowledged cven by thesc Purānas Thus, as is clear from the Han pedigree, Dasarha,162 Madhu163 and Satuat or Satvata164 do not find any mention in the genealogical account, set Vasudeva, Kişna, Balarāma as well as their contemporary kinsmen find frequent mentions as Daśārha,186 Madhava166 and Satvata 187
169 JHV 55 82, 107, CMC, pp 184, '86', '88', 87-89, TSPC, Vol V pp
227, 265-58 160 TSPC, Vol V pp 43, 46-48, 57-59, 250, 262 101 The only offshoot of the Hart liae, according to the Jaina Purānas, 18
the Videha dynasty of Mithilä For the various collateral and sub-lines
of the Brahmanical gadu-dam'sa vide AIHT, pp 102-106 162 In the Brahmanical epic-Puranic gencalogies Dasarha, Madhu and
Satpata are reckoned among the powerful ancestors of Krsna, Balarūma
etc Vido , Vayup 98. 40, 45-48, Matsya, 44 44-46, HV 1 36 2+ 163 CAI pp 31-35 164 Väyup 95 47, HV 138 30, 187 1 Also AIHT PP 102-103, 105,
107 165 JHV 18 14b, 41 49 PMP LXXXIII 23 10 TSPC Vol Vp 37 166 JHV 42 61, 64, 73, PMP, LXXXV, 611, 20 20, 21 21, LXXXVIII
97 167 TSPC Vol V pp, 109.70

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Aspects of Brahnanıcal Influence on the Jaina Mythology
Under the circumstances, it is obvious that without reference to the Brahmanical tradition the above patronymics cannot be accounted for
Under the circumstances, these incidental references to some of the celebrated persons not mentioned in the Jaina pedigrees, may be taken as confirmatory cvidences of the trustworthiness of the epic-Purānic records

Page #203

CHAPTER VII SECTS OF THE JAINA PURĀNAKĀRAS, CARITAS AND PURANAS,- EXTENT OF THE BRAHMANICAL INFLUENCE ON THEM
The authors of the Purānas under investigation belong to three different sects, viz , the Soelämbara, the Digambara and the Yapaniya. The poets pertaining to all the three sects claim to have composed their narratives in accordance with their own sectarian standard But a study of the various works shows that their differences and discrepancies are not so much due to the sectarian distinction as to the individual likes and dislikes. For, as bas already been pointed out, the disharmony is found even in the works of the same sect And this phenomenon is discernible more in the writings of the Digambara authors than in those of the others.
As is evident from their titles, the works in question pass under the names Purāna and canta both To the same type of works the Digambara authors have given the name Purana, while the Svetāmbaras together with the Tapaniyas have assigned the title carita A study of the texts, however, reveals that the authors are not strict in the use of these terms For, there are cvidences to show that the works called caritas do not disown the designation Puranal and vice versa
A close study of the compositions clearly shows that the texts, although moderately conforming to the Purānic characteristics, do not abide by the definition of a Carta in the strict
1. eg Radişena calls his work both Padmacarita and Padmapurana (padmasy
caritānı vakşye, 1 16a) And in 1 44 he refers to it as Purana Moreover, the colophons appearing in the end of the Parpans alternately use carita Bad Purana both Spayambhu, although naming his Rima narrative as Paumacariu refers to 63 Puränas 59 expressly and 4 inferentially including the Purana of Rama (annu n ekkunasatthipurānāım Jina-sasane hosant
pahanārñ, SPC, 5 9 10 ) 2. Discussed in chapter II (Supra)

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sense of the term A Carita, according to the definition, 18 a narrative based on the facts experienced by the narrator with regard to men or women It is a form of fathā which "dcals with what is actually scen, hcard or experienced in matters relating to Dharma, Artha and Kāma” Further, Silanka, while showing a contrast between a Canta and Kalputa type of litcra. lure, states that "regarding the highest reality an invented story does not please the minds of the good, nor docs cvcn a fool forsake tru'h on hearing a fanciful tale "4 Next, in prcfcrence of the Carita, he says, "although both (Carta and Kalpita) have identical purpose, (1 e) the promotion of hcalthy idcas among the masses, still to me the Canya appears superior to the Kappryas (Kalpita) ” The reason is obvious A Carita being factual in character is tantamount of history A Kalpita, on the other hand, being essentially a figment of poet's fancy, lacks historical interest Hence, in the opinion of literary critics, the latter is less appealing to the people having rational leanings in religion
Thus the Jaina Puranakāras, by styling their works as Caritas, seem to impress upon us that the stories they tell are of historical nature But judged from the standpoint of the nature of the subjects which they treat, the works in question betray, in the main, the character of a Kalpita type of narrative "modi
3 दुविहा कहा-चरिया य कप्पिया य । तत्थ चरिया दुविहा-एस्पीए
पुरिसस्स वा । धम्मत्थकाम-कज्जेसु दिळं सुयमणुभूय चरियं ति gafari
-Vasudevahındı, chap X, quoted in Yasastilaka and
Indian Culture, p 124 4 परमत्याहिगारे य कप्पियकहा पर सज्जणमणाणि रजेद। रण हि कोइ बालिसो कप्पियमायणिकरण सन्भूय छड्डेइ ।
--CMC, (Kahāpīdha) p 4 5 जइ विहु दोण्ह वि लोए कुसलमइपवत्तण फलं सरिस । तह वि मह कप्पियानो विहाइ चरिय विसिट्ठयर ॥
Ibid, p 4, V 46, also the following statement in favour of the reliability of the Carita, Ibid, p 4.

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fied and altered by the adepts for the purpose of instruction " Under the circumstances, it will not be unreasonable to hold that the works irrespective of their specific nomenclature are mytho-romantic narratives, imbued with a spirit of religious propaganda
As regards the extent of the cpic-Purānic influence, the works betray their indebtedness to the traditional sources in regard to almost all conceivable aspects, such as mythology, cosmogony, customs and manners and beliefs and superstitions. However, in the present context, we shall confine ourselves to those cases which do not form parts of the universal history but find incidental mention as facts of known occurrence, contributing, in the main, towards the emblishment and elucidation of a topic under trcatment Such examples may be taken as illustrative of stray influences on the works in question
The works, being the products of different authors and of different times, cannot be expected to show uniform influence of the Brahmanical tradition Naturally, it varies from work to work. Similarly, the quantum of strictures on the epicPurānic sources ranges from iconoclastic attack to simple reprobation And the variance in the degree of dependence and structures on the traditional sources is due both to the dynamic social and religious conditions and to the religious and dogmatic outlook of an individual author representing a particular period Moreover, the authors' range of knowledge of the traditional lore is also responsible for the diverging degree of reaction against and reliance upon the spic-Purānic concepts
Reverting to the epic Puranic mythology we find that from among the host of the divine and demi-divine beings, only the three supreme gods have been subjected to severe snubbing And it is obvious that the religious importance of these godheads was a source of great embarrassment to the Jaina savants.
8 ज पुण विवज्जासिय कुसलेहिं उपदेसियपुव्व समतीए जुज्जमाण कहिज्जइ त कप्पियं।
-VH, Chap X, YIC, p. 124

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For, popular Hinduism centred round these gods alone and the ancient and mediacval Indian social and religious institutions in their broader contexts were overwhelmingly influenced by the cults of these divinities Under the circumstances, the Jaina authors, who were also leaders of their sold in their respective times, directed their attack against the high position to which these supreme gods were placed in the Brahmanical order. Thus, what they aimed at was not the denial of their existence but the refusal of their position as the supreme deities Accordingly the Jaina authors relegated Brahmā, Vişnu and Sida together with their sakııs or consorts to a subordinate rank before the Jinas whom they represented as the divinities par excellence. We, however, come across some scattered passages which do accept some of the Brahmanical traits of the trio almost in unmodified way
Brahma
In spite of the repudiation of the creation-theory, instances are many where Brahma's position as the crcator of the universe has been recognised? under various names, such as Vedhas, Vedhals, Sraşt! etc, all of which together with many others have been appropriated to the Jinas by different authors 8 He has also been taken to task for his lustful conduct Similarly, he has been reproached with lack of wisdom for appointing misfit persons as the regents of the eight quar. ters.10
Vişnu
Apart from his representation as the nine Vasudedas, 11 there are some passages in which some of Vışnu's Brahmanical incarnations find mention These are, for instance, Nara.
7. See my article Hindu Derties in the Jaina Putānas, Dr Satkarı
Mooketzi Felicitation Volume, 1969, PP 461-62 8 Vide chap I notes 68 72 and chap III, Sec II, notes 1-13 9 MP 39 129 10 UP 84 103-110 11 S D. Jha, Hindu Doties in the Jana Purānus, SMFV,P 463, beta 1.-2

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simhall and Vamana,13 The latter incarnation, however, has been represented in a somewhat modified form.14 Vişnu recurs under various names as the husband of goddess Lakşmi In fact Ramā and Ramapalı are very favourite with the Jaina authors who refer to the pair frequently as the standard of conjugal bliss and harmony.15 Besides, Vişnu's mythical association with the ocean has also been acknowledged in a simile in which Vajrajangha residing for a while in a forest is likened to Vişnu dwelling in the ocean 10 Lakşmi
She finds mention in the Purāņas under investigation with all her popular names, viz $11,17 Padma,18 Kamalā, etc. And in the incidental references to her associations, Lakşmi has been represented as the daughter of the personified ocean18 in the
12 (a) fuera fogy EETNATGE UITFür facoat
--CMC, P 167. (b) विणियहिरण्णक्खस पुरिव्व मयाहिवसमाकुला। दाणवाहिवतणुव्व वियरियहरिणहा।
-Ibid p 111 (c) Hemacandra ascribes the Nara-sımha incarnation to Krsna in a
changed context According to his version Krsna assumed the form of the Manlion (Nara-simha) to punish onc Padmanabha or Amarakarka 10 Dhātakıl handa for the crime of abducting Draupadi TSPC,
Vol V, PP 277-78 13 बद्धो तेणेव वली हरिणा जण्णम्मि पुहइदाणेण ।।
-CMC, P 41, V 126a. 14 Cf JHV 20 15-60, UP. 70 274-298, TSPC, Vol IV, pp. 90-92, 99-102,
116 16 cg Lacchidda Mahumahassa --CMC, P 117 विष्णो श्रीरिव विष्णुश्री नाम्ना तस्य गृहिण्यभूत्
-TSPC 475 10 उवास तत्रैव वने वनमालीव वारिधी
-TSPC, 1.1 704a 17 DPC, 7 70 18 RPC, 7 162 19 मनोहरी च तनयामर्णवोऽपि यथा श्रियम्,
--JHV, 17 8b. Also MP, 48 296, 297

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same way as in the Brahmanical cpic-Purānic sources. Over and above that, she has been mentioned almost in all works as the consort of Lord Visnu 20 Gunabhadra refers to her rhctorically as the sister of the Moon, born together 21 Similarly, in the context of the description of a dense forest an allusion is made to Kamala (Lakşmi) having emerged from the foaming current of the ocean churned out by the gods and demons 22 Next, full-blown lolus with thick filament is acknowledged as the pleasure-house of Sri The passages are many which accept the traditiunal belief in lotus as thc dwelling of the goddess of beauty and riches 24 Almost in all works she recurs together with Kirli, Buddhi, Hri, Sri and Dhiylı to attend on the prospective mothers of the Tirthankaras 25
20 See above note 15 Also TSPC, 1 1 037 and comp Vaşnup Bk 1.
chap 9 21 सहोत्पत्तो श्रियोऽनेन सोदर्येन्दोरिति श्रुति ।।
-UP 54 188a.
22 fagara afganeacqua,
-CMC, p. 111 For these two references comp MBh 1 18 33-35a 23 वित्थिण्णदल कमल घणमयरद सिरीए रइभवण,
-CMG p 14, V 51, of MBb 4 14 16, 12 59 131b-32a, 24 VPC 7 70, RPC, 7 162, CMC, p 221 25 ताहे च्चिय परियम्म हिरि-सिरि-घिइ-कित्ति-बुद्धि-लच्छीयो। प्राण करेति णिच्च देवीमो इन्दवयणेण ॥
-VPC, a 59 AP, 12 164 SPC, 1 14 2, PMP, III 16 JAV, 8 39 These goddesses together with Uma and Sarasvati are already known to the Brahmanical cpic-Purānic tradition as the guardian deities who are invoked for safety on different occasions
ह्री श्रीः कीर्तिद्युतिः पुष्टिरुमा लक्ष्मी सरस्वती। इमा वै तव पान्थस्य पालयन्तु धनञ्जय ।।
--MBh III 37 33 It is obvious that most of these goddesses are personified abstractions and occur in the Brabmapıcal sources in various contexts cg Rāma III 40 10b Also scc MB 1 66 14 15 where Dhrit and Buddhi together with other cight personificd abstractions are described as the wives of Dharma

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Srda
Besides acknowledging the existence of eleven Rudras26 with malign character, the works in question also refer to Sida with all his traditional tmblems and associates. But, as is natural, the Puranas do not subscribe to his representation as the great God First, we meet with a myth incorporated in the Uttarapuranas? as a part of the biography of Lord Mahāvīra Here it is alleged that Sthanu,28 with a host of imps, goblins and spirits of abnormal shapes and dreadful appearances appears before Lord Mahādrra engaged in deep meditation in a crematorium of Ujjayıní And with an intention to disturb the Jına, he creates a vast army of mountaineers (Kırātas2) and accompanied by these as well as fierce serpents, elephants, lions, fires and wind --all engaged in terrible dances, roars and loud laughters--he tries to shake the Jina from fortitude But finding himself quite unable to deflect the Master from his uncommon composure, the malevolent god gives up his evil intention. And together with wife Umā, he dances before the Jina and then leaves the place with all praises for the Lord It is obvious that most of the traditional connections of Lord Siva have been made use of in the present story
Further, in a passage of the Mahāpuräna a warrior pierced through his head with a crescent-shaped weapon is looked upon
26 These Rudras arc (1) Bhimāsali, (u) Jilasatru, (111) Rudra, (iv) Visvānala,
(v) Suprotisphaka, (v1) Acala, (v11) Pundarika, (v111) Agitandhora, (1x) Ajitanabhika, (x) Pilha and (xi) Satyakısuta — JHV, 60 531-86, SPC also recognizes elcyen Rudras referring to them by the name Hara (Hara cyārtha, 6 9 9b) The names as given in thc Mahābhārala are Megavyadho, Sarpa, Nort, Ajalkapad, Ahırbudhnya, Penākın, Dahana, I'svara, Kapālın, Sthānu and Bhaga.-MB, 168,1b-3, 1122 68-69 Althougb
the names vary, yet the number is remarkably the same 27 74 331-337 28 A popular dame of Lord Siva MBh 1 210 24-28, 3 38 3,3 125 14 29 It is reminiscent of the Mahabhārata episode of god Siva and Arjuna,
in which the former in the form of a mountaineer and accompanied by a troop of Kırātas, 13 said to have opposed the latter to test his prowess MBh 3 39 1-5f For the strange elements scc, for instance, Rāmā 6 69.9, 28-24, 6 71.13.

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figuratively as another Rudra'a (with the moon's crescent on his forehead) In a passage of the TSPC30 Siva and Sroa (Parvati) are referred to as adept in dancing and in another passage of the same work an allusion is made to Lord Siva's sportive company with both Ganga and Umā s1 Next Bharata and Bahubalın engaged in eye-fight are conceived as Sakra (Indra) and I'sāna (Śiva) facing each other with their unwinking eyes 82 This illustration in all probability is based on the traditional legend of the encounter between Indra and Siva in which the former was reportedly rendered motionless by the latter's gaze 33 Again, Bharata giving a loud battle-cry is compared with the bellowing bull of I'śāna 34
As pointed out before, the gods and goddesses other than the trio have been recruited with all their traditional emblems, attributes and connections That these divinities have not undergone any marked transformation in their character and exploits may be ascribed to the fact that they did not have any substantive role to play in the formation of social environs as well as the national character of the populace As such, Jainism had little danger from their concepts and representation Hence, they were adopted by the authors in question in their original forms 1 he World-Protectors
The Puranas under investigation recognize the Lokapālas as the guardian of the different quarters, four principal and four subsidiary Some of the works like the epics recognize only four guardians of the four cardinal points, while others apparently relying on the later Purānic tradition accept all the eight world-protectors with the same traditional du ections assigned to the individual guardians KPC36 refers to four Lokapālas, 29a को वि अद्धयदे सिरि भिण्णउ, सोहइ भड स्व श्रवणउ ।
-PMP 874 Also sec UP, Prasaslı, lb 30 Vol Vp 319 31 Ibid Vol. V p 342 32. TSPG, 15578 38 MBh 1 106 14-16 34 faipata face
-TSPC, 1 5 59 a 35 FIFT TITTITAI......
7.10a; RPC, 7 27 31.

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viz, Soma, Varuna, Kubera and Tama as the regents of the directions, east, west, north and south respectively 36 These regents of the four quarters are said to have been employed in their respective directions by a counterfeit Indra, who, although a Vidyadhara, considers himself to be the second Indra on account of his mother's Indra-pregnancy whim 37 Accordingly, he acts in imitation of the powers and functions of the real Indra Thus, he appointed Sasin (Moon) in the east quarter, Varuna in the west, Kubera in the north and Yama in the south Ravişena, as in most of the other cases, follows Vimalasūri's representation closely. But Svayambhuc38 adds Pavana (Vāyu) to the above four names without mention of the localities assigned to them But in 8.5.2-10 he refers to Agni, Nairtta, iśāna and Indra together with the abovementioned five along with their popular rides and weapons Hemacandra, however, mentions four Dikpalas39 and assigns them the same quarters as noted above
Gunabhadra40 obviously relying on the Purānic sources mentions eight Lokapalas and gives their names as Agni, Yama, Sakra (Indra), Nairsta Pāśın (Varuna), Dhūmadhvajasakhā (Vāyu) Guhyaka (Kubera) and I'śānaal (Sankara) Although these eight
38 ठवियो पुवाए ससी दिसाए वरुणो य तत्थ अवराए। उत्तरो य कुवेरो ठविप्रो च्चिय दक्खिणाए जमो ॥
-VPC, 7 47, RPC, 7 107-116 Compare Rāmā 2 16 24, MBH 3 41 6-17, 46,3 66 5-6, whicb, subject to variations in names, are unanimous in giving the number of the Lokapalas as four According to the abovementioned passages, the world-protectors are Indra, rama, Varuna and Kubera, and Indra, Agni, Varuna and rama (MBh 3 55 5-6). But we also meet with a passage in the MBh (5 16 27) which mentions Kubera, Tama, Soma and Varuna as the Lolapalas, L.cep.
ing both Indra and Agnt out of the group 37 VPC, 75-8 RPC, 7 18 38 favore efo Hoa fiu TT97, 994-192-9641-57#-FAETI
-SPC 815 of ibid, 2 5 1-5 39 faqataraga..
--TSPC, 7 1 105a, also 17 1 108-111 40 UP 54 102-110 41 These Lokapālas are the same as enumerated in the couplet •
"इन्द्रो वह्नि पितृपतिनिऋतिर्वरुणोऽनिल । घनद शकरश्च व लोकपाला पुरातना ॥"
--quoted in Sabdakalpodruma, EK IV, p. 231 as an cxcerpt from the Vahnıpurāna

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protectors of their respective quarters find mention poetically as an eloquent example of the Creator's intellectual bankruptcy with regard to the selection of the universal guardians, yet the very mention of the strange behaviour of the God of creation recognizes the traditional myth of Brahman's appointment of the eight divinities to the four cardinal and four intermediate quarters 12 But in contradistinction with Gunabhadra's strictures on the gods, Puspadanta represents them as worthy of worship on different auspicious occasions During the Janmabhiseka ceremony of the first Tirthankara Rşabha the assembled masses including Indra are said to have duly worshipped these gods 45 The gods mentioned in this context are Indra (Sahka), Agnı (Gicci), Yama (Kāla), Nairrta (Neria), Varuna (Annava—Arnava) Vayu (Anila), Kubera and Sankara (Sūlın) 14
194
It is also remarkable that most of these godheads are referred to as having the same rides as are represented in the Brahmanical sources Thus, the elephant Airavata15 is acknowledged as the mount of Sakra (Indra) And as the fairly known standards of comparison, Kubera, Agni and Yama are referred to as having for their mounts a man, a ram and a buffalo
42 Cr ब्रह्मा ससर्ज तृर्णं तान् लोकपालान् महावलान् । दृष्ट्वा तु लोकपालास्तु ता कन्या पुनराह्वयन । विवाह कारयामास ब्रह्मा लोकपितामह । एकामिन्द्राय स प्रादावग्नयेऽन्या यमाय च । निर्ऋताय च देवाय वरुणाय महात्मने ।
वायवे धनदेशाय ईशानाय च .. 1
Varahapuraram, quoted in SKD, BK, II, pp 708-709 It is to be noted that in the above context the different quarters are conceived as damsels These are Pürva, Agneyi, Dakşınā, Nairyli, Pascima, Vayavi, Uttara and Aisani These girls are given in marriage to Indra etc respectively 43 PMP III 14 9 1'
44
7 fafa am-ûft «omaifuà gâz-yfam̃ anfsasm |
-Ibid III 14 11 In the quotation the term Annava though generally meaning 'occan', has apparently been used in the sense of Varuna Ontre basis of sharing some common names and epithets with the ocean such as Appati (lord of waters) and Yadaḥpati (lord of aquatic animals), Varuna has analogically been mentioned as Arnava 45 eg VPC, 2 115 RPC, 2 243

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respectively 46 As for Sankara, he is mentioned under the name of Isana as bull-rider 67
Candra (The Moon)
The representation of the moon is practically the same as that in the Brahmanıcal sources Moon's origin from the Milky ocean as accepted as a fact48 In the MP (44 281) he is referred to is afflicted with consumption 19 The TSPC (vol V, p 343) alludes to him as the husband of twenty-eight daughters of Dakşa 50 Almost in all works underinvestigation Candra and Rohini find mention as an illustration of ideal conjugal love 51 A lady, dearly loved by her husband is often compared with Rohini, the beloved consort of Candra 52 Further, in a passage Candra's relationship with Budha as the latter's father has been hinted at by way of a simile For, Muni Sahasrājudha joining the royal sage Vajrayudha (son and father respectively) is compared to Budha joining the Moon 53
Kāma and Ratz
Kāma and his consort Ralı recur in the works in familiar forms as typical of conjugal fidelity of the couple, Kāma is represented in his both bodied and bodiless foi ms As bodied figure he finds mention as an illustration of manly loveliness and Rati is acknowledged as a type of non pareil feminine beauty. Kama's inythological formlessness has been explored to
46 TSPC, 7 750 Also SPC, 8 5 2-10 47 SPC, 85 9 TSPC, 1 5 500a 49 'इन्दो क्षीरार्णवाज्जन्म मूापि त्यनुमीयते"
--TSPC, 47 226b of Noh 1 18 34, 37 49 Cf MBh 9 35 438 50 The MBh (1 58 13, 16, 9 33 45) mentiors tucnyseven daughters 75
given to the Moon god (Saplavimšalimindate) Also TSPC, Vol IV
P 64 which cxpressly mentions Moon as the hushand of Dalışayari 61 cgolfmla 459797"
-RPC, 3 91, JHV 31 14 52 SIC, 1134 53 TSPC, Vol. III, p 274 Comp HP 1 25 30-46

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the best of rhetorical embellishment Thus, while alluding to tbe conjugal pleasures of a married couple, the Puranakaras in question make a contrast between Rati and the comparable lady by alluding to the mythical event of the former's association with one destitute of body (Vyanga)=Ananga) “Kāma without Rat:"55 is not an uncommon expression of admiration of a hero's unique beauty Similarly, "One who has surpassed Rati in beauty and amorous gestures" is a conventional compliment of a woman's beauty And a solitary woman is fancied as Rati bereft of the flower-armed57 (Kama). Next, the reference to the ablaze banner abandoned by dying Makaraketu58 (Kama) may be taken as reminiscent of the epic-Puranic myth of the burning of the god of love by Siva59, not infrequently alluded to in the epics and elaborately dealt with in the Saivaite Purānas
Apsarasas
196
Among the epic-Puranic celestial nymphs almost all the prominent Apsarasas, such as Urvast, Rambha, Tilottama, Alambusā, Menaka, etc find mention in the Purānas in various contexts 60 The Apsarasas, however, have undergone one important transformation in their character which may be taken as an improvement in their conduct According to the epic-Puranic representation these celestial dancers are generally lew de1 and pitiless and their main business is to seduce®2
54 रतिव्यंङ्गेन भुज्यते ।
55 CMC p 23 240. 50 विरिणज्जियरतिरूप-विव्भमा
393
-MP, 43 294, SPC, 1 6 5
67 ibid .P 232
-ibid, P
86
प्रणश्यन्मकरकेतुभ्रमप्रदा ।
-TSPC, 13 428b The emblem of Kama is the Matara Hence he is called Maharadhoaja (MBh 13 11 3, Ho 2 105 39, 43f) 59 Rama 1 23 10-14, Ho, 2 106 46
GO RPC, 7,31,JHV 8 112b, SPC, 8 1 8, TSPC, 4.7 320
61 MBH 188,3 46 42
62 MB 171 20-1 72 10; 1 129 5-7, 33-38, 9 51 5-9, 5,9 7-19, where they fail to reduce Tristras, son of the Prajapati Teaşir

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the sages and other saintly persons engaged in severe penance But in the Purāṇas under investigation the Apsarasas are recruited as the lovers of the Jaina faith On Indra's command these damsels take active part in the Janmabhiseka ceremonies of the Tirthankaras and dance to the music ΟΙ the Gandharvas, Tumburu, Narada and Visvävasu 64 Their association with Indra is further acknowledged by the fact that a pseudoIndra, in imitation of the privileges of the lord of gods Surendra is said to have had a host of celestial nymphs, together with Indra's other relations and belongings, viz, Saci, Sudharmā, thunderbolt and the Gandharvas 65 The TSPC gives a list of the celestial nymphs who are stated to have rendered active service at the wedding of Rṣabhadeva, the first Tirthankara These, as mentioned by Hemacandra are. Rambha, Urvası, Ghrtact, Mañjughosā, Sugandhā, Tilottamā, Menā (menakā), Sukesi, Sahajanya, Citralekhā, Pūrnini, Punḍarīkā, Amlocā, Haṁsapadi, Punjkasthala, Rāmā, Hemā, Kratusthalā, Mārīci, Sumukhi, Gandharvi and Divyā
Nārada
197
With the exception of the peculiar tale of his birth the representation of Narada is essentially the same as in the Brahmanical tradition He is stated to be a celibate, having his access to all the places without hindrance He is equally revered by gods, the Cakrins, Vasudevas, Prativāsu“ devas and other human and Superhuman beings and as such has an unrestricted admittance to their presence 68
1
63 cg RPC, 3 179-181, JHV 8 158, TSPC, 4 7 320
64 Visvavasu, Tumburu and Narada as well as Hāhā and Hühū are the most popular Gandharvas in the Brahmanical epic-Puranic mythology eg. see MBh 1 22 54-59, 3 43 14, 14 88 39-4')
65 RPC 7 27-31
66 1 2 785-793 Compare MBh 1 122 60-66a, 3 43 23-30
67 According to the Jaina versions Narada was the son of a Brahmana ascetic Brahmaruct by his wife Kürmi When deserted by his parents, he was brought up by the Jimbhaka gods who invested him with magical power of atmospheric movement VPC, 11 50f RPC 11 117f, TSPC, 7 2.504-14
68 VPC, 11 67-68, RPC, 11 155-158

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Even their inner apartmants are no oxceptions to his privilege As are Häha and Hühū in music so Närada together with Tum. buru is referred to as the best of the lute-players.co And in this form he is represented as a Gandharva and is often menuoned along with other kiinnaras, Gandharvas and some prominent psarasas 70 Further, the works also take notice of his stric-making nature and frequently allude to him as 'fond of strife' (Kalaha-priya, al and famous for music' (Gitacasicu) 2
Brhaspali
The incidental references to Byhaspati point to the same truth as is told by the Brahmanical tradition His association With Indra as the latter's minister78 and preceptor4 finds mention in a number of passages Harmonious relationship betueun a hing and his ministers is often likened to that betmecn Indra and Brhaspalı 74 The cxpression "scholar, lıke Brhaspatı". admits luis well-recognized scholarship That one's ministers have derided the intellectual power of Bșhaspatı”76 is a boastful compliment to the persons concerned His skill in imparting logically correct instruction is accepted as an achnos ledged fact " Neve, the statcment that "cven Guru
09. ISI'C lol 711 Ibid, 47 1007 तिलोतमापीमनारम्भानुम्बुरुनारदान् ।
JHV 8 158 ob I'll ölü, 14, 1PC, 2101, 11 156), 7 SPC, 72519 (F MBh 5 100
19 720 18 (uhcic Raiona calls him 'ull napriya, lover of
intry, bid 3 72 IM, 11166 113> (?!", 11 67, TSPL., 7 2512 71 faargem
11,711; 1PC, 7 31, PC, 41+ 71 Usuasi valle lsrapuru, ISPC : 5 4w Soinctimes linds mention
els Postal Serdro GUILH) ATP 45 107 77 CW,ple
76, :! U
118! XII chapis 21, 51 103, which incorporate uri to ladro

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Ŝects of the Burānakaras–Caritas and Purāsas
199
cannot dissuade one from his resolve after silencing him78 (in argumentation)” also points to Brhaspati's recognized power of understanding and eloquence Besides these, he, as in the epics, recurs with Sukra, both finding place as masters of polity 79 Adityas
The twelvc Adityas find mention in a similc włuch compares Aparāta, a Baladeva, with the twelve Adityas in brilliance 80 The Aśvins
The Baladeva and Väsudeva, 'both half brothers are often compared with the celestial twin brothers, Ašving 81 in mutual love Jayanta
Cakrin Vajrayudha accompanied by his son Sahasrayudha is compared with Indra followed by his son Jayanta 82 In other contexts, too, Jayanta has been referred to as the son of Indra Ganesa
The soldiers with their headless bodies, surmounted with the chopped off heads of elephants, are conceived as innumerable Herambas83 (Ganesas) Although stated poetically, the 78. FT STATISTFRITT faztea Taursfa fel
-TSPC, 1 5 511 For all these references comp. MBh 12 124 21-23, 5 10 19 70 JHo, 43 101. यथा शुक्रबृहस्पती,
UP 62 418 cf "नये वृहम्पत्युशनो सदा समम्'
MBh 37 21 9 61 48 80 TSPC, Vol III, p. 232 81 TTETT FHETTI aralsaaria atatti
TSPC, 45 S5 The two Afrins as twin go.'s arc recognized also
clscu bere, cg RPG, 730 82. TSPC, Vol III, p 270 83 at 3a FITTFİ"
-TSPC, 4 1 664 Also referred to as pendent-bellied (Falat)
ibid Vol III p 287 of CDHM, pp 106-108

Page #218

200
Aspects of Brahminical Influence on the Jaina Mythology
rhetoric rests basically on the Brahmanıcal conception of the mythological figure hinnaras
Hemacandra accepts Kinnaras with equine faces inasmuch as the beheaded bodies of the soldiers with the cut off heads of horses on them are compared with the Kinnaras. 84 Repanta
Recanta is perhaps the least known mythical figure of the Brahmanical tradition But even this obscure divinity, too, did not escape the notice of the Jaina Purānakaras. For, in the context of the battle between Rama and Rāvana the warriors coming on horseback to the battle-field are compared with Revanta 65
Rāru
Rahu, as in the epic-Purāņic works, finds mention as a trunkless head 66 Instances are innumerable in which references are made to the Sun and the Moon as being eclipsed by Rahu,8- The setting son is conceived as entering into the mouth of Rāhu 89 In fact, the eclipse of the two luminaries by Rahu makcs a fine simile.89 Cahrın Bharata sunk into the earth upto acck by thc staff-blow of Bahubalın is compared with the Sun
84 Faith Fr Sa l'
-TSPC, 4 1 054 CDHM p 169 ६० देचिद् रेवन्तवद् हय
TSPC, 7769, and comparc तमोऽन्ने च रेवन्त चड्गी वर्मी तनुन । यात गमदमृतो दागातूगगमन्वित ॥
- tapter 18 23 rcfresenting fieronta as the son of the Sun. frrt und his : sfc Samnjic in the form of 1 horse and a marc
erotiels 36 Tort To III padu
AIP', '161,17€. 12 1376 CAC p 294 RS 77777777777aaf3......
-610, p 264 TSC, 1626 6-4,3.894

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Sects of the Purānakāras
Caritas and Puranas
201
eclipsed by Rahu 80 The event of the carrying off of nectar by Rāhu through trickery finds mention by way of comparison 91 This similitude obviously rests on the traditional legend of the churning of the ocean in which context the demon is said to have applied stratagem for getung a share in ambrosia churned out of the ocean of Milk 92
Churning of the Ocean
The Purānas in question take incidental notices of the mythical event of the Samudramanthana We find references to the coming forth of some of the jewels together with the deadly poison from the stirred up ocean of milk 93 The golden pitcher seen by Maruded in her dream is likened to the pitcher of nectar appearing from the churning of the ocean 94 We also find references to the beautiful sound of the big ocean stirred up by the churning-stick 95 Next, the soldiers pulling the chain fastened to the arm of the Cakrin Bharata during his fight with his half-brother Bāhubalın, are compared with the gods and demons engaged in the churning of the ocean, and the chain is likened with the serpent (Väsuki), which served for a churning cord and Bharata's arm is apparently compared with the churning-mountain (Mandara) *6 Further, in an emphatic tone
80 राहुग्रस्त इवादित्ये भूमग्ने चक्रवर्तिनि ।
--bid , 1 5 699 cf CDHM, pp 252-53 91 सुधा विधुन्तुदेनेव...
-bed , 2 6 388 92 MBh 1 19 4-9. 03 TSPG, VOI VP 322 Cf MB, 1 18 41-43 04 Fift ETET TOFTHEISTI
-TSPC, 1 2 221 cf MBh 1 18 38 95 TSPC, 1 2 506b, 15 598 96 चकृपु. शृङ्खलाजाल सैन्याश्चक्रिभुजस्य ते । नेत्रीभूतमहिं मन्थगिरेरिव सुरासुरा ॥
-TSPC, 16 565 and compare मन्थान मन्दर कृत्वा तपा नेत्रञ्च वासुकिम् ।
-TSPC, 1.0 144

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Aspects of Bralimanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology
the greatness of the occan, though churned up by the gods,"" has been admitted
202
The earth-sustainers
10g
The world, from the Jinist stand-point, is uncreated "It is cternal and self-produced (produced by the natural action of substances according to their inherent properties) and is situat ed in the middle of the infinite space Becoming clearer on the topic Hemacandra says that "the world with a well-supported form was made by none and is sustained by none It is selfeffected and remains in space without support 09 The same notion bolds good about position of the carth100 as well.
However, the influence of the Brahmanical epic-Puranic mythology has made itself felt on some occasions We meet with some passages in the TSPC in which the popular Brahmanical belief regarding the position of the earth has been expressed as an established fact On the eve of the commence. ment of the battle between Bharata and Balubalın, it is stated that the fourfold divisions of the army stood ready "injuring the back of the tortoise with their great weight, bending the turned up tush of the great boar, slackening the firmly expanded hood of the serpent-hing and crippling all the elephants of the quarter "101 Both Bharata and Bahubalın advancing towards cach other at ease are said to have put the king of the tortoises (supporting the earth) in danger of his life in every step (pade
97. TSPC, 1 5 644
98 नित्य स्वभावनिर्वृत्त सोऽनन्ताकाशमध्यग |
-1P 4 15b
99 सुप्रतिष्ठाकृतिर्लोको न केनापि कृतो घृत | स्वयमिद्धो निराधारो व्योम्ति तिष्ठति किन्त्वसौ ॥
-TSPC 23 80
100 1bid 4 2 314a
101
भूयसा निजभारेण क्लिश्नन्त कूर्मकर्परम् । दष्ट्रा महावराहस्य नामयन्त समुन्नताम् ॥ गाढ शिथिलयन्तश्च फरगाटोप फरणीशितु । दिग्गजानपि खर्वाङ्गीकुर्वन्तो निखिलानपि ॥
-1.5 427-28 Compare MBh 5 103 2, 6 67 13,7 94 48

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Sects of the Puranahāras --Caritas and Puranas
203
pade ropayatām Kurmendram prānasamsaye102) Again, prior to the beginning of the arm-fight between the two brothers, Bāhubalın's door-keeper asks the earth and its mythical supporters--the serpent-king, the great Boar, the Tortoisc-chief and the elephants of ihe quarters to keep their position firm during the display of the feat of arms by Bahubalın 103 Next, Dozprstha, the second Vasudeva, lifting kotiśla with his left arm is compared with the lord of serpents upholding carth on his hood 104 Of course, innumerable are the instances which refer to the mythical event of earth being held aloft by the serpent. hing 105
102 16 677b Mark that the idea of thc carth being held by the tortoise
king on his back bas been vehcmcntly assuled by Svayambhi in his Paûmacariu He says जा लोएहि ढक्करिवन्तएहि उप्पाइउ भन्तिउ भन्तएहिं । जइ कुम्मे धरियउ धरणि वीढ तो कुम्मु पडन्तउ केण गोळु ॥
-1.10 1-2 (The confused persons have carised confusion in the world with their strange sayings If the carth is held by the tortoisc on its bach, then
by whom is the falling tortoise sustaincd ?) 103 TSPC 1 5 610-14 104 ind , +3171 105 ibid, Vol III P 313

Page #222

CHAPTER VIII
INSTITUTION OF CLASS AND ORDER AND THE
AIMS OF HUMAN EXISTENCE
The institutions of class and order are the unique fcatures of the Brahmanical social system The institutions are unparalleled in guiding the course of the society through the ages And the edifice of these institutions was erected on such a strong foundation that despite strong reprobation by the advocates of the casteless society, the institutions have survived even to these days, albeit in a degenerate form However, the exigency of the context does not allow us to deal with the merits and demerits of these institutions. Hence, we proceed with comparative study of the Brahmanical and the Jaina sources regarding their respective approach to the institutions
As is known to us, Jainism, in its early stages, was highly critical of the institutions of class and order in gencral and of the superiority of the Brāhmana varna? in particular. A study of the Jaina canonical works shows that this protestant religion was not at all in favour of Brahmanical pretention to supremacy simply on birth ground 3 We also meet with instances which poriray this Varna as bereft of all human qualities, addicted to all vices and given to every sort of moral turpitude • This hatred of the Brāhmana class was so strong that some of the post-canonical Carita-writers were tempted to
leg Ultarā, chap 12 where Hariesa, a Sovāga by birth, is said to have
entered a sacrificial enclosure of a Brāhmana teacher and preached him
the real form of sacrifice (yajña) 2 This class is often referred to as dhujjat (dhigjāti) "condemned caste"
cf LAI, P 140 3 Uttarā, chap 25 W 19.34 The canon referring to the characteristics
of a real Brāhmana sums up with the remark that one becomes a
Brāhmana by action (Kammuna bambhano hor) 4 PPC, 4 65-66, RPG, 4.87-88

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Institution of Class and Order
ascribe the origin of the Varna in question, to a fictitious event said to have taken place during the reign of the first Cakri Bharata. According to the version, the Brahmana Varna owes its origin to the compassion of the first tirthankara who saved the heretics from the wrath of Cakrın Bharata who was about to put them to death on being informed by the lord that the men whom he had honoured with valuable gifts and regarded as the best of the Sravakas, were hypocrites They were fof perverse conduct and religion, had no restriction with regard to undertaking and possession, and themselves stupefied, they confused other people also "5 And as Bharata was prevented (from killing them) by Rşabha Jina saying må hana (do not kill), so they came to be called Mähanas.
205
Thus, the abovementioned account makes us believe that the original designation of the class known as Brahmana was Mähana which eventually was Sanskritized into Brahmana It is, however, obvious that the present representation is a distortion of an equally fanciful interpretation of the term as given in the Avasyakacūrnı 7 The work states that the simple and religious-minded Sravahas, who were honoured by Bharata, received the class designation Mahana because of the fact that whenever they saw anyone killing, they stopped him by saying 'do not kill' (mä hana). Hemacandra also adopts the same version with some modification And apparently without taking notice of the accounts as given by Vimala and Ravişena, the author of the TSPC represents the Mahanas as religious-minded men, devoted to the study of the scriptures 8 These laymen, as the work says, were requested by Bharata to recite before him "you
5 विवरीयवित्तिधम्मा प्रारम्भ परिग्गहेसु ग्रणियत्ता | सयमेव मूढभावा सेसं पि जण विमोहन्ति ॥
-VPC, 4 81
6 मा हरसु पुत्त एए ज उसभजिणेण वारिश्रो भरहो । तेरण इमे सयलच्चिय वुच्चन्ति य माहरणा लोए ॥
7 pp 5, 213ff, quoted in LAI, p 140 8 TSPC, 1 6 22"-28
-VPC, 4 84 Also RPC 4 121-122

Page #224

206
Aspects of Brahmanıcal Influence on the Jaina Vízthology
are overcome, fear increases, therefore, do not kill, do not kıll "9 Now, as those Bhavyas daily recited the phrase má hana, they became known as Māhanas and gradually the Māhaņas became famous as Brahmanas 10
However, we also meet with other versions which do not subscribe to the fantastic way of deriving the word Brāhmana from Mahaņa with its afore-said curious interpretation JHV,11 for instance, though iepresenting the Brāhmanas as the creation of Bharata, ascribes their origin in thcir qualities of food-will towards all objects Those persons, did not sever their connection with their families and society, but were devoted to the religious practices in accordance with the tenets of the Jaina faith The creation of the Brahmana varna was like the investiture ceremony in which those householders after having been duly honoured with valuable gifts and presents, were marked by Käkınī with three-jewelled sacred thread Thus respected by Bharata, the Vralins were called Brāhmanas 12 It is remarkable that while Vimala and Ravisena ridicule and even abuse this new class as Sūtra-Kantha13 (with thread round their neck) and Paşandıng14 (heretics), the author of the Harivamsa. purāna calls them Vralins, 1 e observers of religious vows Thus in JH!' the feeling of haired towards the class in question, lias been moderated and directed against those Hindu Brahmanas who were advocates of the supemacy of the Vedas and were protagonists of the efficacy of animal sacrifices
Now it is in the Mahāpurāna of Jinasena that the Brāhmana Varna finds more idealısed representation than in JH! The author of the MP holds the Varna in the highest esteem He says that the best among the householders, who were born in high families and were desirous of the fruition of their religous १ जितो भवान् ववते भीस्तस्मान्मा हन मा हन ।
-Ibid, 16229b 10 FÀU HIERT I FRIUT sfa fazari
-Ibid, 16 248a 11 11 105-107 12 TOFT HUT TEFT afaat part 1
-Ibid, 11 107a 13 VPC, 4 C5 RPC 4 86 14 PC, 470, RPC, 4 116

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Institution of Class and Order
207
vows15, were honoured by Calnn Bharata with valuable gifts, and were invested wire Brahmasūtras oblained from the Nidhi called Padma 18
Thus, this ceremony was something like a sacrament which conferred on those religious-holders doja-hood 17
It is, however, remarkable to note that the author of the MP nowhere mentions the event as the origin of the Brāhmana Varna but he refers to it almost invariably as the origin of the Dorjasie (the twice-born classes) Thus, among the Duujas were rechoned all the pious persons drawn from the then existing lugher classes of householdais As such, this special class created by Bharata uas comprehensive of more th. n the term Brāhmana which denoted only one Porno That, in the present context Jinasena has used the term Duijn or Dorjanman in the sense of all the three higher classes, is evident from the fact that the sacraments said to have bern prescriped for those Dvijas arc made common to all the three higher l'arnas and not restricicd 10 the Brālimanas Thus, what emerges from the study of the MP 15 iliat Cakrin Bharala did not crca!e the Brahmana-vatna, but he simply introduced some mandatory sacraments' for the menibers of Ure already extant higher classes who thereby were to train and refine themselves for the proper discharge of the duties prescribed for cach Varna Hence the performance of those Samskaras was made obligatory for them Now as the ccrcmony of investiture with the sacred thread was supposed, as in the Bral.manical sources, 10 confer on the recipients of thc sacied thread a second spiritual birth, so they 15 ते तु स्वगत निद्धयर्थमीहमाना महान्वया ।
-VIP, 38 13a 16 तेपा कृतानि चिह्नानि सूत्र पद्माह्वयान्निधे । 3918.
-Ibid 38 21 17 Ibid , 38 44, 47ff 18 Ilid 38 3 (callerl Doijanman), 42, 47-49 19 These are classed under three heads called Garbhānvayal rigá, Diksän
dayatriya and Karlronvayal riya ,--MP 38 51 See thic follo ving chap
ter

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208 Aspects of Brahmanicu i Influence on the Mouna lg.hslapy were styled and distinguished as Doijas.20 To this sacred thrcad werc cntitled all the discerning twicc-born, living according to their class rulcs, by 152 (swords-arms), Masi (ink) and Krşı (cultivation) and Vanliga? (trade and come mcrce)
In thc abovc mcans of subsırıcncc thc ecrm Ast is sym. bolic of thc military class entrusted vich the duty of protecting the masses Similarly, kipsi and Yanijja werc thc approved mcans of living of the Varsyas. That being the case, Jinascna obviously includes the lisatriyas and thc Varsyas in the Doijavarna of which the Brahmana class formed onc unit. In vicw of the fact the term Maşi, mentioned above, may logically bc taken as indicative of the means of livelihood of the Brährianavarna The word hcrc and clscwherr. symbolizces study and teaching and as such is equivalent to adhit and adhyapona, two of the special duties and privilcgcs of a Bräilmana Further, Ması has already been mentioned as one of the six noble mcansa' of living of the people and is said to have been sanctioncd by Lord Rsabha 4 This fact, then, goes against the theory of the later origin of the Brāhmana-Varna, as advanced by all the Jaina authors Besides, we meet with some passages in the MP which rcycal the same fact about the origin of the Brāhmanas as the Bralimanıcal sources The Brāhmanas, for instance, are mentioncd as Agrajasas (first-born), which fact apparently admits the claim of the Brahmanas to the priority of origin in the scheme of Varnas and at another place those are stated to have sprung from the mouth of Svayambhū, ic Brahma (Svayambhudät mukhājjāt āh26) Again, in the same context the author derives the 20 Ibid 38 47-49 21 तत्तु स्यादसिवृत्त्या वा मण्या कृप्या वणिज्यया । यथास्व वर्तमानाना सदृष्टीना द्विजन्मनाम् ।।
-MP 40 107, 22 Ibid , 16 246 23 Ibid , 16 170 24 Ibid , 16 180. 25 40 217 20 39 117a

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Institution of Class and Order
209
term Brahmana from Brahma and interprets the Vamas so styled as the offspring of Brahma,37 whose functions and names and cpithets have already been arrogated to Rşabhadeva All these statements may be taken as indicative of the Brahmanical influence on Jinasena These statements, however, contradict his another version with regard to the origin of the Brahmana Varna. That version, apparently bringing together the Brāhmanical and the Jaina ideas of the Varna in question, ascribes its origin to Bharata who is anticipated to create the Dojas from his mouth while teaching the vedas 28
Puşpadanta, on the other hand, tells a different tale. According to his version, Bharata did not create the Brahmanavarna, but one of its sub-sections called Sottiya (Srotrıya) The Brāhmanas, mentioned in the Mahapurānu as Vippas (Vzpras) are stated to have been invited and invested with Srotriya-hood". Thus, the version represents the Brahmanas as pre-existing Bharata. Besides, the account as given by Puşpadanta creates also an impression that institutions of four Parnas and Asramas in their degenerate forms were already in existence during the reign of Lord Rşabha who simply reformed them by defining and demarcating the modes of life of the different Varnas. In this context Rşabhadeda is represented as having criticized the prevalent institution of class and order together with the three vedas and the Srolnyas 31 Thus, according to the work, what lord Rşabha did was not the creation of the institution of Varna
27 TETUTIS eficia argul Ancreat. I ब्रह्मा स्वयम्भूर्भगवान् परमेष्ठी जिनोत्तम ॥
MP 39 127 28 मुखतोऽध्यापयन् शास्त्र भरत स्रक्ष्यति द्विजान् ।
-Ibid, 10 246a As is evident from the context the term Doya
in the extract has bcen used 10 tbc sense of the Brāhmanas 20 HTÈU fa fo3 f3
-PMP XIX 5 10b 30 Ibid XIX 5-7 31 चढवण्णासमु धम्मु तइत्तिय, अज्ज वि सूदर होतिण सोत्तिय
-Ibid V. 9.6,

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Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology
but the imposition of some restriction on the members of the four Varnas with reference to their duties and employments
32
210
Thus, we find that the authors are at great variance with one another with regard to the origin, duties and position of the Brahmanas And it is obvious that the discrepancies and inconsistencies in the different versions are the results of the individual reactions against the ascendancy of the Brahmanas, the only opponents of Jainism The accounts, however, show the dominance of the Varna in the fourfold social system together with the mixed castes during the periods which the works represent
Whatever may be their reaction against the Brahmanical ascendancy, the works exhibit remarkable agreement with the Brahmanical sources with regard to the origin of the classes as well as the mixed castes The MP, for example, tells us that originally there existed a single race of undivided body of mankind which subsequently got divided into four Varnas due to the different modes of living adopted by the people 33 Now, our study of the Brahmanical sources reveals the same truth regarding the pristine position of mankind The Ramayana says that in the early days of creation the entire populace consisted of a single class The Mahabharata also holds that "there is no distinction between the different classes; the entire mankind related to Brahma and created originally by Brahma (the people), on account of their acts, has been divided into various classes "35 The Vayupurana, too, states that in the Kṛta age the institution of class and order was non-exis
32 Ibid, V 9-10
33 मनुष्यजातिरेकैव जातिनामोदयोद्भवा । वृत्तिभेदाहितादभेदाच्चातुविध्य मिहानुते ||
-MP 38 45. Also JHV 7 103a
34 Ullarakanda, 30 21
35
न विशेषोऽस्ति वर्णाना सर्व ब्राह्ममिदं जगत् । ब्रह्मणा पूर्वसृष्ट हि कर्मभिर्वतां गतम् ॥
-MBh XII, 188.10

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Institution of Class and Order
tenta and the stratification of mankind into the different classes took place in the Treta age " Thus, we find that the Jaina account of the origin of the various Varnas echoes the same view as is held out by the Brahmanical epic-Puranic tradition. Now, like the Bhagavadgitä,38 the works in question also suggest that in the beginning the basis of the division of men into four Varnas was pre-eminently the natural propensities and optitudes of the individuals
But the age, when the class of an individual was determined more by his action than by his birth, had passed long before the period which the Jaina Puranas represent The institution of classes and castes had already fossilized as the hereditary caste system and the Jaina reaction against the caste-system almost fully subsided under the Brahmanical Impact Naturally the authors concerned adopted, under a new garb, the same Brahmanical scheme of the origin and development of the different classes and castes as is met with in the epics and the Puranas of the Brahmanical school Thus, we are told that the men, who were possessed of great strength, were employed by Rşabhadeva in the act of protection (of the people) and became known in the world as the famous Kşatrıyas Those, who undertook trade, cultivation, cattle-breeding and were energetic and devoted to business, acquired the
39
36 वर्णाश्रमव्यवस्थाश्च न तदासन्......।
Vayup 8,61b
37 वर्णाना प्रविभागाश्च त्रेताया सम्प्रकीर्तिता ।
211
-Ibid, 57 60a, also see 57 81, 87
38 Lord Krina proclaims that the fourfold Varna scheme was created by Him in accordance with the distinct qualities and actions (of the indi
17
viduals), "चातुर्वर्ण्य मया सृष्ट गुणकर्मविभागश
-IV 13a, also XVIII 41
30 रखखरणकर रणनिउत्ता, जे तेरा नरा महन्तदढसत्ता । ते खत्तिया पसिद्धि गया य पुहइम्मि विक्खाया ॥
FPC, 3 116 Also see RPC 3 256, JHV, 9.39, MP 38 46,

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212
Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jarna Mythology
name Vaissa 10 Those among the masses, who were engaged in low acts and executed orders of others, were classed as Sūdras and had manifold division 11
Now so far as the principal duty of the Kşatriya is concerned, RPC, JHV and MP have obviously based it on the derivative sense of the term Kşatra glossed by the immortal poet Kālıdása as preserver from injury". Thus like the RaghuDamsa all the three worhs inform us that the Ksatriyas were so called because they were entrusted with (the duty of) preserve ung (the people) from injury 49
Of all the works, the Mahapurana of Jinasena is of particular interest from the standpoint of the comparative study of the topic concerned For, the Brahmanıcal theory of the origin of the Varnas from the various parts of the Creator's body also finds a modified place in the work. Thus, like the Purusasūkta43 and the Mahābhārata," the MP says that the Lord (Rşabha) wielding weapon (in hand) created the Kşatriyas from his arms ;45 next, the Master, instructing to undertake journey, 40 alfw-4f#TITS TITTAU-Tuin JUGATI ते होन्ति वइसनामा वावारपरायणा धीरा ॥
-PPC. 2 116, RPC 3.267, JHV 9 39 41. # 199+TTTT TRỘTO Titan faqa ते होन्ति सुद्दवग्गा, वहुभेया चेव लोगम्मि ॥
-PC, 3 117, RPC 3 268 For all these references to the
origin of the classes and their respective duties compare Gilā,
XVIII 43-44, MBh XII. 298 20-21 42 (a) afaziù fayun ......9f791.....
-RPC 3 266a (b) saatu fayaar feafarur ......
--MP. 16 243b (c) aferat FanFITUTO..... ...
JHY 8 39 and comp क्षताद किल पायत इत्युदन क्षत्रस्य शब्दो भुवनेषु रूढ ।
Raghu II 63 43 RV X. 90 12 44. MBK VI 67 186-19a, VIII 32 43b-44a, XII 72 4-5, 296 6 45 स्वदो| धारयन् शस्त्र क्षत्रियानसृजद् विभु ।
-MP. 16 245a

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created the Varsyas from his thighs46, and just from (his) feet, the wise created the Sūdras (who were) devoted to the contemptuous mode of life 47 And ascribing the origin of the Brahmanas to the first Cakrin, the work says that Bharata, while teaching the Săstra, will create the Donjas (the twice-born) from his mouth €8
Besides the above statements with regard to the origin of the Varnas we also meet with other versions on the origin, number and nature of the Varnas during Rşabhadeva's reign Silārka, for example, refers to only two classes of people as having been created by the Lord The CMC states that the single human race was divided into two by the Lord 49 Those, who stood surrounding the Lord, were Kşatriyas (Khattıyas) also called Rajans and the remaining were the masses (Payatıloo= Prakrtilokah) 50
Hemacandra, although referring to the respective duties of the different Varnas, 61 does not ascribe the creation of the classes, especially of the Varsyas and the Sūdras62 to Rşabha Instead, he is accredited with the division of the Ksatriyas into the distinct famılıcs called Ugra, Bhoga, Räjanya and Kşatra 58 Those, who were made incharge of superintendence and were invested with the authority of punishing the lawbreakers, were called Ugras , those, who were appointed to the post of
46 3567AT TETTEL AT THarete afus
-Iord 16 2442 47 न्यग्वृत्तिनियतान् शूद्रान् पट्यामेवासृजत् सुधी ।
-Ibid 16 245a. 48 Vide above note 28 40 एगा मणुस्मजाई दुहा विहत्ता भगवया ।
CMC, p 39 80 Ibsd p 39 51 TSPC 1 2 34-88 52 However, the four Varnas together with two mixed castes, viz Ambas
the and Magadha, find mention as acknowledged social institutions
-Ibid 2 6 232 53 TSPC, 1 2 974 84, Ibıd , 1 2 975a

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ministers, acquired the title Bhoga,65 the men of Lord's own age were designated as Rajanyas56 and the remaining people were known as Ksatriyas 57 As is evident from the account, the Kşalras, according to Hemacandra's version, constituted the allcomprising class of men whereof the first three were sub-sections with specific administrative powers
As is obvious, the above-cited diverging statements regarding the origin of the different classes detract much from the authenticity and credibility of the accounts As such, the versions may be taken as having been actuated by the Jaina authors' desire to accord their sanction to the institution of class. And to make the social organization acceptable to the Jaina order, its origin was tacked on to the mythical father of the faith 58
However, what is significant is not the question of the origin of the Vamas, but the idea of keeping class-and-caste distinction undisturbed Kings are often praised as preservers of the four Vamas and Aśramas But of all the authors Jinasena shows the greatest interest in enjoining the people to follow the avocation of their own families and classes Like the Brahmanical epic-Purānic authors and Smrtıkáras, he asks the king 10 check confusion of classes and punish the transgressors -"One, who having abandoned his own mode of life will take to that of) another (class)”, says he, "should be punished by the kings, otherwise, there will occur intermixture of classes."59 That
55 Ibid , 12 075b 06 jbrd , 1 2 076a 57 Ibid , 1 2 8766 88 We also meet with another Jaina view which instead of ascribing the
origin of the castes to Rsabha and bis son Bharata, represents the costes and their observances as existing from eternity-जातयोऽनादय सर्वाRaffinfo tofagri_rajastelaka, Book VIII, Section 34, quoted
in rajastılal a and Indian Culture, p 332 50 स्वामिमा वृत्तिमुत्नम्य यस्त्वन्या वृत्तिमाचरेत् । स पापिनियन्तव्यो वर्णसकीरिणरन्यथा ॥
-AP.16 248.

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these works, at times, give stress on action rather than on descent as the cause of ones greatness has nothing extraordinary about it. For, we mect with similar views in the Brahmanical sources not infrequently 60 Such exhortations are to be taken as forming checks on the members of the different classes and castes against the violation of the duties devolved on them through descent But even if a member of a particular class did not possess the class characteristics, he was not considered as excommunicated from his class of birth Thus, while laying down conditions for Brāhmanahood, Jinasena does not sidetrack birth as a deciding factor of one's class Instead, he impliedly acknowledges thc hereditary nature of one's class by holding that if a Brāhmana be devoid of austerity and learning, he, then, must be looked upon as a Brahmana only by birth 01
Rights and Duties of the Varnas
As is evident from the preceding accounts, the main duties of the Ksatriyas were the protection of the masses and the conduct of war They were entitled to the statutory sacraments for attaining Doryahood Performance of non-injurious sacrifices, giving gifts to the deserving persons, study and worship were their cultural and religious activities Besides, eligibility for rulership and Jra-hood" was their special privilege
Cattle-breeding, cultivation and trade and commerce were the special duties of the Varsyas. Like the Ksatriyas, the Varsyas are also allowed to observe the sacraments Thus, as
60 Sec, for example, MBH III 180 20-87, 181.42-43, 216 12-16, which
state that the Varna of an individual is to be judged by his action and
not by his birth 61. तपः श्रुतञ्च जातिश्च त्रय ब्राह्मण्यकारणम् । तप'श्रुताभ्या यो हीनो जातिब्राह्मण एव स ॥
-MP 38 43 cf Mahābhārata (III 216 13-15), which goes stall further in denouncing a Brahmana without good deeds as a Sūdra It states in clcar terms that the Brāhmana who is vain and baughty, who is sinful and cyıl-minded and who indulgcs in degraded actions is
no better than südra " 62 According to the Jaina belief, no Jipa was born in a class other than
Ksatriya

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216 Aspects of Bralmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology in the Brahmanıcal sources, the Varsyas, according to thc MP, are entitled to Doja-hood
Our perusal of the Jaina Puranas shows that the attitude of the Jaina authors towards thc Sūdras is the same as that of the epic-Purānic authors and Smţii-writers It is really remarka. ble that the faith, which had greater regard for Spapalo63 (the son of a Candála and a Brahmanı) than for a Brāhmana, gives the Sūdras the same status in the social set up as has been given to them in the Brahmanical works In all the texts under discussion they are branded as men of mcan acts Their main duty is stated to be the service of the threc higher classes 6. They are not allowed the privilege of sacraments 85 Thus as in the Brahmanical sources, the Sūdras are considered in the Jaina Puranas as incapable of purificatory ntcs and other acts of religious and cultural importance
The Sūdras are divided into two groups of artisans and non-artisans who are further subdivided into touchables and untouchables Among the artisans Jinasena inentions only two by name, viz Rajaka (washerman) and Karttakare (barber?). Beyond this Jinasena says nothing about the various subsections of the mixed castes
Srläñka is possibly the only Jaina author to have supplied a list of some of the principal sub-sections of the different classes Besides the four Varnas, he mentions sixteen mixed castes67 whose description clearly shows that he has based his version principally on the Manusmrti which gives them the same origin as Silanha does Those castes as mentioned by Silanka are (1) Pahānakhattıā (Pradhana-Kşatriya), (11) Pahanavalsa (Pradhāna-Varšya), (11i; Pahāna-suddha (Pradhana-Sūdra), (1v) Ambatta (Ambaştha), (v) Ugga (Ugra), (vi) Nisāa (Neşāda), (v1) Ayoga, (vui) Māgaha (Magadha), (iv) Suā (Sūta), (x) (x) Khatta (Kşattā), (xi) Vadeha (Vardeha), (xul) Candala, (x2) 63 cg Uttará 12 18 84 वण्णत्तयपेसणसमारणु वि
-PMP. V. 10 4. Also see above note 41. 65 Vide above note 21. 66 AP. 16 185-86 87, CMC. p. 39.

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217 Soväga (svapāka), (xiv) Vainava (Vena), (xv) Bokkasa (Pukkasa) and (xvi) Kakkadaa (Karkataka=Kukkutaka)
Of the above names the first three are significant, for we do not find their mention in the cpics and in the Smytis of Manu and Pājñavalkya The author while referring to their origin says that (the son begotten) by a Brāhmana or a Kşatriya woman (was called) Pradhānahşatriya, 08 from a Ksatriya father and a Varsya on á Sūdrā woman (was called) Pradhanašūdra 69 As is evident from the description and the names, the persons so classed are treated as having acquired the classes to which their mothers belonged by descent. And as implied by the adjunct Pradhāna prefixed to the classnames, the members of the said classes are considered to be superior to the ordinary Kşatriyas, Varsyas and Sūdras Thus, on account of his fathers' higher class, a Pradhāna Ksatriya is superior to a Kşatriya whose father being a Kşatriya is inferior to the father of the Pradhana. kşainya with regard to the class. Similarly, a Pradhänavaisya is deemed higher in social prestige than the Varsyas born of the parents of the samc caste The name Pradhanašūdra is likewise suggestive of the fact that the offspring of a Varšja father and a Sudra mother were considered to be superior to the issues of a Sudra father and a Sūdra mother It is, however, remarkable that in all the above cases, it is not the fathers' castes but those of the mothers which have been accepted as the basis of the three special class-names
Now, a comparison of Silanka's version with the views of Manu and rajñavalkya reveals that the above three castes are not different from the Brahmanical Mürdhāvasıkta, Māhişya and Karana who are stated to have sprung from the same mantal alliances to which the Pradhānaksatriya, Pradhanavaisya and the Pradhānašūdra owe their origin according to Silanka As stated
68 HTEUTU EFTITUTT Terrafant,
CMC, P 89 69 एव खत्तियेण वइसीए पहाणवइसो, वइसेण सुद्दीए पहाणसुद्दो
4-Ibid., p. 89.

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by Yajñavalkya, the son born of a Brāhmaṇa father and a Ksatriya mother was called a Mūrdhāvasıkta,70 the son of a Kşatrıya man by his Varsya wife was called a Māhişya and the son of a Varsya father and a Sūdra mother belonged to the caste called Karana,78 Manu does not refer to the above mentioned castes by any specific names. He simply calls them Anantaras, 70 i e. beionging to the next lower castes than those of their fathers. This suggests that the son of a Brāhmana father and a Kşatnya mother was reckoned as belonging to the Kşatnya caste-the original class of his mother Similarly, the offspring of a Ksatriya by his Varsya wife and those of a Varsya by his Sūdra castes respectively. However, on account of their fathers' higher classes than their mothers' castes, those Anantaras were treated as similar to their fathers with regard to social prestige 74 This being the case, Silanka's representation of the three sub-classes may be taken as based on Manu's concept of the Anantaras, specifically styled by Tajñavalkya as Mūrdhādasıkta, Māhışya and Karana respectively.
As to the remaining mixed castes, Silanka's description of their origin is in substantial agrcement with Manu's concept of the origin of the mixed castes Silanka tells us that from a Brähmana by the daughter of a Varsya was born an Ambaştha,78 from Kşalrıya by the daughter of a Śūdra was born an Ugra76 and from a Brāhmana by the daughter of a Sūdra was born a Nişāda 17 Again in an inverse order, by a Sudra on the daugh70. faxrnafafa fe efTTATH...
Tana 1.4 91a. 71 Ibid , 1 4 92b 72 Ruta 950 95179...
Ibid , 1 4 92b 79' Manu X 14 74 Ibid, XG 75 HT agat sagiti
-CMC, p 39 Manu X 8 76 fergut SETT FOTO
-Ibid p 39. of Manu X 8. - 77 माहणेण सुद्दीए णिसाम्रो ।
Ibid. p. 29, Manu X. 8

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ter of a Varsya was begotten an Ayogava, 78 from a Vazśya male and à Kşatriya female was born a Magadha, 7' from a Kşatriya father and a Brāhmana mother sprang a Sūta 80 Again, by a Sūdra on a lişaltıya woman was begotten a Kşatta, 81 from a Vaisya father and a Brāhmana mother was born a Vardena 82 From a Sūdra by a Brahmana female sprang a Cândāla83, by an Ugra on the daughter of a Ksatta was begotten a Svapaka 84 The son begotten by a Vardeha on a Kşatta woman was called a Vainava ,85 the son of a Nişāda either by an Ambaştha female or by the daughter of a Sudra was a Pukkasa88, and one born of a Sudra father and a Nişada mother was called a Karhataka.87
78 पच्छाणुपुवीए सुद्देण वइसीए भयोगव ।
-CMC. P 39, Manu x 12 79 वइसेण खत्तियाणीए मागहो।
-Ibid , p 30, Manu X 11 80 खत्तिएणं माहणीए सूमो ।।
--Ibtd., P 38, Manu x 11 81 सुद्देण खत्तियाणीए खत्ता ।
-CMC p 38, Manu x 12 82 वइसेण माहणीए वहदेहो ।
-CAIC p 39, Manu X II For all the above castes
also compare Mahābhārata XIII 48 10-13 83- सुद्देण' माहणीए चडालो ।
-CMC P 38, Manu x 125 MBh XIII 48 11 84 उग्गेण खत्ताए सोवागो।
--Ibrd , p 39 According to Manu, the father of a Soapāka was a Ksalla and the mother was the daughter of an Ugra
(Manux 19) 85 वइदेहेण खत्ताए वइणवो ।
p 39 This castc scems to be the same a. Manu's Vena, stated to have becn begotten by a Vaidehaka on an
Ambastha women 88 प्रवट्ठीए सुद्दीए वा पिसाएण जायो बोक्कमो।
~-CNIC P. 38, Manu 18' 87 रिपसायोए सुद्दण जाओ कक्कंडो
AMC p. 89 Manu calls the caste a Kakkujata (X, 11.)

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Now, so far as the duties and privileges of the Brāhmanas are concerned, the works do not show any marked disagreement with the Brahmanical epic-Purānic tradition. Thcse texts, too, recognize this class as the highest among the three higher classes. Of all the works the MP appears to be the only Purana to have elaborately dealt with the rights and obligations of the Brāhmanas As in the Brahmanical sources, the Brāhmanas are exhorted to follow their duties consisting of Adhili (study). Adhyāpana (teaching), Dāna (giving gifts to the deserving', Pralicchā (receiving gifts from others), Igyano (sacrifice) and rāgang8! (sacrificing for others) Another special duty assigned to a Brahmana is the maintenance of the three sacred fires. The authors, like the Brahmanıcal ep2c-Purānic and Smrti-writers, exhort the Brāhmana to keep the three fires burning and perform fire ritual constantly.80 As enjoined by Jinasena "the three great fires, celebrated as Gārhapatya, Xhavaniya and Dakşına, should be consecrated in three hearths and the best of the twice-born, offering daily worship in the three sacred fires with the accompaniment of sacred formulas should be known as Ahuāgni, in whose house (there is) perpetual sacrifice "1 Before we proceed further, we must note that the
88 gatautahat ang talagafar aft' I
-AP, 16 246b comp Manu X. 78-76 MBh XIII. 141.88, 89 MP 39 103 90. The Mahabharata (X11,59 69), for example enjoms a Brahmana househol
der to be constant in offering oblations to the three sacred fires (aaglfaत्यश्च गृहाश्रमी स्यात) The fire ntual performed with the three sacred fircs, called respectively Gārhapalya, Ahavaniya and Dakşına, is called Vaitāna which is equivalent to Srauta Agnihotra Sce Paraskara, quoted by Kullura on Manu, V 84 Kullūka (on Manu VI 9), relying on the same source, explains the term Vitāna u the disposition of the fire of the Gärhapatyn hc rth in both the Xhavamya and Dakstna hearths The fires are collectively known as Treta and Agnitraya कुण्डपये प्रणेतव्यास्त्रय एते महाग्नयः । गार्हपत्याहवनीयदक्षिणाग्निप्रसिद्धयः ॥ मस्मिन्नग्नित्रये पूजा मन्त्र कुर्वन् द्विजोत्तम । प्राहिताग्नरिनि ज्ञेयो निस्येज्या यस्य समनि ॥
MP, 40.84-85. Also see Ibid. 47.861b-54,

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conception of a Brāhmana as a perpetual fire-worshipper is one of the many non-Jaina elements introduced in Jainism under the unescapable influence of the Brahmanical religious practices. For, as is well known to us, Jainism as a rule was highly critical of the Brahmanical fire ritual 92 Still, amazingly enough, sometimes one and the same work prescribes, on the one hand, the fire ritual as an essential part of the Jaina system of worship®8 and, on the other, criticizes those "who believe that the gods are pleased by an oblation burnt in the fire "4 Thus, in view of the fact that the Jaina faith has adopted the same Brahmanical customs and practices which it has vehemently attacked, the latter aspect may logically be treated as forming part of the customary Jaina reaction against the Brahmanical faith
Now, coming to the other rights and responsibilities of the Brahmanas, we find that those as laid down in the MP and in some of the other Jaina Purānas have nothing uncommon with the rights and duties of their counterparts in the Brahmanıcal sources A Brāhmana, for example, is stated to be immune from capital punishment, for, "owing to the excel. lence of virtue a Brahmana is not liable to death from others "95 To prove himself a worthy one, a Brāhmana is required ten qualities which constitute his rights and duties both These ten characteristics are prescribed as incentives to him for the due discharge of other obligations devolved on him These
92 Uttarā 12 89 43, 44, UP 74 488-89, CMC pp 281-62 93 TSPC, 1 2 813-815, I 6 666-57, 3 1 157-58 94 agt ga aastuaTFAIR 11.
-Ibid 4 2 340b and f 95 ATEITIT FE Tuhafraipaat aangfa 11
-MP 40 194b of TSPC 4 1 316 which allows a Brāhmana to enjoy unqualified immunity from capital punishment It enjoins that "a Brahmana though he says something monstrous and acts perversely, cannot be lilled, because he is a Bråb. mana" Compare Manu VIII 380-81 The MBh (XIII 33 24b) states that the great sages declare the murder of a Brābmaņa to be a great ain” (FEETT FETT 19 916: 9H0 )

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privileges as enumerated by Jinasena are (i) Atz-bala-vidyā, (ii) Kulavadhı, (1u) Varnottamatta, (v) Srştjadhikārtā, (vi) Vyavahareśrta, (v1) Avadhyatda, (vin) Adand yatda, (1x) Manarhata and (x) Praja-sambandhantara 1 Atz-bala-oidya"
This is the first of the ten privileges of a Brahmana. Jina. sena means by the phrase that a Brahmana boy should undertake the study of the sciences in his infancy Otherwise, there is every danger of his falling prey to the false teachings of the so-called Brāhmaṇas In other words, what Jinasena intends to state is that a Brāhmana-boy should begin study comparatively at an early age than the members of the other twice-born classes Thus the theory advanced by the author of the MP is in perfect conformity with that of the Brahmanical authors who have likewise proclaimed that a Brahmana boy should start his studentship in as carly an age as possible. 87 2. Kulavadh298
This refers to the preservation of one's family traditions; in its absence, a Brāhmana, with his lost duty peculiar to his famıly, will deflect to another family The idea expressed under this head is that a Brāhmana should discharge his duties in accordance with his family traditions 09 3. Varnottamato a100
This constitutes the privilege of the Brahmana. The meaning is that a Brahmana, by his poble conduct, should establish the superiority of his class over the other classes
96 MP 40 178-180 97 Manu, for example, enjoins that the initiation of a Brāhmana (boy)
who desires proficiency in sacred lore should take place in the fifth
(year after conception) II 37. 98 MP 40-181 99 This guarded instruction is in perfect aceping with the oft-repeated
Brahmawcal, especially thc Alahābhārala ir junction that a Brāhmana must fulfl his class-obligations It is not unfrequently hat a Brāhmand, neglectful of his prescribed duties, is threatened with dire consequences
here and hereafter Sec, for example, MBh XII 02 4. 100, MP 40 182-84.

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4 Patratoa101
A Brahmana should entitle himself to the gifts and presents from the Society. For, on account of his great virtues, he is worthy of gifts 5 Srstyadhzkāntālo2
A Brahmana must follow and propagate the Jaina concept of the origin of the various institutions of social and religious importance. Otherwise, the people may be led astray by the absurd theory of creation propounded by the herctics. Poavahareśrtã103
Full freedom with regard to the acts of expiation, etc is called Vyavahāreśrta. Without it a Brahmana cannot purify either himself or others. 7. Avadhyata
The best of the twice born (a Brahmana) must be firmminded also with regard to his right to inviolability 104 8 Adand yată106
A Brähmana must justify his claim to impunity. Therefore Jinasena advises the king and other authorities not to take the property of a (righteous) Brāhmana. Thus, like the Brahmapıcal sources he holds that "just as the property of the gods and of the preceptors is not to be seized by those seeking (their) welfare, even so is the property of a Brahmana Therefore, a twiceborn (Brahmana) is not liable to punishment."'308
101 Ibsd , 40 185-86 102 Ibid , 40 187-91 103 Ibid , 40 192 93 104 स्यादवध्याधिकारेऽपि स्थिरात्मा द्विजसत्तमः ।
MP40 194a Also scc above pote 95 105 MP 40 199-203 cf MBL XII 56 22, 89 89 108 oferi o alegou Feafgift i ब्रह्मस्व च तथाभूत न दण्डाहंस्ततो द्विज ॥
-MP 40 201 cf MBh XIII 129 4b, wbich shows similar lediency to the Brāhmanas According to the epic direction,” the property of a Brāhmana must not bc scirc. ly one d sirous of his (own! v'elsare" TFT fa 7 BTHT
it faafregat) Also scc ibid XIII O 16a 18a, 101 11f, XII 75 11-12

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9 Mandrhat&207
A Brähmana should endeavour to command the respect from others, "for one, excelling in virtues, is venerated, praised and worshipped by the great "108 10 Prajāsambandhāntara109
Under this head a Brāhmana is advised to be in touch with the people to keep them firmly devoted to the Jaina faith.
It 18 interesting to note that of the above privileges of a Brāhmana those put forth as Patratva, Avadhyata, Adandyatd and Manarhatā are identical in spint with the Brahmanical claim to the four special privileges as laid in the vedic literature under the following heads110 .
(1) Arcanā (Veneration), (ii) Dana (gifts and presents), (111) Ajeyatā (invincibility, 1.e Freedom from oppression
and injury), and (iv) Avadhyata (Freedom from capital punishment).
It is obvious that the expressions, Varnottamatta and Vyapaharesta are suggestive of the same Brahmanical claim to supremacy over the remaining classes as is put forward in the Brahmapical works 111 Not only that, the Brahmanas, on account of their moral and spiritual excellence,- both real and ima107, MP. 40204-6 108 "Tu fe 7177 FEITGaret. Jou F Å I"
-bed , 30 204b. Compare, for example, MBh XIII 33 6-7ff 109 MP. 40 207-211 110 Sat Br II 576, Au VI 17 19, toth quoted in RK Chaudhary,
Problems and Methods of Socio-Economic History of Ancient India in Nero
Perspective, JBRS, Vol LIV, Parts I-IV (1968), p 103 111 As a matter of fact, in the epic and the law books of the Brahmanical
school, this claim to supremacy of the Brāhmana class has found expre«sion with greater force than in the vedic literature The Mahābhārala is full of abortations directing tbe non Brahmapa members of the society to obey and honour thc Brahmoras ungrudgingly, “for, a twicebom (Brahmana) is, indccd, the teacher, the cldest and most excellent of all the classes" (Taf Taufit ICS. a fast
—MBh XII 72 11b), Also scc Manu II 20, X 3,

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ginary-are conceived as above the usual Varna-scheme. As asserted by Jinasena, "these most excellent among the twiceborn, with dignity acquired by the ceremonious observance of religious vows and (muttering of) sacred formulas etc, must not be regarded as included in the Varnas "112 This being the case, it is claimed that no tax should be levied on the Brāhmanas 113
It is also remarkable that like Manu114 and the cpicPurānic116 authors Jinasena, too, views a Brāhmana as a divini. ty in human form In Jinasena's opinion a Brāhmana acquires divine character by self-elevation as well as by mastery of some of the supernatural powers such as Mahima (power of increase ing size at will), Garima (power of making himself heavy), Prāpti (power of obtaining everything), Prākāmya (irresistible will-power), Isitoa (supremacy) and Vasilva (power of subduing everyone to his own will).110
It is, however, important to note that the divine nature and other qualities thus ascribed to the Brāhmanas as well as their duties and privileges do not refer to all the Brāhmanas, irrespectively of their faiths. Jinasena classifies the Brāhmanas into two groups, viz. Kļşna (black)and Sukla (white). In the first group are included the non-Jaina Brāhmanas who are branded as of impure conduct and in the second group are reckoned the Jaina Brāhmanas who stand for purity 117 In Jinasena's opinion, the Brāhmanas placed in the Black-class should not be treated as better than the ordinary people, as such the privilcges conceded to the Brāhmana class must not be given to them 118 It is in this context the Brahmanas of the Vedic School
112 aufra ofaat à gaur FETHT AT I व्रतमन्त्रादि-सस्कारसमारोपितगीरवा ॥
-MP. 39 131. 113 Ibid , 42.181.192, 68-100 114 IX. 317, 319, XI 84 115 cg MBh XIII 35 21, 47 42 116 MP 39 104-107 117 Ibid 39 138-40 118 Ibid 42 181-188,

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are assailed for preaching Activistic Religion118 (stafetu H) and animal sacrifices Kings are asked to realize revenue from these so-called Brahmanas 120
As regards the institution of the stages of life, the Jaina Puranas, as a rule, acknowledge only two, viz Sägäräśrama (the order of a householder) and Nirāgārāśrama (the order of a monk) These Āśramas are said to have originated during the reign of Rşabhadeva 121 The Jaina authors repudiate the idea of accepting more than two stages of man's life Ravişena, for example, states that "the prescribed conduct is declared to be of two varieties, (one) of the householders and the other) of the monks Those who accept a third one are, indeed, burnt with the fire of delusion "322
Nevertheless, Jinasena's description of the sacramental rites prescribed for the Dorjas (twice-born men) provides sufficient ground to believe that the author of the MP sanctions the Aśrama-scheme in a somewhat masked way 128 The four stages have been covered under various designations practically in the same order as in the Brahmanical works Thus, some rites and rituals are enjoined to be performed in the Brahmacaryasrama, others in the Gshasthāśrama, a few in the Vānaprastha and some are to be observed in the Samnyasāstama And, although critical of the Brahmanıcal scheme,194 the author of the MP recognizes the four Āśramas in the same order and under the same names as the legitimate Jaina orders Hc, however, impresses upon us that the Brahmanical fourfold Aśrama scheme is erroneous.
119 Ibid 41 51-52, also 39 135 and cf MBH (XIJI 141 70a) which holds
that the religion marked by activities is intended for the bousc-bolders
(प्रवृत्तिलक्षणो धर्मो गृहस्थेषु विधीयते) 120 MP. 42 181 191 121 RPC 5 196 122 सागाराणा यतीनाञ्च धर्मोऽसो द्विविध स्मृत । तृतीय ये तु मन्यन्ते दग्धास्ते मोहवह्निना ।।
albid , 4 46 123. See the following chapter 124 MP 39, 24, 161b

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In the Jaina system, on the other hand, the Asramas are so formulated as to invest the individual with more and more purity as he passes from one stage to the other Thus, Finasena sums up by observing that "the purity of the four Asramas is possible (only) in the Jaina faith The four stages of life of others (are only) seemingly agreeable Brahmacärın (student of the sacred lore), Gyhastha (house-holder), Vānaprastha (anchorite) and Bhakşuka (religious beggar)--these Āśramas (stages of life) of the Jainas are dependent on ever-increasing purity "126 We, however, do not find any marked difference between the Brahmanical Aśrama scheme and the one envisaged by Jinasena Hence, Jinasena's stricture on the Brahmanıcal institution may be taken as a part of the usual Jaina reaction against the Brah. manical social organization. The Aims of human existence
Viewed from the standpoint of the position of the four Puruçárthas in man's life, the Purānas in question are of no less significance A perusal of the works reveals that the Jaina attitude towards the normal life of the laity is in substantial agreement with the Brahmapical epic-Purānıc concept of the same. For, it is well-known to us that according to the Brahmanical view of life, the four objects, viz Dharma, Artha, Kāma and Molşa are the only ends or goals of human existence These are the chief motivating forces which urge man to action of these four aims, the last viz Mokşa does not come within the scope of normal endeavours of the average, for Molşa can be attained only by a few in any particular life through ceaseless efforts extending to several births 126 Further
125 aufHTAJATUI 7 zf. FOTETE Hati
चातुराश्रम्यमन्येषामविचारितसुन्दरम् ॥ ब्रह्मचारी गृहस्थश्च वानप्रस्थोऽथ भिक्षक । इत्याश्रमास्तु जैनानामुत्तरोत्तरशुद्धित.।।
--39 151-52 It is remarkable that the first line of the versc 152 18 identical with the MBh XII 242 18a which reads as follows
ब्रह्मचारी गृहस्थश्च चानप्रस्थोऽथ भिक्षुक 126 Vide, Bg VI 46,

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more, the attempt to gain this goal requires the renunciation of the world and worldliness Therefore, the retirement from the social life is normally the essential condition for the realization of the fourth end,197 which is the summum bonum of human existence As such, for the man in the society, the cpic-Purāņic texts refer only to the group of the first three Puruşārthas, popularly called Trwarga 128
With regard to the above aspect of the Hindu view of life, the Jaina Purānas show marked agreement with the epics For, in spite of their occasional preachings for exclusive and direct pursuit of Mokşa, the works in question recognise, Dharma, Artha and Kama as the ends of human existence.129 As such, quite contrary to their otherwise strong advocacy in favour of direct asceticism for attaining salvation, these works often refer to the group of only the first three goals, viz Dharma, Artha and Kāma, 180 the last two being the concern of the householders alone.
As in the epics, the ends are placed, in the works, in the same order of the descending values. Dharma stands supreme in the scheme of the three Puruşārthas,131 for it not only contributes towards the satisfaction of man's economic, aesthetic and emotional cravings, but also leads on to the celestial world and eventually serves as the only source of salvation 132 Now, on the merit of their secondary importance in man's life here and here. after, Artha and Käma occupy respectively the second and third positions among the three ends 133 These two are considered as Puruşārthas only when these are served in accordance with the dictates of Dharma And when coming in the way of Dharma
127 Hence, the fourth stage, popularly known as Samnyāsāstama is also
called Mokşaśrama --MBh XII 192 6a Also see XII 246 2-5 128 cg MBh XII 191 10 Gf AP 231 129 As in the cpics, these ands find mention in the works as Trioarga (group
of three), MP 1 118,2 31; 24 ba. 130, MP 24 Ba, 44 50a, 61 82, 63 6,54 34, 67-6, 69 6, 62 27, 38, 63 256b
TSPC 2 1 29, 225 131 MBh XII 167 8a 132 lbid, XII 107 7-9, 123 4a Rämä III 9 30-31 133 MBh. XII 167 8.

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the two ends cease to be Puruşarthas and degrade to the state of vices called greed (lobha) and lust (baser Kāma). Hence, Artha and Kama are subordinated to Dharma
Like the Brahmanical epic-Puranic sources, the works under discussion also maintain that the moral, material and emotional or sexual interests of man must be co-ordinated to each other and the well-being of humanity consists in the harmonious conduct and managemeat of the three Purusarthas 134 Moreover, the proportionate service of the three ends not only leads one to worldly happiness but also brings about supreme bliss hereafter The importance of the regulated management of the goals has been variously emphasized Reference may be made, for example, to a dialogue between a king and his merchant friend, throwing sufficient light on the attitude of Puranic Jainism towards these ends. We are told that when asked by the king about the respective relationship between the aims of human existence, the discerning merchant avers that all the ends, when served by a right-thinking man, are mutually complementary to each other, but these turn non co-operative and even mutually antagonistic for a man of false intuition 185 Such examples can be multiplied to any number where harmonious co-existence of the goals as well as their proper quantum, place and time have been emphasized over and over again just in the same spirit as is evinced in the epics, the law-books and the Puränas of the Brahmanical school
The significance and value of the Puruşarthas as the vital urging forces of human life were so much left by the Jaina Purana writers that besides their illustration through suitable tales and anecdotes, the goals have been made bases of division of human being into different classes Silanka, for instance, has put mankind into six classes according to one's attitude towards the fo ir aims Tae six classes, as mentioned by Silanka, are136 (1) the worst (Ahamāhuma), (II) the bad (Ahama), (III) the
184 MP 51 8, 59,6b CMC p 3 TSPC 2 1 29; 21 225 Compare MBh II. Rāmā II, 100 62-63, IV 38 20b-21a, VI. 63 9-10,
5 19 20, V 37 50
12
135 MP 46 333-334 186 CMC, p 2

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40V
pouw u Druiwui injowiwi UI DIU J
U MJ
most middling (Vimajjhima), (IV) the middling (Majjhima), (V) the excellent (Uttima) and (VI) the most excellent (Uttimottsma)
In the 'worst class are included those men who are without the knowledge of the nature and significance of) Dharma, Artha, Káma, etc. in man's life as well as their contribution to its upkeep, stability, growth and development. These persons are given to inaction, and as such, never strive for acquiring merits The men reckoned in this group may conceivably be equated with the inen of Tāmasic properties as illustrated in the Bhagavadgitā 137 Like the men of Tămasic disposition, these persons never strive for the future world, are devoid of meritorious deeds, and, therefore, even the smallest particle of pleasure derived from the experience of five sense objects is unknown to them. These stupid and uprighteous people perpetrate cruel acts and always engaged in sinful practices, they are never happy in this life and hereafter.
It is to be noted here that the men included in the above group are the outcastes and barbarous tribes subsisting by the most reprehended occupations. These, as enumerated by Śilanka, are pig-dealers (Soyariya=Saukarıka), Karvartas (Keva
a), Bhılla, Pulinda, charcoalburners (Ingaladāhaya), wood-cutters (Katthacchindaya), donkey-drivers (Kharavāhaya) and hunters (Loddhaya) and similar others.138 In Silãnka's opinion, their incapability of doing righteous deeds is the result of grievous stupidity inherent in their nature from their condemned birth due to the bad acts done in the previous birth. Thus, Silänka is not inclined to give them any concession regarding the possibility of redemption from their doomed life here and hereafter This shows in him lack of that liberal outlook which is shown by the epic poets at several places in the Mahābhārata For, the epic tells us that men born even in the lowest and most condemned castes have every possibility of redeeming them137. XVIII 28, 32, 35, 39 13s त य सोयरिया केवट्टा भिल्ला पुलिंदा इगालदाह्या कट्ठच्छिदया खरa164T STIGATEUI...
CMG, p. 2,

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selves from low births in future life through the due discharge of duties belonging to their castes.139 We are further told that the fulfilment of caste-obligation, even though it may appear worthless or bad, is one of the effective ways of attaining final emancipation 140
Adhama type of men are those who value only Artha and Kāma 141 They do not care for the next world, crave after sensuous pleasures, ridicule righteous persons and reproach the way of liberation, disbelieve (the teachings of) Dharmaśāstra and are averse to the narrative of divine personages 142 Hence, (for them) there is no Puruşārtha excepting Artha and Kāma Such people price sensuous pleasures over all objects and strive to amass wealth for the enjoyment of Kama Thus, “subject to the five senses, the vile, runed as they are on account of their perverted understanding, lead also others to destruction by imparting false instruction (to them) "143
The characteristics of the Adhama type, as put forth above, compare well with those of the men of the Demonic nature, briefly described in the Gitā 144 Besides, the epics abound in both precepts and examples that warn people of the disastrous consequences of the exclusive pursuit of Kāma In the opinion of the epic poets “Artha has always Dharma as its root and Kāma is declared to be the fruit of Artha."146 Thus, Dharma is 139. Cg MBh XIII 143 26-51 140 Ibid., III 207 20, 208 8 209 40 Bg XVIII 46-49. 141. "45AT SU 9590611fquufe41......"
"смср 2 142 ...aruncat fara fram efTefHUT.....
5 Af affatto जण, रिणदति मोक्खमग्ग, दुगछन्ति धम्मसत्य विउस्सन्ति देवकहालाव।
Ibid , p 2 143 पर्चेदियवसगया...अहमा सय णट्ठा परेसि पि असन्भूयोवएसप्पयाणेण विरणासे पयति ।
-Ibid, p 3 144 XVI 7-12, 16-20 145 धर्ममूल सदैवार्थ कामोऽर्थफलमुच्यते
-MBh XII 123 4a Jinasena expresses almost similar view when he remarks that "of the tree of Dharma, Artha is the fruit and Rāma (15) {1t3 juice" ( goasthof: फल कामस्तु तद्रस)
AP 2 3la.

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the source of both Artha and Kama, and the last has for its sources both Dharma and Artha Hence, according to the epic, "he, who, having forsaken both Dharma and Artha, follows only Kama, suffers here loss of wisdom from the abandonment of Dharma and Artha "146 We are further reminded that "from loss of wisdom one goes to complete ruin " Thus, we find that Silanka's representation of the Adhama type of people is not different from the epic view.
232
Vimajjhimas (Vimadhyama) are those who serve Dharma, Artha and Kama in harmonious aggregate 148 The householder belonging to the three higher classes such as Brahmanas, Rājanyas (Ksatriyas) and Vaniks (Vaisyas) constitute this group These men act righteously, avoid the act that is detrimental to the other world (life hereafter), practise penance and give gifts etc. with an object of gaining fortune, beauty, much wealth and many sons in future birth,149
Madhyama type of men are those who are "devoted to Dharma, Artha, Kāma and Mokşa "250 They are possessed of discernment and consider Mokşa as the be-all and end-all of human existence. But on account of their spiritual weakness, they, though realizing the importance and values of the highest goal of human life, do not embrace the path of emancipation, for, they are so strongly bound with the tie of their worldly relations, such as sons, daughters, etc that they find it impossible to sever their connection with the family life. Under the circumstances, they take to the order of householders where
146 यो धर्मार्थों परित्यज्य काममेवानुवर्तते ।
स धर्मार्थंपरित्यागात् प्रज्ञानाशमिहार्च्छति ॥
-MBh XII 123.15. Also Rama II 53 13a, IV 38 21b-22a
147. afamianerygufa 11
-Bg. II 63b
148 विमज्भिमा उरण धम्मत्थकामे परोप्परासबाहेण सेवन्ति ।
149 Ibid, p 3
150 घम्मत्थकाममोक्वेसु पत्ता
-Ibid.,
P 3.
-CMC p 3.

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they accept certain vows according to their mental and moral capacity The men belonging to this class are full of charity, are kindly disposed towards all beings and are endowed with forgiveness, softness (of heart) and straightforwardness These men, having enjoyed the prerogative place of honour in this world, are born bereafter either as great gods or as men of high order 161
Now, from the study of the above representation of the two sets of men it is obvious that both the sets belong to the order of householders. In the first set are included the people whose life's mission is to serve Dharma, Artha and Kāma with proper adjustment among the three ends The men in question do not apply their mind to the realization of the fourth goal, viz. Moksa The people placed in the Vimagghima class are obviously the non- Jaina householders as well as the recluses to the Brah. manical order The latter, though desirous of attaining final emancipation and devoted to the practice of austerities and self-mortification, are, in Silanka's opinion, incapable of realizing the highest truth, because, we are told, the discerning power of such people is obstructed by false belief. Besides, those right-believing men, who are motivated by Nidāna, are also reckoned with the Vimagghimas The persons placed in the Majjhima (Madhyama) class are better than the Dimajjhimas, for, the former realize the meaning and value of the fourth goal of human life and act in accordance with the dictates of Dharma 162
The Uttama class consists of men whose heart is set on Mokşa alone.163 Those men "recognize only Mokşa as the high truth and consider nothing else as the real object”154 (of life) Hence "uprooting the creeper of great confusion (of
181 Ibrd, pp 8-4 162 Ibıd , last two paragraphs (P 3) 163 fan su herafafour fequ...
CMC,P4 154 मोक्खेक्कगहियपरमत्था न पर परमत्थ मण्णति
-Ibid., p. 4.

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mind) destroying the rampart of sensc-objccts, dispelling the darkness of ignorance and taking no notice of their sons and wives, etc. they take to renunciation "166 Thcsc arc the Jaina Sadhus (mendicants), rich in various attainments 208
The Uttimottama class is assigned to only the twentyfour Tirthankaras who are represented as the saviours of the suffering humanity 157
Although the above classification docs not show proper interest in the social aspect of man's life, yet the version is significant inasmurh as, like thc epic-Purānic tradition, it takes notice not only of Mohşa but also of the remaining three Puruşarthas as worthy of human interest
155 तेहि उम्मूलिऊण महामोहल्लि, भजिकरण विसयपहार विहारेकरण
Futufafae...... 13 9779 FTCA...... Too Funriqurufer i
--CMC p 4 156. ते तण साहुणो णाणाविहलदिसंपण्णा
- Ibid., p. 4. 167, 16ld., p. 4

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CHAPTER IX THE PURĀNAS ON SACRAMENTAL, ETHICAL
AND PHILOSOPHICAL PLANES It is interesting to note that the Jaina Purānic authors, who are usually critical of the Brahmanıcal rites and rituals, prescribe the same sacramental and expiatory observances as are laid down in the epic-Purānic works and Smptis of the Brahmapical school Among the authors, Jinasena appears to be pioncer to have attached great importance to the sacraments in moulding and refining the character of an individual Like Brahmanical Smrtz-writers, he holds that without undergoing purificatory rites an individual cannot achieve physical, intellectual as well as spiritual culture So, he prescribes two types of rites to be performed by all the members of the three twiceborn classes The first type of sacraments is called Garbhānvaya (conceptual) and the second is styled as Dikşāndaya (initiatory). The number of the Garbhänvayas 18 fifty-three and that of the Dikşāndayas, forty eight 3
Of the two sets of sacraments the first is prescribed for the original members of the Jaina community and the second is intended for the non-Jaipas desirous of embracing the Jaina faith Thus, according to Jinasena, the Non-Jainas were required to undergo some formalities before they were admitted into the Jaina community 3 As the Garbhandaya rites are performed to wash off the taint inherent in the body of the child from its parents, so the Dikşānvaya ceremonies are intended to remove the sins inherent in the nature of the convert due to his prior adherence to the heretical order Thus, by going through all the sacraments according to the rules laid down in
1 A1P 38 47-49 2. Ibid, 88.02. 8. Ibid., 39.78.

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the work, an incumbent acquires a place in the new society which is much more exalted ihan before.
The Garbhānoaya-krigas, as enumerated by Jinasena,' are (1) Adhāna, (11) Prili, (iu) Suprili, (iv) Dhrii, (v) Moda, (vi) Prodbhada, (vu) Vāmakarma, (vi) Bahirgāna, (ix) Nişadgā, (x) Prāšana, (11) Vyusti, (xii) Kesavipa, (xui) Lipisamihy anasangraha, (11) Upanīti, (xv) Vratacarzā, (svi) Vratatatarana, (XVII) Vicäha, (sViu) Pamalābha, (xix) Kulacarja, (xx) Gșhiszta, (XXI) Prasá-li, (xsu) Gphatsäga, (x5111! Dirşādsa, (xiv) Jinarūpatā, (xxv) Maunadhsazanaosttatoa, (xxvi) Tirthalydbhāvanā, (xxvu) Gurusthánābhyupagana, (XXV11) Ganopagrahana, (ssis) Svagurusthár.esankranti, (xxx) Nohsamgattālnabhātana, (xX8I) Toganırdānasamþrāpti, (1981) Toganırdānisadhana, (xxxiii) Ir.dropapada ( xiv) Abhışıka, (xv) Vidhidana, (*XXVI) Sukhodaja, (xxxvii) Indralā ga, (xxxvui, Avatāra, (xxxix) Hiringotkrstajanmalā, (xl) Mandatendrabhiseka, (xli) GuTutājopilambhana (xlu) Taugarājja, (xliii) Soārāja, (sliv) Cal.ralābha, (xiv) Digurjaja, (xlvi) Cakrābhaşeka, (xlvii) Samrajsa, (xlvul) Nişt ränti, (xlix) Yogasantaka, (1) Āthaniya, (11) Tadoihara, (141) Yogalyāga and (liii) Agranitorti.
The above last includes almost all the Brahmanical SamsKaras, both important and usimportant witn minor modifications here and there. Like the Brahmanıcal Smrtz-19 riters, Jinasena begins the Sanskāras with foetus-laying rite, but, as is evident from the sacraments beginning with the thirtythurd, called Indrapada, the author of the MP does not restrict them to the life of a householder Instead, he carries them further not only to the next two Asramos, viz, Vänaprastha, and Sannjasa but also to the supramudane state of an individual's life A twice-born man, as enjoined by Jinasena, has to undergo the formalities not only in this world but also in his journey to heaven and thence to this world till his final emancipation. Thus, Jinasena nas obviously carried the sacraments to an extravagant number, probably with a view to making them roughly agree with the earlier Brahmanical Sanskaras—both in vogue and out of vogue. It is, however, doubtful if all the Samskaras, as prescribed by Jinasena were ever observed by
4. + a 38.55-85 6. eg. Mang. IL. 16, 26-27, 42-30, 34-38 TL. 44, Tama. 1.2 11-14. 6. C. Hindu Seaskaras (Hindi ed.), pp 22-23, *.

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The Puranas on Sacramental, Ethical and Philosophical Planes
237
the Jainas Furthermore, the impracticability of the Sanskāras from the thirtythird to the thirtyninth in the above list is too obvious to require any explanation
It is, however, well-known to us that, according to the Brahmanical Āframa scheme, the Vanaprasthas and Samnyasins cease to be the members of the society and the main object of their life becomes spiritual culture through strict austerities and restraints without any sense of attachment to the world around them The sacraments, on the other hand, involve outward ritualism and mannerism and, as such, have no meaning and value for a man who is out for spiritual discipline through inner sacrifices ? It is for this reason that the Brahmanical sources do not prescribe, for the last two Aśramas, any extra ritual or sacrament
Under the circumstances, we undertake a study of some of the important sacraments, which have their parallels in the Brahmanıcal rites and rituals and, are still performed by the members of the three twice-born classes in varying degree of importance attached to the individual sacraments The study of these purificatory rites unfolds many interesting points of considerable significance, which we shall discuss in proper contexts
The first ceremony, as noted above, is the Ādhāna or Garbhādhana (foetus-laying rite) According to Jinasena “the sacrament, performed before conception with the recital of the Mantras, is called Adhāna” 8 This ceremony is enjoined to be performed after the bride had taken purificatory bath after menstruation The formalities to be undergone according to the MP are more elaborate than those prescribed by the Brahmanıcal sources The expectant parents are required to draw mystical diagrams of a circle (Cakra) and a parasol (chatra), three each respectively on the right and left sides of the fina 7 MBh XII 192 1-6 8 प्राधान नाम गर्भादौ सस्कारो मन्त्रपूर्वक ।
-MP 38 70a Gf Manu II 26-27, III 45 Also see Hindu Sams
kära, pp 60 68 0 38 71-73.

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image. The three sacred fires are to be consecrated near the altar of the image 10 After the worship of thc Jina, the couplc is ordained to offer oblation to the fire with the articles left out from Jina-worship. Thus, "both husband and wife", says Jinasena, "having first performed this foetus-laying ritc suitably, should cohabit dispassionately for obtaining an offspring."l1
It is important to note that Jinasena has combined in the Adhāna sacrament two separate Brahmanical rites, viz Garbhadhāna and Pumsavana. The latter eeremony according to the Brahmanıcal tradition, is to be performed generally in the third month from conception, 1.e when the sign of pregnancy is manifest 12 But Jinasena does not refer to the male-making (Pumsavana) rite as an independent sacrament and enjoins that the Garbhadhāna rite should be observed by the couple with a desire of the birth of a son (Pumsfutrotpattıkāmgaja).
Similarly, the MP does not include in its list of sacraments the third rite called Simantonnayana (hair-parting). Instead, a few new ceremonies are introduced between Garbhadhana and Jataharma sacraments These are Priti, Supriti, Dhyti and Mode As indicated by the terms, the ceremonies are expressive of joys and festivities as well as of the conscious efforts of the family for the care and protection of the expected child and the expectant mother The ceremony, observed in the third month from conceptton, is called Pritzia and that, performed in the fifth month from impregnation, is known as
10 qarafaat 924 yazafani जिना मभित. स्थाप्य सम पुण्याग्निभिस्त्रिभि ।।
-MP 38 71 Also 40 3.4 It is to be noted that the sacred fires mentioned, here and elsewhere, are the same Garhapalya, Ahavani
ga and Dakşına, pointed out in the preceding character 11 Tufaraffin at syarat yafet सन्तानार्थ विना रागाद् दम्पतिभ्या न्यवेयताम् ॥
-MP 38 76 12 Yaña 111 Also scc Hindu Samsłāras, pp 78-77. 13. pafalarcat Ate gate Higasa i stfanfa fue...!!
-MP. 88.77

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Supriiz 14 The purpose of the Dhļli rite is the safe growth and development of the foetus and, is enjoined to be performed in the seventh month from conception 15 Thercupon, the ninth month being proximate, the rite called Moda is to be performed for the nourishment of the embryo, 16 "On that occasion, the enceinte must be provided, by the best of the twice-born, with Galska-bandha (application of the mystical syllables on the limbs), auspicious decoration and protecting amulet (Rahşasīītra)."17 It nccds no mention that all the above mcasures show utmost care to be taken, by the guardian of the family, for the safety of the coming child as well as of its mother
Jalakarma
This ceremony occurs in the MP under the name of Priyodbhava (birth cf he beloved) As id ihc Brahmanical tradition, the rite is prescribed to be performed after the birth and bcfore the severing of the navel cord of the child.18 The formalities to be undergonc by the father are somewhat different from those enjoined by the Brahmanical authorities 10 However, the purpose of the ceremony is not at variance with the Brah. manical idea behind the sacrament
The most significant point to be noted with regard to the sacrament is the incorporation in the MP of a verse which has already been mentioned in the Mahabharata as a celebrated vedic Mantra to be recited by the Brahmanas (on behalf of the father) at the birthday ceremony of the child Just in the epic way, the Mahapuräna enjoins that for the long lifc of the child the father should pronounce the following benediction : "you
14 E TT HTË FEET ufafrodi
-Ibid , 38 80 15 Ibid , 38 82 16 12d, 38 83 17 तवेष्टो गात्रिकावन्धो मगल्य च प्रसाधनम् । रक्षासूत्रविधान च गभिण्या द्विजसत्तमै ॥
-Ibid , 33 84 18 MP 38 86-86, 40 108 133 19 Cf Hindu Samskäras, pp 89-98.

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are born from (my) limbs, you have sprung also from (my) heart, you are indeed myself in the form (my) son; therefore, live for a hundred years.'20 Next, the father is enjoined to moist the navel of the child with milk and clarified butter and to sever the navel-cord This act being over, the child should be washed with medicated water and be given the breasts of the mother Thus, with the exceptions of somc minor varia. ti cos in the details, the observance of the Samsl ára, in qucstion, does not register any difference from its Brahmanical counterpart
Namakarman (Name-giving)
The name-giving rite should be observed after the twelfth day (from birth) 21 The ceremony according to the MP, should be performed on "a day (that is) favourable and lucky both for the child and its parents "?! We are further told that “such Dame should be conferred (on the child) as will be auspicious and promoter of the family prosperity "93 Jinasepa, however, does not show class-discrimination with regard to the names to be given to the members of the different classes 24 Further, unlike Brahmanical sources, the work does not refer to the varieties of names to be selected on the occasion of namegiving 25 The only option allowed by the MP is ibat ihe work prescribes, in addition to the traditional family name, selection of a name from one thousand and eight Jina-Dames by Ghata
20 For the relevant vente occurriog 10 M Bh and MP, ce Sifra introduc
tion, notes 5-6 21. ETESITETETT FIT ForfEATHGI
-MP 38 87 Comp Monu 2 30 Tajfia 1-12. Also see Erhasfari's opinion cited in Viramitrodage and
quo'ed in Hindu Samsháros, p 108 22 magie a TEATEA faut fa qaratil
Ibid , 38 875 23 शस्त च नामधेयं तत् स्थाप्यमन्वयवृद्धिकृत ॥
-Ibid , 38 88b 24 Manu 2 31-32 28. HS pp. 103-107.

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patra method. Bahirydna" (the first exit of the child from the house)
This ceremony is the same as the Brahmanical Nışkramana As enjoined by the author, the ceremony should be performed after two, three or four months (from the birth of the child) on an auspicious day.
After the above rite, Jinasena introduces another Samskara called Nişadya28 (seating on a couch) After the observance of auspicious ceremonies, the child, according to the rule, is ceremoniously laid down on a properly spread out bed or couch The ceremony, like many others, seems to have been based on popular usage It, however, does not find mention among the sacraments, enlisted by the Brahmanical authors Prasana or Annaprāŝana2 (feeding with cereal) ·
Jinasena is not clear about the period of observance of the rite. Still we have reason to believe that in his opinion the ceremony should be performed in the sixth month from birth, for, the author uses the phrase masa-prthaktoa which may be interpreted as "in the period separated by a month" after the last sacrament. Now, as the performance of the previous ceremony has been prescribed after the fourth month from the birth of the child, so the present sacrament may be observed in the sixth month of the child But, according to the marginal note on the verse prescribing the sacrament, the ceremony should be done in the seventh or eighth month from the birthday of the child
Vyuşti or Varşavardhana30
The Samskara is introduced as Vyuşti, but also finds mention as Varşavardhana. The ceremony, according to the MP, 15 26 The device, as explained by the translator, means, that the names are written on one thousand and eight foils and each foil is rolled into a goblet All goblets are put in a pitcher In another pitcher is placed equal number of pills of which all except one are blank The remaining one is marked with the word Name Then an innocent boy or girl Is asked to draw the goblets, one each from both the pitchers simultaneously This method being employed, that name is given to the child with which the goblet marked with the word name comes out 27 MP 38 90-92 Cf Manu 2 34a
28 Op cit 38 93-94
29
MP 38 95 Comp 2 34b
30 MP 38 96 97

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to be performed on the completion of one year from the day of birth The MP is probably the only work, so far known, to have reckoned the rite among the compulsory sacraments. A study of the Brahmanical sources shows that the observance of the ceremony was not considered to be obligatory, for the Sutra literature and the Smrts of Manu and Yajnavalkya do not take notice of the rite in question Still it will be unwarranted to assume that the event is of Jaina origin, for, the ceremony, known as Varşavṛddhi and varsavardhana (increase of years), has already been mentioned in some of the Brahmanical Puranasi as well as in the Uttararamacaritas2 of Bhavabhuti.
242
One important point to be noted in connection with the above rite is that in Jinasena's opinion the ceremony is to be solemnized only once, 1 e on the completion of the first year of child's life But the Brahmanical Puranas enjoin that the rite must be observed every year (Pratwarşam) and an auspicious thread with knots corresponding to the number of the past years of the person concerned should be tied round his wrist. The Uttararamacarita also corroborates the annual observance of the rite and mentions the thread just referred to as (Samvatsara-) Sankhyamangalagranthi 83 (year-reckener auspi cious knot) Thus, the incorporation of the event in the MPlist of sacraments is indicative of the fact that the ceremony was quite popular in the contemporary Indian society And the most striking fact in connection with the ceremony is that it is one of a few popular ancient customs and practices surviving through the ages ull now and is celebrated in one way or other almost in all parts of the globe.
Kesavapa or Chaula
This Samskära is the same as the popular Brahmanical ceremony called Cudākarana, also known as Mundana. As defined by Jinasena, "the cutting of the hair on an auspicious
31. Brahmapurana quoted in Sabdatalpadruma, Part 4, p 295, Devibhāgavata, quoted in the same work, p 296 Brahmravcivartapurare, quoted in
Vacaspatyam, Part 6 p 4857
32. Act III, Under verse No 45
33. Ibid, No 3
34 MP 38 93-101,

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day (is called) Kesavapa."" The name, though less known, seems to have its basis in the Sutra literature, for the Afvalayanagrhyasūtra refers to the act of hair-cutting as Kesavapana. Besides the above name, the author also alludes to its popular name Caula, as mentioned in the Smptis As laid down in the Mahāpurana, the main item of the rite is the shaving of the child's head "together with the arrangement of the top-hair in accordance with one's family tradition."37
The Age
The MP does not refer to the proper time of the performance of the Samskära in question In accordance with the Grhyasutras and the earliest Smpti39, the ceremony should take place in the first year or before the expiry of the third year Now, by inserting the Kesavāpa rite between Vjusti (to be cele brated at the end of the first year) and Lapisamkhyānasaṁgraha (to be performed in the fifth year) Jinasena seems to suggest that the rite should take place in the third year or before the performance of the Lipisamkhyānasamgraha sacrament Thus, so far as the essential features of the Samskära are concerned, Jinasena's prescription of the rite is not at variance with the Brahmanical stand-point
Lipisamhhy anasamgraha
(Acquisition of 'cripts and numerals)
It is one of the most important sacraments of educational character. And, it is significant to note that Jinascna's Mahāpurana 18 the earliest known work to have recognized this educational act as a separate sacrament For, the Brahmanical Sülra literature and the early Smitts do not take note of the sacrament 1 Some of the Nibandhas that mention this Samskara
35 केशवापस्तु केशाना शुभेऽह्निन्यपरोपणम्
838885
36 1 17 12
37 सचून स्वान्वयोचितम् ।
38 Paraskara-grhyasūtra, 2 1 1 2,
39 Manu 235
40 MP 38 102-103
41 Vide HS, pp 137-39
243
-Ibid, 88 98a
-MP 38 98b

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under the different names of Vidyarambha, Akşararambha, Akşarasvikarana and Akşaralekhana are all of later period than the Mahapurana 42 Thus, the inclusion of the Lipisamkhyānasamgraha in the list of the compulsory sacraments may be taken as indicative of Jinasena's great interest in the primary education of children
244
It will, however, be travesty of fact to hold that this important event of a child's life was unknown to the Brahmanical predecessors of Jinasena For, there is a positive proof of the prevalence of primary education in the Brahmantcal society pretty prior to the period represented by the work in question Kalidasa tells us that Raghu acquired knowledge of alphabets after he had undergone the tonsure ceremony 4a Again, Kautilya in his Arthasästra enjoins that a boy should learn scripts and numerals after his tonsure ceremony has been performed 44 Bhavabhutz's Uttararāmacarita45, too, points to the same fact All these evidences show that the tonsure ceremony was regarded, in the early period, as a passport for beginning the primary education of the child and in itself the act of learning the alphabet was possibly of a secular character.
Regarding the term Lipisankhyāna-samgraha, we must note that both Kautilya and Kalidasa47 use the term Lipi Besides, the former mentions also Samkhāna (counting) as a part of a child's primary education Moreover, in the context just referred to, Kalidasa uses the term Grahana48 instead of the usually known terms Arambha, Svikarana and Likhana Under the circumstances, it will not be illogical to state that in his choice of the phrase Lipisamkhyānasangraha Jinasena must have in mind the terms employed by his two predecessors.
42 Ibid, pp 137-38
43 Raghu III 28
44 वृत्तचौलकर्मा लिपि सख्यान चोपयुञ्जीत
45 Act II, Under verse No 3
46 Above, footnote 44
47 Op cit, III 28
48 लिपेयंथावद्ग्रहणेन
-1 2
-Ibid, III. 28

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As enjoined by the author, the sacrament should be performed in the fifth year of the child After proper worship, the child was to be taught alphabets by a learned householder. Jinasena's stress on the appointment of a householder as the tutor of the child49 may, however, be taken as suggestive of the fact that the rite, at least in its origin, was secular in character
Scholars are of the opinion that the benedictory formula Om namah Siddhebhyahbo which the children were required to recite before the beginning of the alphabet is a clear pointer to the Jaina influence on the Hindu sacraments 61 But here it may be noted that the author of the Mahapurāna while prescribing the Jaina formulas52 to be recited on the occasion, does not refer to the said formula Moreover the corrupt form, in which the original phrase has come down to us, does not appear to be a derivative of the original Om namah Siddhebhyaḥ or Siddhāya We know that the popular phrase in its corrupt form 18 onā-māsi-dham, which may be a corruption of Om namah siddham and may mean "the utterance of Om may lead to the fruition of the act" or "may the object of beginning the alphabet be gained " Another point to be borne in mind in connection with the above formula is the use of the mystical monosyllabic Om Our study of the Jaina works shows that the Jainas do not have any regard for the sacred syllable On the contrary, we meet with some passages which bitterly criticize those who believe in the efficacy of the term 68 Furthermore, the religious formulas and some of the prayers, prescribed by the different authors to be recited on various occasions, do not begin with the said pranava 54 Under the circumstances,
49. उपाध्यायपदे चास्य मतोऽधीती गृहवती
MP 38 103b 50 Rasprakafas and Their Times, p 309. 61 HS p 142, note 1 62 MP 40 152 58 og 7 TU AUT
Ullará 26 31 64 Sf. 24.50-46, 25 66-217 JHV 8 206-228.

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246 Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology the Jaina character of the above formula seems to be doubtful And, although the contribution of the Jainas to the education of the masses is really commendable, yet the ascription of the Hindu Samskāras to thc Jaina influence only on the strength of the aforesaid formula appears to be presumptuous
Upanayana
The Upanayana ceremony, according to Janasena, is to be solemnized in the eighth year of the boy from his conception in his mother's womb 65 But unlike Brahmanıcal authorsso, he does not prescribe different lower and upper time-limits for the members of the three upper classes Thus, in Jinasena's opinion the boys of all the three twice-born classes should be initiated in the eighth year of their life. As enjoined by Jmasena, the ceremony of hair-cutting having been performed, the boy should be provided with a Kaupina (undergarment) and be clad in pure and simple dress Next, a three-stringed girdle of Muñja grass should be tied round his waist and he should be provided with a sacrificial thread purified with the sacred Mantras, which the Brahmacărın must put on as a symbol of the sacred vows (Vratas).57 Now, "being sanctified by the (observance of ) vows he, who was so long a Brāhmaṇa only by birth, acquires through virtues, the appellation Dvija on account of his sacred birth (from the initiation-sacrament)"58 After the initiation the boy becomes a Brahmacānn. He is, next, asked to worship the Siddhas first, and then his teacher. That day, he should go on begging in the houses of his kithmen, and should respectfully offer his Upadhyaya
55 flailfaafaita a Thig# 9711
--MP 38.104a Cf. Monu 2 36 66 Manu 2 36-39 57 A1P 38 104-138, 40 166-158 68 जात्यैव ब्राह्मण पूर्वमिदानी व्रतसंस्कृत.। द्विर्जातो द्विज इत्येव रूढिमातिष्ठते गुण ॥
MP. 40 169

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whatever thing he may receive in Lalms 69 However, a Kşatrija Brahmacānın is given a concession with regard to the observance of this particular item inasmuch as he is allowed to collect alms in the harem as a symbol of observing the rule 60
Thus, like the epic-Puranic poets and Smpti-writers, Jinasena makes the Upanayana sacrament compulsory for all the boys of the three higher classes in general and for the Brāhmana boys in parcicular And, as stated before, it is this rite which confers on the initiated Dolja-hood Besides, the author also shares the Brahmanical view that by undergoing the initiation ceremony, boy of the twice-born classes enters the most formative period of his life which is designated as Brahmacaryāśrama 61 Thus, the Upanayana Samskara, as prescribed by Jinasena, takes us back to the period in which it was regarded as both an educational sacrament and a compulsory purificatory rite conferring Doija-hood on the initiated.
Vratacaryā68 (observance of rules or dows)
The rite, although separately mentioned as an independent sacrament, is, indeed, intimately connected with the Upanayana sacrament It is like the Brahmanıcal Vratadesa63 (commandment to the Brahmacärın for the observance of the vows) and the duties prescribed under this head are in substantial agreement with thosc enjoined in the Brahmanical texts on the topic In accordance with the prescribed code of conduct, a Brahmacärin must abstain from killing. He should use neither tooth-brush nor betel nor even collyrium Nor should be take bath with termeric, etc but he should take
50 तस्मिन् दिने प्रविष्टस्य भिक्षार्थं जातिवेश्मसु । योऽर्थलाभ. स देयः स्यादुपाध्यायाय सादरम् ।।
sbid 40 163 For this and similar other items of the initiation rite compare Hindu Samskära, pp 163-170 00 asta.t aid arsur fautrefa 70T I
-MP. 38,108a. 61 Vide MBK XII 191.8, 62 MP 38 109-120 83 Manu 2,1738

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simple purificatory bath daily.6He must not sleep on a couch and must not rub his body against another's, but for (preserving) the sanctity of the vows, he must lie single only on carth.65 He should observe this type of orata till the end of his studentship.68
Vratavatarana (The End of vows).
This is the Jaina counterpart of the Brahmanical Samãvartana (the end of studentship) The ceremony is to be performed after the Brahmacānın has duly completed his studies. During the ceremony he renounces only the special vratas (to be observed by a Brahmacanın alone), while he follows the general vows throughout his life In Jinasena's opinion the rite should be performed either after twelve years or after sixteen years87 (from the beginning of studentship)
After he has honoured the Duyas (Brāhmanas ), the Brahmacarin should put on, with the permission of his teacher, clothes, ornaments, wreaths, etc befitting the occasion of the Vratādataran a 68 Next he is exhorted to keep the vow of celebacy tull the performance of the next rite, ie. Vivaha 69
84 दन्तकाष्ठग्रहो नास्य न ताम्बूल न चाञ्जनम् । न हरिद्रादिभि स्नानं शुद्धस्नान दिन प्रति ॥
---MP 38 116 Comp Manu 2 176-178 05 F EÇqitua area arrita fragt ! भूमो केवलमेकाको शयीत व्रतशुद्धये ॥
-MP 38 116 Cf Manu 2 108, 179-808. 86 MP 38 117 Comp Manu 2 108 07. "ACHETC Erasticceria atga 977
--MP 38 123 Thus the rite in question is to be performed in the luenticth or twentyfourth year of the initiated, the latter period being thc usually accepted age of thc Samavarlana Samskāra according to the later authors of Dharmaśāstra Vide HS, p 101 कृतद्विजाचनस्यास्य व्रतावतरणोचितम् । वस्त्राभरणमाल्यादिग्रहण गुर्वनुशया ॥
-MP 38 124. 69 Iord 98 116.

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Vivaha (marriage) 70
It is significant that Jinasena, like the orthodox Brahmanical epic-puranic poets and Smrti-writers, regards marriage as an important Samskära He has reckoned this sacrament in the lists of both the original and the conversional sacraments Thus, he seems to be pioneer among the Jaina authors to have realized the importance of marriage in the social and religious life of man.
The procedure of the nuptial rite shows general agreement with the formalities to be undergone according to the Brahmanical sources The marital rite should be performed in front of the three sacred fires after their due worship ?1 The great ceremony of hand-taking (Panigrahana) of the bride and the bridegroom should be performed before the image of the Siddhas in a sanctuary Having circumambulated the three, two or one of the consecrated fires at the altar, the husband and wife should live together in strict observance of the vow of celebacy for a week After the period, the couple may cohabit only with a view to getting an offspring 78
Regarding the question of the number of wives to be had by the members of the different classes and with regard to the view concerning the Anuloma intercaste marriage, Jinasena obviously follows Manu Like the latter he allows a Brāhmana to keep, at a time, four wives, one from his own class and one each from the remaining three classes. A Kşatriya may have three wives, one from his own class and one each from the two lower classes Similarly, a Varsya may get two wives, one from his own class and the other from the Sadra class. A Śūdra is, however, to have only one wife from his own class alone Thus, in an expression similar to that of Manu, he enjoins, "a Śūdra should marry a Sūdra woman and not another, a Varsya (Nargama) should marry her (Sūdra woman) and one of his own class, a Ksatriya (should marry) a woman of his own class and those two and a twice born man ic a Brahmana (should inarry) one of his own class and in some cases also 70 38 127-134 71 कृताग्नित्रयसम्पूजा कुर्युस्तत्साक्षितां क्रियाम् । 72 Ibsd , 38 129-131, 134 Cf HS pp 218-19, 2608
38 1286

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those three 73 "It is clear from the observation that Jinasena, like his Brahmanical predecessors, does not approve Pratiloma form of intercaste marriage
Jinasena's statement regarding the Anuloma form of intercaste marriage shows that during the period that form of marriage was considered to be a recognized form of matrimonial alliances And his permission to the members of the upper classes for marrying a Sūdra woman suggests that the practice, though strongly discouraged by the successors of Manu, was still in vogue However, the marriage of a Brahmana with a Sūdra woman was viewed as an uncommon occurrence of censurable nature This is implied by the term Kvacit occurring in the relevant verse noted above Besides, we also meet with passages wherein the author has laid particular stress on the preservation of lineal purity Thus, while defining Kula and Jätt, he remarks that "the purity of the father's lineage is called Kula and the purity of the mother's lineage is stated to be Jāti."'" Now, purity from both paternal and maternal sides is held to be a noble birth (Sajjali), whereupon a meritorious man acquires gradually excelling lineage (uditoditavamśatva) And in Jinasena's opinion only those families are to be considered to be pure (the members of) which have the right of being admitted to the initiation sacrament " Now, as noted before, the Sudras were not entitled to the different sacraments. This being the case, Jinasena, too, seems to suggest that a member of the twice born classes must avoid his marriage with a Sudra woman to preserve the purity of his family and class
73 शूद्रा शूद्रेण वोढव्या नान्या ता स्वा च नैगम |
वहत् स्वा ते च राजन्य स्वा द्विजन्मा क्वचिच्च ता ॥
शूद्रव भार्या शूद्रस्य सा च स्वा च विश. स्मृते । ते च स्वा चैव राज्ञश्च ताश्च स्वा चाग्रजन्मन. |
74 पितुरन्वयश द्धिर्या तत्कुल परिभाष्यते । मातुरन्वयश द्विस्तु जातिरित्यभिलप्यते ॥
75 Ibid, 89 84 76. Ibid, 89 83,
-AP 16 247, and compare
-Manu 3 13
-5
--MP 39-85

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Varna-labha(Acquisition or choice of vocation)
Under this head a newly married man formally chooses a calling appropriate to his family or class. He is further asked to build a separate house for himself to live an independent family life. Kulacaryaie (observance of family tradition)
As implied by the term, the sacrament is more a code of conduct than a mere rite. This is something like an oath-taking ceremony in which the houscholder solemnly resolves to live in accordance with his family tradition Grhista?' (authority over the members of the household)
By this rite a householder establishes authority, as the master of the household, over the members of the family. Praśäntata80
This means that the householder, finding his eldest son capable of supporting himself and members of the family should entrust him with the management and conduct of the household affairs. Then, he himself, should retire from the active life of the householder and live a life of peace and conunence As explained by Jinasena, "detachment from the sense-objects, devotion to the daily study of the religious texts and observance of the various kinds of fasting constitute the state of tranquility (Praśāntatā) '81 Gchatyaga
This ceremony is to be performed at the time of one's leaving the house. Having worshipped the Siddhas, the man concerned should invite his friends and well-wishers and in their presence, he should hand over the charge of the entire estate to his eldest son The incumbent should be directed to apportion 1/3 of the property for being spent on religious acts, 77 38 135-141 78 38 142-43 79. 38 144-47 80 98 148-49 81 विषयेष्वनभिष्वङ्गो नित्यस्वाध्यायशीलता। नानाविधोपवासश्च वृत्तिरिया प्रशान्तता ।।
-Ibid., 88.149,

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1/3 for meeting domestic expenses and the reinaining 1/3 for being equally divided among all the brothers and sisters. Thus freeing himself from the worldly obligations a twice-born man should renounce his home and hearth to take to the life of a recluse 82
Other Samskāras, as enumerated above, are to our knowledge, without their parallels in the Brahmanıcal mode of life. Those, in fact, refer to the different stages through which a man has to pass after the renunciation of the world and worldliness till his attainment of Finahood We, liowever, close our survey of the present topic without dilating upon the remaining rites anymore
The Puranas on the Ethical and Philosophical Planes
Our study of the Brahmanical cpic-Purānic works reveals that the conservation of moral values bas been the main concern of the epic-Purāņıc authors In fact, the epic-Puranic teachings stand for the preservation of human values and culuvation of all such qualilies as make man worth his name All the definitions of Dharma as embodied in the MBh point to the same truth For, we are told that non-violence, truthfulness, non-stealing, kindness, control of the senses and straightforwardness of heart are the undisputed characteristics of Dharma 83 The imperativeness of preserving society through the strict observance of moral and ethical laws has been stressed over and over again. Dharma, according to other expositions of the topic, was ordained for the well-being of the creatures, therefore, that which leads to the well-being of all creatures) is Dharma 84 And further "that which is frec from
82 MP 38 150-166 83 अहिंसा सत्यमस्तेयमानश स्यं दमस्तथा । पार्जव चैव राजेन्द्र निश्चित धर्मलक्षणम् ।
|--MBh XIII 22.18 84 garufu wargt gati य. स्यात् प्रभवसयुक्त स धर्म इति निश्चय ॥
-Ibid , XII 109.12

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harm to the created being is certainly Dharma, for Dharma was ordained for protecting creatures from injury "85
In fact, not only ethical teachers but also philosophical thinkers put forth non-injury to creatures, truth, justice, righteousness and morality-all implying Dharma-as the essential condition for material prosperity and spiritual growth of mankind With this end in view the epic gives another definition of Dharma which is based in some measure on its etymological sense Dharma, according to that definition, "is so called because it upholds all created beings "386 It 18 obvious that the definition 10 question is comprehensive enough to include within its fold not only the above-mentioned qualities but also many others, such as fearlessness, liberality, absence of anger and greed, forgiveness, absence of mance and conceit, et ceteraall contributing towards the upkeep of social order in its three dimensions-physical, moral and spiritual The varseşıka definition of Dharma "as a principle that promotes both material well-being and spiritual advancement"87 also points to the same truth almost in an abstract form Now, studied in the above background, the Jaina Puranic teachings betray exact agreement with the Brahmanıcal standpoint To begin with, Jinasena has given the definition of Dharma at two places The first definition uses the same terminologies as have been taken recourse to by the author of the varšeşikasülras Like the latter hc defines Dharma as a principle which leads to the attainment of both mundane object and spiritual goal 88 The second 85 अहिंसायि भूताना धर्मप्रवचन कृतम् । य. स्यादहिंसासम्पृक्त स धर्म इति निश्चय ॥
-Ibid , XII 109 12 86 ETCUTE SHTATETAT E qatori यत्स्याद् धारणसयुक्त स धर्म इति निश्चय ॥
-Ibid Kamnaparvan, 09 68 87 यतोऽभ्युदयनि श्रेयससिद्धि स धर्म
--Paiseşıka-sūtra 88 यतोऽभ्युदयनि श्रेयसार्थससिद्धिरञ्जसा । gh,..... ..............11
-AP i 120 See also 5 20,

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Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology
definition is obviously an elaborate version of the one appear. ing in the Manusmyli. It combines both ethical and religious elements as the constituents of Dharma Accordingly, that is Dharma where the forms of) the Veda, the Purāna, the Smplis, good conduct, rituals, sacred formulas, deities, religious symbols and purities with regard to food etc --all these matters have been duly decided by the great seer."988
Further, the etymological definition too did not fail to attract the attention of the Jaina Puränakāras Gunabhadra, for example, has given practically the same definition as has alrcady been given by the Mahābhārata Thus, while defining Dharma, he lays down that Dharma is so called by the good, because, it being sustained (by virtuous men), rescues them from misery and keeps them aloft Right intuition, right knowledge, right conduct and austerity are its fourfold aspects, (whereas) compassion (on creatures) constitutes its essence "50
Now, a few words may be said about the Jinist conception of Ahimsā or non-violence It is well known to us that from the days of its inception Jainism has been championing the cause of Ahimsā In fact, the doctrine of non-violence is the central pivot round which most of the Jaina tedets move. But here we must note that non-violence in its practical form was equally an indivisible part of post-vedic Brahmanism. The Brahmanical epic-Puranic works bear eloquent testimony 89 q gorur mag gifta fefafar
मन्त्राश्च देवता लिङ्गमाहाराद्याश्च श द्धय ॥ एतेऽर्था यत्र तत्त्वेन प्रणीता परमपिणा। Ħa.......................ll
-MP 39 20-21 and compare वेद स्मृति सदाचार स्वस्य च प्रियमात्मनः । एतच्चतुर्विधं प्राहु साक्षाद् धर्मस्य लक्षणम् ॥
-Manu 2 12 90 felaa encurtzaranata gordeta. I
धर्म इत्युच्यते सद्भिश्चतुर्भेद समाश्रित ॥ सम्यग्गशानचारियतपोरूप कृपापरः॥"
-MP. 47 302-3a

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to this inasmuch as these declare Ahimsa or Anjšamsya as the greatest virtue 91 Now, what makes difference between the cpic-Purāņic concept and the Jaina one is not the concept but its application to the practical life To be clear on the point, the Jaina religious thinkers carried the doctrine of Ahimsa to its extremes, whereas the epic-Purānic authors accepted it with some moderation
Nevertheless, a perusal of the Jaina Puranas reveals that the extremes with regard to the doctrine of Ahursā have been avoided by the Purānic authors to some extent. The point is corroborated by the accounts of the exploits of the Saläkapuru. şas, who, like thc heroes of the epic and the Puranas of the Brahmanical school, are represented as having actively participated in bloody battles and annihilating wars Among the personages particular reference may be made to Padma (Rama) the cighth Baladeda, Balarama the ninth Baladeda and Neminātha, the twenty-second Tirthankara, who, according to the Jaina tradition, attain salvation after they renounce the world and worldliness. Thus, the authors seem to subscribe to the epic. Purānic view that violence is not always unrighteous and immoral and that killing is sometimes essential for the preservation of good values in society. Philosophical Aspects
The philosophical and didactic sections of the works in question betray clear sign of the influence of the Gula And as in other cases so also with regard to the present aspect, the influence on the different works is of varying degree Although we cannot claim to do as much justice to the topic as it may claim, yet the notices of some of the common points between the two traditions will be of some consequence.
To mention a few points, those sections of the MP, which are devoted to the description of the behaviour and discipline of the Jaina Yogins, have many clements in common with the 91 • g fiHI THÌ ĐỂ
-MBh XIII 118 1 प्रानृशस्य परो धर्म
-Ibid., III 373 76,

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258 Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology Gita-discourse on the three disciplines. The Yogins are referred to as having taken upon themselves the vows82 of Ahimsa (noninjury), Satya (truthfulness), Asteya (non-stealing), Brahmacarya (continence), Vimuktatā (spirit of detachment) and Ratryabhojana (abstention from taking meal during night) Now, it is obvious that with the exception of the sixth element all the five qualities are counted among the Taugic yamas,93 and find mention in the Gitā as the essential virtues to be cultivated by a man of discernment Similarly, the qualities regarded as adjuncts of meritorious meditation are also not unknown to the Gitā These are, for example, Kşamā (forgiveness), Mārdapa (humility),
Arjada (straightforwardness), Satya (truthfulness), Sauca (purity), tapas (austerity), Tyāga (renunciation), Akiñcanza (indifference to all possessions), Samyama (control of the senses) and Brahmacarya (celebacy) 04
Although an emphasis on the cultivation of these and similar other virtues has been the common concern of both the religions, yet the exact agreement between the ideas, expressions and phrascologies occurring in the Gitā and in the Jaina texts goes a long way to prove indebtedness of the latter to the former To quote a few examples, the Jaina Yogins, as described by Jinasena, were free from (the desire of the fruits of) all undertakings, egoism and objects of enjoyment 05 Their all desires being destroyed by the feeling of contentment, they moved about freely,98 and engaged in the study of the scriptu
92 HTA THEAT agi fantata! रात्र्यभोजनषष्ठानि व्रतान्येतान्यभावयन् ।
-MP 84 189 Compare Gitā XVI 1-3, which enumcrate divinc virtucs, regarded as
conducive to one's libcration 93 Yogasutra of Patafijalı 1 2. Also see Agnipurāna-A Study, pp 220-21 94 MP 36 157-58 Gita VI 10 14, XVI 1-3 95 gafcenfaforafatit fait facafenet i
MP. 84 171a. 98 सन्तोषभावनापास्ततृष्णा. सन्तो विजहिरे ।
-Ibid , 34 173b,

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The Putānas on Sacramental, Ethical and Philosophical Planes
257
res they did not slecp during nights 87 They neither rejoiced at gain nor grieved at non-gain. And viewing every thing alike, they looked at (the opposite pairs of) praise and reproach, pleasure and pain and honour and dishonour with equal spirit."99
Furthermore, Tirthadkara śāntinātha's sermon, as incorporated in thc TŞPC,100 reads like a commentary on the Gitā. In his discourse on the subduing of the senses the Jina says, "refraining from action always is not a victory over the senses 101 Action of those free from love and hate is real victory It is not possible for the senses to avoid contact with a sense object that has come near them But the wise person would avoid love and hate for it Subdued sense-organs lead to emancipation,102 but unsubdued ones lead to worldly existence "103 Therefore, "disregarding pleasures and lack of 97 FIETITYTTUAT Fagfa #gifagi
-34 187a 88 न तुष्यन्ति स्म ते लब्धौ व्यपीदन्नाप्यलधिन ।
--bid 34 203a 99. स्तुति निन्दा सुख दु ख तथा मानं विमाननाम् । समभावेन तेऽपश्यन् सर्वत्र समदर्शिनः ।।
-Ibid , 34 204 For the ideas contained in the foregoing lines we simply refer, for comparison, to the Gita II 66-67, 69, 71,
III 30, IV 21-22, V 20, VI 7, 10, XII 13-14, 16, 18-19 100 Vol III pp 322-23 101 The Gitā (III R) says that "hc, who restraining the crgans of action
sits mentally dwelling on objects of senses, that man of deluded intellect is called a hypocrite"
कर्मेन्द्रियाणि सयम्य य प्रास्ते मनसा स्मरन् । इन्द्रियार्थान् विमूढारमा मिथ्याचार स उच्यते ।
Also sec ibid II 60-61, 68 102 “Whose senses are duly subducd”, says the Gitā, "his mind becomes stable' वशे हि यस्येन्द्रियाणि तस्य प्रज्ञा प्रतिष्ठिता
II 61b 103 “Union with the supreme soul”, says Sri Krona, “18 difficult of achic
vement for one whose mind is not subducd-such 15 my conviction "असयतात्मना योगो दुष्प्राप इति मे मति ।
Gita VI 36 Also sce V 22a.

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pleasures in the soft touch of cotton et cetera, and the harsh touch of a stone et cetera one should be victor over the sense of touch" For, a person whose senses have been subdued by purity of mind and then whose passions have been destroyed, soon reaches emancipation which has emperishable delight
258
We are further told that this emancipation which is the realization of the supreme soul (Paramātman) within the individual soul, can be attained through equanimity10 (Samya) which destroys the dirt of love and hate, greed and anger, conceit and deceit and similar other passions And Śri Krsna proclaims in the Gita that even here the mortal plane has been conquered by those whose mind is established in equanimity
99105
104 TSPC Vol IV. p 68
105 इहैव तैर्जित सर्गो येपा साम्ये स्थित मन ।
-V 19a

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RETROSPECT
Unity in diversity is the special feature of Indian Culture And the results of our comparative study point to the same fact For, as ne have already seen, beneath the surface of diversity and difference an under-current of oneness flows with cqual forre And in spite of the distinct religious conviction rcpresented by the works in question, an inclination towards the Brahmanical epic-Purânic ideologies is seen in all spheres of the Jaina Purānic saga, viz its mythology, dynastic and gencalogical accounts and the ideas regarding the institution of class and order, sacraments, rites and rituals, beliefs and superstitions, cthics and philosophy and similar other matters of human interest
All this reveals the adaptability of Jainism to the constantly changing environs which invested the faith with an element of dynamism amidst its proverbial conservatism It is because of this power that Jainism has been preserving its entity and identity through the ages

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Page #279

(1) ORIGINAL SOURCES (a) Brahmanical Texts 1 Agnipurāna-Bibliotheca Iodica, Calcutta, 1873, Anandas.
rama, No. 41, Poona, 1900, Venkatesvara
VE 1977 (AD 1921) 2 Aitareya Brāhmaṇam(1) edited by KS Ashage (ASS
Poona-1896) (11) With the Commentary of Sayana edited by T Weber (Bonn
1879). 3 Āpastamba Srautasūtra-(1) With the commentary of
Rudradatta, edited by Richard Garbe-3
vols (Calcutta, 1882-1902). 4 Āpastamba Dharmasūtra, edited by George Buhler
(Bombay, 1932) 6. Āpastamba Gșhyasūtra-Sacred Books of the East, Vol.
XXX, Vicnna, 1887 6 Āšvalāyana Gșhyasūtra-With the commentary of Hara
dattācārya-Edited by T. Ganapati
Sastrı–Trivendrum, 1923 7 Arthaśāstra-Edited and translated by R.P Kangle
(Bombay, 1960). 8 Bāna-Kādambari, edited by Kasınath Pandurang Parab,
Nirnayasagar Press, Bombay, 1940 9. Baudhāyana Gphyasūtra-Edited by R. Shamsastry
(Mysore, 1927) 10 Brhadāraṇyaka Upanisad-Gita Press Edition 11 Brahmānda-purana-(Bombay, 1913). 12 Brahma.purāna-Anandasrama, Poona, 1895 13 Bhagavatapurāna-(Gita Press cdition, 1963). 14 Bhagavadgita -With Saškara's commentary, Ananda.
srama, Poona, 1897 15. Bhavışyapurāņa-(Bombay, 1910).

Page #280

262
Aspects of Brahmanual Influence on the Faina Afythology 16 Chandogyopanisad-Anandasrama Sanskrit Scrics, Poona,
1913 17. Garudapurana --Edited by Jivananda Vidyasagar, Cal.
cutta 18 Gautama Dharmasūtra--Ananda rama, Poona, 1910. 19 Harivamśa--published as the seventh part of thc Maha
bhārala--Chitrashala Press, Poona, 1936. 20 Kāhdasam(1) Raghuvarasa, (ii) Moghadüta, (111) Kumāra
sambhava 21 Kathasarıtasāgara of Somadeva, Trans Tawney, Ed
Penzer, Vols I-X, London, 1924-28. 22 Kūrmapurāna, (Vangavası cd 1925). 23 Liögapurāna-Venkatesvara Press, Bombay 24 Mahābhāralam (1) Gira Press, (11 Critical edition publi
shed by the Bhandarbar Oriental Resear. ch Institute, Poona The latter, whenever
used, has becn indicalcd by "C'. 27 Manusmrtı-With the commentary of Kullūka Bhatta
(Chas khamba Sanskrit Series, Benaras,
1935). 26 Mārl andсyapurāņa -Bibliotheca Indica, Calcutta, 1904 27 Matsyapurāņa-Vangabası edition, 1919 28 Padmapurāna-Auandasrama edition, Poona 29 Ratnávali of Harsa 30 Rgveda-With the commentary of Sāyana, 5 vols—Vai
dika Samsodhana Mandala (Poona, 1933
51)
31 Rāmāyana of Vālmikı-Edited by T.R Krishnacharya
Paris (Nirnayasagar Press, Bombay,
1905) 32 Śãåkhyāyana Śrau'asūtra-Edited by A. Hillebrandt,
Calcutta, 1888. 33 Sıśupālavadha of Māgha 34 Satapatna Brāhmana-Edited by A Weber, Chawkhamba
cd , 1934. 35 Skandapurāna-Vangabasi ed - 1911.

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288 Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology 116. Wilson, H.M –Visnupurāna, translated into English,
edited by F. Hall, 1864-70. 117 Weber--History of Indian Literature, 1882. 118 Winternitz-History of Indian Literature (2 vols. 1-3),
University of Calcutta, 1927. (III) Journals, Commemoration Volumes and Reference Materal 119 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute,
Poona 120. B C Law Volume, Pt I & II Calcutta, 1945, Poona,
1946. 121 Bhandarkar Commemoration Volume. 122. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies. 123 Calcutta Review 124 Dr. Satkarı Mukharji Felicitation Volume, Varanasi 125. Indian Antiquary, Poona 126 Indian Historical Quarterly, Calcutta 127 Jaina Antiquary, Arrah 128. Jaina Sıddbānta-bhāskara, Arrah. 129 Journal of Indian History. 130 Journal of the Baroda University. 131. Journal of the Department of Letters, Calcutta Univer.
sity 132. Journal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda. 133. Sanskrit-English Dictionary-Monier Williams. 134. Sabdakalpadruma-Raja Radhakant Deva. 135. Vācaspatyam.

Page #287

INDEX
A
Agranirvştı 236 Abhicandra 63n, 169, 171, Agrawal VS 6 178
Ahalyā 35f Abhijtiāna, Abhijñānasākun- Ahama 229 tala 24n, 36
Ahamahama 229 Ābhira 114n
Āhavaniya 220f, 238n Abhisāra 115n
Ahimsā 60f, 254-6 Abhişcka 236
Ahırbudhnya 191n Acala 176f, 1919
Āhitāgni 220 Acāryas 80n
Ahnu 126 Acchoda 34n
Āiccajasa 120 Adandyatā 223-4
Aiksvāka 107 Adandyatva 222
Aila, Aulas 106, 1085, 121, Adhama 231-2
126, 165-6, 168-9, 180f. Adhāna 230 8
Aileya 164-6, 168 Adhiti 208, 220
Airāvata 194 Adhyāpana 208, 220
Aišāni 194n Adhyāya 101n
Aitareya 90 Adideva 23
Aitihya 62 Adipurāna 2, 7, 8, 19n, 68 Aja 16n, 23n, 80, 130-33, 135n Aditya 84n, 96, 1201
Ajaikapad 1910 Ādityararha 131, 133
Ajamidha 100n Adityas 1997
Ajanman, Ajanmā 23n, 80 Adityavassa 84, 96f, 97, 103- Ajara 23n 4, 106-7, 118
Ajeyatā 224 Ādityayasas 84, 99, 105 7, Ajila 1705 118-20
Ajitanabhika 191n Ādivarāba 30-31
Ajitanātha 121n, 122-3, 129n Adrikā 40n, 150
Ajitandhara 191n Āgarta 114n
Akampana 102 Aghora 25
Akasa 25n Agneyı 1940
Ākhyāna 44, 47 Agni 25n, 193-4
Akiñcanya 256 Agnidhara 83-4
Aksara 23n Agnihotra 61n, 220n
Aksaralekhana 244 Agnipurāna 44n, 85n, 256n Aksarārambha 244 Agnitraya 220n
Akşarasvikarana 244 Agrajas 208
Akşayin 138

Page #288

270
isfects of Brahmarien! Ichent or the prima 17147X
Anointing 41 Arnav 194 Aupingnya 5 Anta Vio Anp: 11:41 Aniarne 57
nu logo, ND Anula 1970
ririri thir: 17 Amyonduira "n, Ifim
blında 11, 17, 21,
,
Alsobha 170 Aksabhya 170 Alnihusi 191 Alikalavı, Aliy.lau 114 Allahabad il'in Alpa 19 Alsdori. I 4n, on Amara 169 Amrrahaul. 1892 Amba 140, 1:10 Aubalit i 19,113, 1ira Amn15c3 1.37 Ambasala 313n, 214, in rubin 210 Amisha 140 143, 117 Ambus -Anbat? 1:30 Amsabalt 110 Arnlocā 197 Amiya 12 Amrla 11120 Amrialala 120 Arnriadululkisis 1.71, tion libriodlilalan Amsum?! 1 2011 Anadyanidhana 60 Ahunga 190 Anantaras 2008 Anantaratha 130 32 Anantavirja 3G11, 138n, 115 Anaranja 130, 132 Anarta 114n, Ilön Anavas 12in Andhabahu 173 Andhaka 24n, 93, 176, 181-3 Andhakabhoja 182 Andhakanlaka 24 Andhakas 927, 94 Andhakayahnı 92 Andhalavrsni 170-9, 181-3 Andhakavrsti 170-7, 1795 Andhra 114n Anckabhava 49 Ancnas 163 Anga 114n, 11on, 156 Angāraka 1140 Anila 194 Aniruddha 357
Art. o 1!! Aprastat 1317. Arpininllit Appat 1041 Apr77 10), 17) April Ing.") 11, 139, 13 Irunbil 24 Ain'1101 Arnrindz 1390 Act 13, Arthimbilu 173 Ardhini 1801.
11 Arrihan.i5814826 Arhanty, -36 Arhatit ใritirara1art 11 Aristanem 107-9 Aljava 250 Arjuna 32n, 33, 39.9, 41, 181,
1910 Arha 25,172 Arhahrt 84 Arhavamśn 100n Ainava 1941 Ārsa 64, 62n Artha 18, 05-77, ISO, 227-33 Arthasistra 191,14 Āryakula 101n Aryag 89, 103 Āsādhara 10 Asaynoi j໕ ໂ 260 Aci 70, 2087

Page #289

Index
271
271
Asiaka 1140 Aśmaka 169 Aśmáka 113n Aśrama 226-7, 237 Aśram'as 20, 48, 56, 79f, 209,
214, 226-7, 236-7 Astādhyāyı 44n Astamūrtı 24, 20 Astānga- Malieśvara 30 Astāpada 123-4 Asteya 256 Asuras 95n Ašvagriva 7 Āśvalāyanagrhyasūtra 243 Ašvalāyanasrautasūtra 45n Āśvamedhikaparva 17n, 91n,
171 Asvins 41, 1997 Atharvaveda 45n Atibala 119-20f Atibālavidyā 222f Ati-duhgama 59 Ativirya 119f Ātmabhû 81 Atman 30f Atreya 114n Ātreyi 168f Auśinara 180 Avadhyatā 223-24 Avadhyatva 222 Avantı 114n Avarta 114n Avasarpini 53-54, 67, 686 64,
68, 70f Āvaśyakacũrnı 205 Avatāra 236 Āvrşța 114n Avyaya 23n Ayodhana 1698 Ayodhyā 121n, 129, 135, 170 Ayodhyā-hānda 20ff Ayoga 216 Ayogava 219 Ayonija 80 Ayu 168
B Bahıryana 236, 241 Bāhlīka 114n, llán Bahu 174 Bāhubalın 98-99f, 105, 107,
110-113f, 116, 192, 200-203 Bala 120-21 Balabhadda 120 Balabhadra 119-21 Baladeva 130, 1907, 255f Baladevas 59 Balāåka 119-20 Balarāma 161, 1838, 255 Balavírya 120 Bali 7 Balındra 7 Bāna 7, 10, 29, 33.4, 35n Bānamukta 114n Bārhadratha 174f Bhadra 114n, 119f, 169 Bhadraratha 12]n Bhaga 1910 Bhagavadgitā 2, 38, 32n, 38, 39,
60n, 221, 230 Bhāgavata 49n Bhagiraha 128 Bhagirahı, Bhāgirahi 127f Bhagiratha 124-28f, 12y Bhāgiratha 127 Bhāgiratbı 124, 127-28f Bhagirathin 227 Bhairaha 128 Bhairabı 127 Bhaktı 22 Bhanga 114n Bhānu 173-4 Bhānumān 174 Bharadvāja 114n Bharata 62, 105-7, 114-5, 118
20, 123, 136-7, 155, 102, 200-202, 205-7, 209-13,
214n Bhārata 46.47 Bhāratabathā 32 Bhārata-Samhitā 47

Page #290

272 Aspects of Brahmanıcal Influence on the Jaina Mythology Bhārayı 7, 29
48, 760, 80-2, 86-7, 188f, Bhargava 114n
208, 209-10 Bharukaccha 114n
Brahmacārin 227, 246-48f Bhāsa 29
Brahmacarya 266f Bhattāraka 26
Brahmacaryāśrama 226, 247 Bhauma 62n
Brahmadatta 370 Bhava 30, 33
Brahmadattas 122n Bhavabhūti 242, 244
Brahmaloka 82 Bhavyas 206
Brabman 21, 22n, 66, 88, 150, Bhayami, HC, 25n
194, 209 Bhiksuka 227
Brāhmana 250, 30, 369, 197n, Bhilla 230
204-209, 215-24, 246-50 Bhima 29, 41, 161, 163f, 173, Brāhmana-hood 215 176f
Brahmanas 20n, 66, 90, 206, Bhimaratha 175
208-10, 213, 220-26, 232, Bhimasatvata 175
239 Bhimāvalı 1916
Brāhmanavamsa 9ăn Bhişma 32-3, 38f, 41, 145
Brāhmanavarna 20, 207-9 491
Brāhmanı 216 Bhişmaka 149
Brahmanical 1, 2, 11, 13-16, Bhoga-Bhagas 88-94, 98, 101,
17, 19-22, 25n, 26, 29, 36, 179, 183, 2134
41n, 44, 50-58, 60-62, 64Bhogabhūmi 18, 155
70, 72n, 73n, 74, 76-7, 79. Bhogakada 93, 93n
82, 84, 86-9, 92, 94, 95n, Bhogapura 156
98-100, 104, 106-8, 112,
116-7, 1217, 122n, 124-26ff, Bhogarāja 90-92
151-2, 160, 188, 195, 197, Bhogavardhana 114n
200, 202, 204, 207-12, 214. Bhogavşsni 178f, 179
6, 220-24, 226-7, 229, 233, Bhoja 91, 93f 149, 179, 181-3
235-44, 246-50, 252-5 Bhojas 89-92, 94, 96-7, 101, Brāhmanism 17, 21 103n
Brahmapurāna 106p, 242n Bhojak, A M. 31n
Brahmaratha 130 Bhojahata 93f
Brahmarsı 82 Bhojakavrşnı 179
Brahmarucı 197n Bhojakavrsnis 92
Brahmasāvarnı 62n Bhojakavrsţi 177, 179
Brahmasūtras 207 Bhojarajanyavardhana 91 Brahmavaivarta 49n Bhojasuta 91
Brahmavaivartapurāņa 242n Bhojavamsa 97
Brhaddhvaja 138, 161, 172-4 Bhojavrsni 92, 177-8, 181-2 Brhadvasu 172 Bhojahada 93n
Brbaspati 198-9, 240n Bhramaraghosa 138f
Brhatkathā In, 2, 4, 6, 19 Bhrgu 36n
Brbatkathāmañjari 5n Bhūtadeva 161
Brhalkathāślokasamgraba 5n Bokkasa 217
Buddha 21, 27, 31 Brahmã 21, 23, 27, 28n, 30-31, Buddhi 190f

Page #291

Index
273 Buddhism 77
Cıtraratha 139 Buddhist 12-3, 67, 69, 122n Citravasu 172 Buddha 106n, 1955
Citravírya 146 Budhasvâmin 5n
Claus Bruhn on
Cola 115n C
Cūļākarana 242 Cakra 237 Cakrābhiseka 236 Cakralābha 236
Dādallate 93n Cakravartin 121
Dahana 191n Cakrın 36, 37n, 59, 123, 129, Daitya 133
200-201, 205, 207, 213 Daityas 87, 950 Cakrins 197
Daksa 37n, 86, 164-65, 195 Caksu 63n, 71n
Daksa-Prajāpatı 164 Cāksusa 62n
Daksasāvarnı 62n Caksusmān 63nf
Dāksāyaṇi 1950 Campā 154-57f
Daksına 220f, 238n Campū 31
Daksınă 194n Câmundarāya 19
Damayanti 35 Cāndāla 216f, 219
Damitārı 7 Candra 30, 107, 195f
Damodara 31 Candrābha 635
Dāna 60-61f, 224 Candracıhna 139n
Dānavas 87, 95n Candrakiru 156, 156n
Danda 66 Candravassa 106
Danda-ratna 124 Carama 166-8
Danda-Virya 120 Caramaśarīrın 107
Dandika 114n Carita, Caritas 11, 17, 50, 185- Dandın 5n 86, 204
Dāru 115n Cariya 186
Dāsa 150 Cäru 36f, 139
Däsakanyā 150 Cārupadma 139
Daśaratha 129, 130, 132-3, Caru rupa 139
135-6 Caturmukha 29, 130
Dasarathi 168, 181 Caula 242-3
Daśārha 183f Caupannamahāpurisacariya ln, Daśārna 114n 6, 10, 311, 32n, 157
Daśārnaka 1140 Cedi 40f, 115n, 169, 171, 174 Dasaveyālıyasutta 90n Chándogyopanısad 45
Daśeruka 114n Chatra 237
Dāscyi 40n, 150 Chaudhary, RK 94n
Devadatta 169 Cicci (Agni) 194
Devaprabha (Süri) 37, 42-43, Citra 40, 139, 141n
137, 145-46f Citralekha 197
Devasena 176-7 Citrāngada 40, 40n, 146-7, 151, Devibhāgavata 212n 156f
Dharana 1766

Page #292

274 Aspects of Brahmanıcal Influence on the faina Mythology Dbārana 139
Divya 197 Dharanendra 124
Draupadi 26, 41f, 189n Dharnidhara 122t
Drona 29, 38 Dharma 41, 48, 55 6, 60, 66, Dronācārya 38
186, 190n, 227-33f, 252-4f Drona parvan 99n Dharmaśāstra 48, 52, 231, Druhya 1150 248n
Druhyus 165n Dharmasăvarnı 62n
Drupada 97, 100 Dbātakıkhanda 189n
Dulisamā 58, 59 Dhijjāı (Dhigjātı) 204n
Duhsanā-duhsamā 58-9 Dhrta 139f
Duhşamā-susamā 58-9 Dhariadharman 139
Durga 114n Dhrtamāna 139
Duryodhana 38, 427 Dhrtapadma 138
Dūli 158 Dhrtarāja 140-41
Dvaipāvana 40n, 141f, 1431, Dhrtarăstra 41, 140-47, 149F 150, 151 Dhrtatejas 139
Dvāpara 69 Dbrtavirya 138
Dvārāvati 50 Dhriavyāsa 139, 149
Dvārāvat niveśa 10 Dhrtayasas 139
Dvija 207, 209n, 215-6, 247-8 Dhrtendra 138
Dvijarman 207 Dhftı 190f, 236, 238-9
Dvijas 207-9, 213, 220 Dörtideva 138
Dvimidha 180 Dlırtıdrsti 138
Dvípa 139, 141n Dhrtidyuti 138
Dvīrāyata 139 Dhrtılara 138f
Dviprstha 203 Dhrtıksema 138n
Dvirada 131 Dhrtılsetra 138
Dviradaratha 131 Dhrliinitra 138 Dhytodaya 139 Dhruva Madhyamā dik 92n Epic 38, 40, 239, 255 Dlūmadhvajasakhā 193
Epic-Mythology 12n, son Digambara ll 63, 648, 87, Epic-Purānic 13, 17, 20-22,
107, 114, 116, 119-22, 125- 24n, 29, 31, 32n, 35-6, 66, 178, 1838
63, 69f, 73n, 74, 77, 80, 86, Digambara-Puiānakāras 107 87, 90, 94-5 100, 104 106Digvijaya 236
S, 118-7, 121, 124-5, 145-6, Dikpālas 193
148, 150-52, 187, 190-96, Diksadya 236
200, 202, 211, 214, 216, Diksānvayakriyâ 15n, 2077, 220, 225-9, 234-5, 247, 249, 235f
252, 254-5 Diksita 25, 30
Epics 14, 16-7, 22, 56, 64, 69, Dilipa 126n, 137
88, 90, 115, 123, 223-29 Dinakara 27 Dinanātharatba 131, 133 Dirghabāhu 1731
Gadhi 36n Divasanatha 31
Gagana 30

Page #293

Index
275
Gunabhadra 7, 199, 25, 28, 53
100, 102-3, 107n, 125-6 136, 144, 147-9, 173-6, 138
159, 190, 193-4, 254 Gunādbya 1, 5 Gunakirti 26 Gunavati 148f Guru 26, 38, 102, 198 Gurupûjupalambha 236 Gurusthānābhyupagama 236 Gyani, S D 44n
Gaganātman 25 Gajapura 113n Gajavāhana 138n Gambhira 9 Ganas 38f, 90f, 94n, 97, 102 Gandhakālı 40n Gāndhāra 114n, 115n Gāndhārı 41, 42, 42n Gandharva 17, 22, 95n, 146f,
145 Gandbarvas 197-8 Gandharvi 197 Gandhavati 170 Ganend 31, 199 Gangā 9, 37n, 40-1, 124, 128f,
146, 148, 192 Gangadeva 138 Ganges 113n Gāngeya 41, 145-8 Ganopagrahana 236 Garbhādhāna 237-8f Garbhānvaya 235f Garbhānvayakriyā 236 Gārhapatya 2207, 238n Garımā 225 Garuda 171 Gaudānka 1191 Gāthās 44 Gātrikābandha 239 Gauri 35n Gautama 3 in Gautama Ganadhara 11, 39 Ghatapatra 240 Ghrtāci 197 Giri 1616 Gitā 21f, 22n, 39, 212n, 231,
255-8 Gitacañcu 197 Godavail 113n Godc P.K 30 Grahana 244 Grhastha 227 Grhasthāśrama 226 Grhatyäga 236 231 Grhišitā 236, 151 Gșhyasūtras 243 Guhyaka 193
H Hahā 197n, 198 Hai',aya 1665, 1817 Hail 90n Hamsupadi 197 Handiqui, KK lin Hara 24, 27, 30, 191n Harı 19, 23n, 27, 28n, 37, 50,
89, 94, 95, 97, 1031, 137, 153, 154-60f, 161-1, 168,
171-2, 179-80, 1837 Haridhvaja 138 Haritsa 2010 Harighosa 133 Harigiri 161, 182 Harıkānta 103, 173 Harini 137 Haripura 1.55 Harırāja 131 Haris 98, 103, 105 Hariscandra 1.37 Huisma 1691 Hariyamsa 11, 1", 33, 9jp,
47, 19, 104, 155-9, 160,
17+
Harivamsapurān. Gn, 18, 20,
42 70, 68, 71n, 89, 110, 120, 138, 141, 159, 161,
206
Harivamsīvatāra 30 Harivarsa 67, 71n, 95, 103,
151-57 Harsa 7, 29 Haryaśva 174 Hastin 100n, 116f, 141-5, 180

Page #294

276
Aspects of Brahınanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology
Hastināpura 98n 113f, 114, Indra 21n
115n, 116f 142, 147, 172 Indian Literature 19n Hastırāja 144f
Indra 29, 35f, 41, 192, 193-4, Hatthirāü 144
197-9 Hazra, RC 13n
Indra-dyumna 119f Hemā 197
Indragiri 161, 164 Hemacandra 19, 35, 36n, 51, Indraratha 131
71n, 89, 102, 104, 112, 116f, Indratyāga 236 120-21, 132n, 133, 137, 145- Indravirya 139 6, 157-8, 160, 162, 171-2, Indropapāda 236 178, 180, 189n, 193, 197, Indu 104n 200, 202, 205, 213-4
Induratha 131 Hemaratha 130-31f
Ingala-dāhaya 230 Herambas 119
Isapa 29, 192, 193, 195 Himagırı 161-2
Išitva 225 Himālaya 8
Isvara 25f, 191n Himavān 176f
Itihāsa 45-7, 51-2 Hindu 14, 28, 59, 60, 81-2, Itihasa-Purāna 45f
86, 188n, 228, 245, 247n Itihāsa-Purānas 29 Hinduism 211, 56
Itivrtta 48, 52 Hindus 21-2 Hindu Samskāras 236pf Hiranyagarbha 31, 81-2, 84-6f, Jāhnavi 125-6, 128 130
Jahnu 124-128 Hirnyakaśıpu 32n, 132-33f Jagattrayaniveśa 53 Hiranyäksa 32n
Jaina 1-5, 13-4, 16-9, 25-6, Hiranyanābha 130, 130f
28, 30, 31, 33n, 35-6, 39, Hiranyotkrstajanmatā 236
40, 43, 44, 49-51, 55-7, 59, Hopkins E W 12n, 86n
61n, 63-4, 68, 69, 70, 76-7, Hrsikeśa 23n
79, 80, 82, 84, 86-90, 92, Hühū 197n, 198
94, 95n, 98, 101, 102n, 104, Hutāśana 27, 30
106-7, 111, 116-8, 121, 122n, 123, 125-6, 151, 153,
159-60, 180-85, 187, 197, Ibhavāhana 138
200, 204, 206, 208, 211, Ijyā 220
214-6, 221, 223-9, 234-5, Ikgu 87
242, 245-6, 248-9, 253-6 Iksvāku 63, 68, 81-4, 87-9, 94. Jainapurānas 141n
112, 118, 121-3, 170, 174, Jainas 18, 227, 237 Iksvāku-Rşabha 112, 116, 118 Jain JC 4n, 6, 92n, 94n, Iksvākus 95, 103, 109n, 121n, 1010, 113n
122, 129, 133, 135-37, 145, Jainised 16f 153, 157, 159
Jainism 14-5, 17, 19, 22, 27, Iksvāku-vamsa 97, 99, 104
88,98n, 108, 204, 210, 221, Ila 106n, 164-5
229 Ila 106
Jain, Jyotiprasad 46n Ilåvardbana 164-1
Jain Pannalal 53n

Page #295

Index
föātrs 96 Johnson, HM 105n Jrmbbaka 197n Jujha-kānda 26
Jājvalyate 93n Jala 25n Jalanaviriya (Jvalanavirya)
120 Jalavírya 120 Jamadagni 36F Janaka 137, 164, 160, 168,
174-5 Janakas 122n Janmābhiseka 194, 197 sanmamrtyujarātiga 23n Jarāsandha 7, 50, 60, 173f Jataka 41n Jātakarma 2, 238-9 Jāti 250F Jätyāryas 101-3, 105 Jaya-Itībāsa 47 Jayakumāra 138f Jayanta 1998 Jayarāja 138 Jayasāgara 122n Jāyavas (Yadavas) 177 Jhūsi 113n Jina 21-5, 27, 22-31f, 76n, 80-
81, 84-6, 113f, 129, 185n, 1889, 191f, 206, 2151, 237-8,
240, 262, 257 Jinadharma 134 Jigarūpatā 236 Jinas 5n, 27, 56, 601, 85n 86 Jinasena 2, 3, 6-8, 18.9, 2ln,
22, 28-30, 42, 50, 53, 54, 710, 89, 98, 100-103f, 1070, 109-10, 120, 140-41, 163, 155, 158, 171, 206-9, 212, 214-6, 220, 222, 225, 227, 231n 235-8, 240-251, 253,
266 Jinasena-Gugabhadra 42, 51,
102 Jinist 69, 95n, 98, 107, 202 Jitasatru 122f, 123, 1910 Jivita 30 Jrāta, Jhātas 88, 90, 101-3f jñātr 101 JKārļka 89, 90, 1011 Jõätfputra 101
Kaccha 114n Kādambari 10, 33, 34n Kadavakas 26 Kabāpidha 1880 Karkaya 114n Kaikeyi 136-7f Kailasa 123 Kākını 206 Kakkaddaã 217 Kaksı 114n Kakubba 130, 134 Kakutstha 130, 132, 192f,
134-5 Kāla 56-58, 194 Kalahapriya 198 Kālāvatāra 58 Kalı 69 Kāli 150 Kālidāsa 7, 8, 29, 36, 212,
2441 Kalinga 114n, 115n Kalivanopānta 114n Kalmāsapāda 135 Kalpajokti 44 Kalpavrkşas 68, 70-74, 787 Kalpita 186f Kāma 48, 55-6, 186, 196-96,
227-33 Kamalā 32n, 189-90 Kamalabandhu 1307 Kamalayoni 31 Kamboja 114n Kamsa 175-9, 1928 Kānda 25, 26 Kāndas 26 Kapālın 191n Kapila 124-5 Kappiya 186 Karahāļa 114n Karana 217-81 Karbuka 114n

Page #296

278
Aspects of Brahmancal Influence on the Jaina listhelors
kata: 1911 Kirii 1381, 100 Kiridharo 134, 1.11 lisinvlly,1 11 Kinhallen Kolizia ? Kola 1100 konana 11411 Isotala 11419, 11) Kusala 137 1:31) Kolajanapadn 14 Kotril 203 Kritha-Blina 175 Kralusthali 107 Krşı (IN Kssat 23, 26, 33, 3in, 37.7,
Alin, bor, 5117, ], 331, OW, 141, 14.1, 1501, 161, 1951, 150, 182, 1891,211n,
Karhat.ka 217, 210 Karna 337, 38, 41 Karnaparvan 273n Karnāta llon Kārşnaveda 52n Kärta virya 181 Kärttihcya 26n Karır 28 Kartiaha ::16 Kāśı 111n, 1217, 146-7 Kāśinir 114n Kāśmirian 5, on Kaśyapa 81, 83-4, 86-7 Kāśyapa 100 Katha 34, 186 Kathāsarıtsägara in Katthacchindaya 230 Kaupina 246 Kaurava 38, 427, 88-89, 101n,
104n, 138, 140, 142-4, 117,
149 Kaurava-Pāndava 20, 37, 39 Kauravas 26, 38, 41, 98, 109 Kauravavamsa 104n Kaušala 114n Kausalya 114n, 136 Kausâmbi 84n, 154, 130 Kautilya 2441 hāvya 17 Kāvyādarsa on Keith A.B 5n Kekaya 115n Kerala 115n Keśava 31 Keśavāpa 238, 243 Keśavapana 243 Kevalın 11 Kevatta 230 Khadga 114n Khandā 37 Kharavāhaya 230 Khattā 216 Khattiyas 88, 213 Khecaras 7 Khila 35 Kilbisaka 157 Kinnaras 198, 2008
Krta (15) GS-7, 78, 210 hramat 10 Kriviva 146
samā 976 Ksatra 212-13 Ksatras 211 Ksairavzduha 121n Ksatnya 23n, 36n, 39, 89n,
90-92, 96, 1020, 212, 217-9,
247, 2497 Ksatriyas 208, 211-öf, 217,
232 Ksattā 216, 2196 Ksemabiirt 63n Kseinandhara 630 Kşemankara 630 Kscmcndra 50 Kşetra 50.8 Kșctraia 146 Ksitimūrtı 25 Kubera 193-94 Kubcradatta 130-311 Kukhutaha 217, 219n Kula 230F Kulacaryā 231,21 Kuladharolpatti 54f Kulabiru 139

Page #297

Index
Kulavadhi 222f Kulkarni V.M 1n, 13n, 15n,
17n, 21n, 32n, 51n, 91n Kulluka 220n Kumarasambhava 8, Kunāla-Jataka 4ln Kundanagara 102 Kundapura 102
Kunima 164, 166
Kunfvan 114n
Kuntala 114n
Kunthu 130, 131, 139 Kunthubhaktı 131 Kunti 33n, 41f, 176f Kurma 143n Kurmapurāna 85n
Kürmi 197n
Kuru 89-90, 94n 97-100, 104, 105, 107-13, 115-6f, 137-40, 142, 144-5, 179
Kuru (province) 114n Kurucandra 138 Kurujangala 114-5 Kuru-kända 26f
Kuruksetra 115-6 Kuru-line 94f, 114 Kuru-Pañcālas 92n Kururāja 111, 115
Kurus 89-90, 96-97, 100-101, 103, 108, 140-42
Kuruvamsa 97-9, 103-5, 111
3, 118, 137 Kusa 114n Kuśāgra 114n Kuvında 154 Kvacit 250 Kvathatoya 114n
L
Labdhābhimana 173-4 Laksmana 49, 136-7 Laksmi 32n, 35n, 189-90
Lambhas 5
Lava 49 Lavankusuppatti 49
Law, BC 14n, 84n, 101n, 109n
Lekhana 244 Levirate 147 Licchavis 92n
Lingapurana 25n, 30n Lipi 244
Lipisamkhyānasangraha 236,
243-4f Lobha 229 Loddhaya 230 Loka 57n Lokapālas 192-3 Lokapitāmaha 80, 86 Lokasamsthāna 50f
279
M
Macdonell 5n Madhava 31, 183 Madhu 7, 183f Madhukaitabha 7 Madhusudana 7, 31 Madhyadeśa 114n Madhvama 232-33 Madraka 114n, 115n
Madrakāra 114n
Mädı1 41, 176f
Magadha 11, 37n, 39, 114n,
174
Magadha 213n, 216 219
Magaha 216
Mägha 7, 10 Maha 182
Mahabala 32-119f Mahābalın 111
Mahabharata 2, 12, 16, 17n,
20, 23f, 27, 31, 32, 35-40, 42, 47f, 51, 52n, 68n, 69n, 750, 82, 91-2, 94, 133n, 143-4, 146n, 166, 181, 191n, 210, 212, 215n, 219n, 220n, 222n, 224n, 230, 239, 254 Mahābhoja 182
Mahadeva 30
Mahāgırı 161-2
Mahājasa (Mahāyasas) 120 Mahāhāla 30
Mähana 205-6 Mähanas 205-6

Page #298

280
Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology
Mahāpadma 139f Mahāpurāna 2, 6, 9, 10, 15n, 19, 21, 23, 24, 28, 42, 49f, 51, 70, 86n, 144, 153, 156n, 159n, 191, 206, 212, 239, 243-5
Mandarendrabhiseka 236 Mandhātṛ 130-1, 133, 135 Manicula 125 Mañjughosa 197 Mantra 239
Mantras 237
Mahāpurānu 28n, 115n, 176n, Manu 11, 46n, 52, 58n, 63-4f, 178, 209 Mahāpurusacarita 56n Maharastra 114n
Mähäratha 139f, 160, 164
66-7, 71-3f, 81-84f, 87, 170, 217-8, 219n, 220n, 221n, 225, 236n, 240n, 241n, 242, notes to 246-50, 254n Manus 54, 58n, 59n, 62-4, 68-9 Manusmrti 92n, 216, 254 Manvantara 51, 54-5f, 58n, 59, 62-3, 69, 70, 72, 74, 81-2 Manvantaras 81, 85 Märdava 256
Mahasara 139, 14ln
Mahasena 176-7
Mahāsūra 172
Mahāvamsa 84n
Mahāvaraha 30
Mahāvastu 77 Mahāvasu 172f
Mahavira (Lord) 101, 102, 191f Mahavirya 119-20, 138n Mahāyasas 120f Mahendradatta 164
Mahendravıkrama 119f
Mahi 30
Mahidatta 167-168 Mahidhara 160, 161f
Mahima 114n
Mahima 225 Mahiṣaka 114n
Mähisya 217-8
Mahumaha 189n
Majjhima 230, 233 Majumdar, R.C. 13n Makara 196
11, 15, 39, Marici 82, 84, 86-7 Mārici 197
Makaradhvaja 196n
Makaraketu 196
Malada 114n
Mälava 114n
Malla 114n
Mallas 92n
Mälya 114n
Mānārhatā 222, 224f
Mänava 168
Mänava 114n
Mänavartika 114n Mandara 201
Markandeya 156, 160, 161 Märkandeyapurana 64n, 69n, 720, 74, 75, 76, 78f, 106n, 115n
Martanda 84n
Marudeva 63n, 73 Marudevi 201
Māruta 30 Māsa-prthaktva 241 Masi 76, 208 Mastaka 114n
Mathura 94, 172f
Matsya 114n, 142, 149-151f, 167-9, 183n
Matsyagandha 39-40, 150 Matsyagandhini 150
Matsyapurana 69n, 81, 85n,
86n, 106n, 115, 166, 169f Matsyapurana-A study 6, 25n,
30n, 49n Maunadhyayanavrttatva 236 Meghadūta 8-9 Meghapura 155 Megharatha 6 Mena 197
Menaka 196-7 Meruka 7

Page #299

Index Mithilā 115n, 137, 154, 168,
170, 183n Mithilānātha 169 Mithunas 67 Mitragırı 1617 Mitrasaha 135 Moda 236, 238-9 Moka 114n Moksa 48, 55, 60, 227-8, 232
34 Moksâśrama 228n Morfan 76n Mrgānka 1199 Msgaratha 130, 133 Mrgārıdamana 130 Mrgavyādha 191n Mrgesadamana 132-3 Mrkandu 156f Mūla 169-70 Mūlaka 114a, 169-70 Mundara 242 Muai 195 Munisuvrata 164f Munisuvratanātha 160n, 161
63 Muñja 246 Mūrdhāvasıkta 217-18f
281 Namakarman 240 Nandı 14n Nārada 10, 16n, 17n, 197-8 Narahanı 139 Narapatı, 176, 179 Narapatıvrsti 176, 179n Narasimha 32n, 133n, 188,
189n Narasimhāchar, D L. 188 Naravāhanadatta 6 Naravaivitthı 176, 179n Naravrsti 176f, 179 Nārāyana 27, 30, 139f Narmadā 111n Nāsárika 114n Ñāta 88, 101 Nāta 101 Nätha 101n, 102 Nāthavamsa 99-1025 Nāuka 101 Navarastra 114n Nāva 101 Nāvādhammakahā 37n, 41n Nāyakula 101n Nāvaputia 101 Neminātha 26f, 37, 50f, 255 Nemināthacarita 50 Neria (Nairfta) 194 Nibandhas 243 Nidāna 233 Nidhi 207 Nihsangatvātmabhāvanā 236 Nilãogada 146n Nirāgārāśrama 226 Nirrti 191n Nirvana 44-50, 54 Nirvindhyā 9 Nisāa, Nisāda 216, 218-19 Nisadyà 236, 241 Niskramana 241 Niskranti 236 Nisumbha 7 Nivamas 48 Niyoga 143
N Nābhāgarista 170n Nābhānedistha 170n Nabhasena 169 Nābhı 58n, 63n, 68-9, 73-4,
80-84, 87 Nāga 94n, 123, 125 Nāgapura 173 Nägas 102n Naghusa 130, 134-5 Nahuşa 1307, 134 Naigama 249 Naipāla 1140 Nairta 193f Nairti 194n Naisadha 114n Nakula 41 Nala 37 Namakarana 236
Okhaka 8.In Om 243

Page #300

282 Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology Om Namah Sıddham 245 Parātpara 27 Om Namah Siddhebhyah 245 Pargiter 13n, 44n, 45n, 81n, Ona-Māsi-dham 245
109n, 115n, 130n, 132nr, 182n P
Parıśısta 35 Padma lln, 207, 255
Parıśıştaparvan 35 Padmā 36, 189
Pārsväbhyudayacarita 8 Padmacariia 2, 8, 15n, 18, Pārtha 33
56n, 68, 94 110f, 185n Parvan 3, 7, 15n, 17, 19n, 20n, Padmadeva 139
35, 37, 99n, 185n Padmagarbha 81
Parvata 16n, 17n Padmamāla 139
Pārvail 28n, 192 Padmapābha 139n, 189n Pāsandın 206 Padmanābbi 23n
Paścimā 1940 Padmapujāna 185n
Pasenadı 93n Padmaratha 130, 133, 139F Pāśın 193 Padmasambhūti 81
Pasupata 25n Padmayonı 81
Pāțaccara 114n Pahāna-khattia 216
Pātāla 124 Pahāna-sudda 216
Patañjalı 28, 256n Pahāna-vaisa 216
Patra 241 Pakistan 113n
Pätiatva 223-24 Palı 840
Pattana 114n Pälıprakāśa 93n
Paulastya 33 Pallava 115n
Paulon a 167-68 Pancala 100, 114n
Patmacariü 24, 25n, 270, Pancalaksana 46, 50-53, 55- 185n, 2030 56. 60
Paūmacarıyu 13n, 15n, 17, 18, Pancalaksanapurāna 48f
21n, 56n, 68, 94 Pañcayahtra 25n
Paundra 114n Pāndava 39, 41n, 138, 140, Paurava 10( n, 180 142-44, 147, 149
Pāvakamūrti 25 Pāndavacarıla 37, 42
Pavana 27, 193 Pāndavapurāna 7, 39, 138, Pavanagını 155 1401, 147, 159n, 177
Pavanavega 155 Pāndavas 267, 38, 39, 41, 98, Payatiloo 213 109
Payaratha 131, 133 Pāndu 33n, 411, 140-43, 145- Pihaddhaya 172-73 47, 149
Pinākın 191n Pandya 116n
Pitha 191n Pānigrahana 249
Potanapura 113f Pānini 44n
Prabhañjana 150 Paramātman 268
Prabhāvati 154n, 157 Parāśara 40f, 139, 141-44, Prabhu 119f 146-51
Prabhūtatejas 119 Paraskara 220n
Pradhāna 217 Pāraskara gļhyasūtra 243n Pradhāna-ksatriya 216-17 Puraśurāna 30n
Pradhapa sitapaih 113n, 169

Page #301

Index
283
Pradhana šūdra 216-17 Pradhana-taisya 216-17 Pragjyotisa 114n Praharana 7 Prahlada 133, Prijānanda 63n Prajāpali 37n, 80, 80, 161-65,
Jolin Prajāsambandhantara 222,
224 Prähimyr 225 Prälra 11, 17, 18, 31, 33, 127,
128 Pralsulolah 213 Pralaya 531 Pranava 215 Prāpti 225 Prašana 236, 241 Praśāntatā 2511 Prašūntı 139, 236 Pracrnajit Gin, 73, 93n Prasthala 1l4n Prasthana 49 Pratāpayān llur Pratibandhu 131, 133 Praliccha 220 Pratiloma 230 Pratimanyu 131, 133 Pratinārāyana 00 Pratisara 139, 141-44, 146481 Pratisarga 44, 53-55, 58f Pratıśruti 63n Pratisthānapura 113n Pratisthita 138 Prativacana 130 Prativarsam 242 Prajivāsudcvas 7, 31, 60, 197 Praváka 114n Pre Puranic 44, 46 Priti 236, 2381 Pritzkara 138 Priyavrata 83, 84 Priyodbhava 236, 239 Prşata 100n Priha 33 Přihivi 25n
Pythivipatı 138f Prihu 28n, 601, 130-32, 135,
139 Přihudhvaja 172-73 Prthuvainya 70n Prihu asu 173 Trihvinátha 138n Prihvspatı 101-82 Pukkasa 217, 219 Pulina 104 Pulinda 230 Puloma 1041 Puloman 166-88 Pumsavana 2381 Pumsaputrospatukumyayā
238 Pundarlka 19in Pundarslā 197 Pundra 114n Puijasthala 130, 1321 Punjikastala 197 Purā 44n Purăbhavam 44n Purana 18, 19n, 20, 25, 28,
31, 37, 44-49, 51-52, 5557, 60, 96, 106, 120, 185n, 188n, 189, 191-92,
220, 229 Purānakäras 6 7, 16,60, 85,
100, 102, 117, 153, 158n,
185, 186, 190, 200, 254 Purānas 1, 5, 7, 11, 12, 14,
15, 17, 19, 20, 22, 27, 33n, 37, 39, 43-44, 46, 48, 4952, 53 50, 59-62 04,68-70, 72n, 76n, 80-82, 84-85, 8788, 90f, 94, 95n, 98n, 103, 105, 109, 113, 115, 11819, 121-23, 120, 128, 130, 135n, 138, 147, 149, 151, 154, 155, 169-60, 161-64, 106-08, 172-73, 175-77, 181-83, 185, 196 97, 211, 216, 221, 226-20, 242, 252,
254-55f Purānaveda 52n Purandara 1305, 134

Page #302

284
Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology
Rājarşi 93n Rajavamsodbhava 50-51 Rajimati 90-91, 93n Rähsasa 25
Raksasas 25, 60, 87, 95n Raksāsutra 239
Puranic 28, 36, 44, 49f, 52n, 55-57, 59-60, 67, 69n, 86n, 9, 97, 98, 99, 110, 117, 141n, 147, 153, 164-68, 174, 179-81, 183-85, 19293, 229, 235, 253, 255 Puranists 57
Pūnini 197
Puru 54, 81, 100, 108, 109f, 115n, 140, 151 Pūru 109
Ramā 189
Rāmā 197
P'urudeva 108
Puruhūta 35
Rama Aur Mahavira 15n Ramāpati 189
Pururavas 106n, 165, 168, 180 Rāmāyana In, 3, 6, 12, 16Purus 1090
Pūrus 164
18f, 25, 30, 31, 32, 35n, 46, 129-30, 1351, 160, 210
Purusa 114n
Purusārtha 60, 231
Puruṣārthas 55, 56, 227-29,
234
Purusasukta 212
Puruvamsa 109f
Purva 53n
Pūrvä 194n
Purvakoti 58n Purvas 129f, 163
Puspadania 19, 28-31, 100, 107, 115n, 153f, 158-59, 178, 194, 269
R
Radheya 33n
Raghu 130, 132, 134, 135, 244. 244n
Rama 15f, 17-18, 25-26, 32, 49, 50, 129f, 132, 135-37, 185n, 200, 255
Raghusa 130, 134
Raghuvamsa 8, 9, 89n, 212
Rambhā 196-97
Ramyaka 114 Rana 49
Rastrakūtas 245n Raihanırghosa 130
Ratı 195-96
Ratnamāla 161
Ratravali 10
Rätry abhojana 256 Raucya 62n
Rāvana 7, 18, 33, 49, 198n,
200
Rāvi 30, 33, 172f Ravighcsa 138
Ravimanyu 131, 133 Raviratha 130, 133 Raviśatru 130
Ravişena 2, 8, 18, 63n, 9495f, 98-99, 12-103, 110, 119, 132, 133, 134, 136f, 155n, 158, 164, 170, 185n, 193, 195-96, 226
Ravitejas 119f Rawalpındı 113 Rawlinson, HG 21n Rāyā 93n
Rāhu 200-201
Rálmai 93n
Rainnas 88, 102n
Raivata 62n Rājā 93n
Rajaka 216
Rajans 89, 96, 213
Räjanya 89, 91, 92, 94n, 96f, Rayarisi 93n
101, 103f, 213 Rajanyas 214, 232 Rājaputras 89n
Raychaudhuri HC 90, 92n,
113n
Rǎyimal 93n

Page #303

Index
28.5
Rotha 38, 360
Sabahāpıra 114n Renuhi 30n
Sähita 130 Revanta 2000
Sakta 194 Rifhanemicariu 20, 27n Sakra 87, 111, 172, 102-4 Rksas gün
Saku 142-, 140 Rohint 1951
Sahus 189 Rsabla 21, 31-2, 52, GS S0-S9, Sala 109-70
899, 97 98n, 100, 103, 137, Salākāpurusa 15n 147, 194, 205, 206-3, 212-3, Salāt apurusas 5-0, 31, 49-5Uf, 211n
59, 250 Rşabhadeva 31-2, 54, 59, 70, Salıla 30
761, 80-27, 86.7, 110, 115, Salılātman 25 131, 197, 209, 211, 213, Silva 117 226
Samanta 157 Rşabha-Il svāku 10s, 111, 115 Samarapriya 198n Rs 41,52,07
Samăvariana 2181 Rsis Oin
Samavāyānga 101n Rst-vamsa 95, 93n, 97, 100 Samba 6 Kuci 6211
Sambhū 21 Rudra 25, 30, 49
Sambhūta 161 Rudras 101-2
Samhara 53, 53n, 54 Rudrasävarnı on
Samluas 45, 130 Rukmagıri 155
Samjna 2001 Rukmin 03n, 1401
Samkhyāna 244 Ruhmini 03n, 119
Samnyāsa 230 Samnyāsāśrama 226, 228n
Samnyäsins 237 SabdaValpadruma 103n 242n Samrajya 54, 236 Saci 197
Samshāra 240-3, 247-9, 262 Sadhus 234
Samskāras 207, 236-7 Sadyojāta 25
Samsksla 5, 11, 18 Sagara 119, 121-7, 1291, 135 Samudraka 114n Sāgara 176
Samudramanthana 201 Sāgarabhadra 119
Samudravijaya 123, 176-8, Sagara-Carita 125
183 Sägārāśrama 226
Samvatsara 242 Sāgarı 127
Samya 258 Sabadeva 41
Samyama 256 Sahajanya 107
Sanātana 23n Sahasräyudha 195, 199
Sanatkumira 5n, 138 Saibya (Śıbı) 6
Sandhis 265 Saitava 114n
Sangbadása 19n, 116, 120-21, Saivaite 196
158, 160, 164, 171 Saivism 24, 250, 27
Sanjaya 166-8 Sajjātı 250
Şañjayanta 164, 106 Saka 115n
Saúkara 24, 30, 35n, 124, 194

Page #304

286
Aspects of Brahmanica: Influence on the Jaina Mythology
Ṣaudāsa 130, 134-5 Šauddhodani 31 Šaura 108
Sauri 176-8f, 180 Sauvira 114n, 115n Sāvaiņi 62n Sāvaithipura 171 Savasu 139 Śibi 180
Siddhanta Kaumudi 44n Siddhas 246, 249, 251 Siddhaya 245 Sikhandın 32n Silācārya (Silanka) 1f, 32n Silanagara 157
Šilanka 10, 31-2, 35, 102, 111, 120-21, 136-7, 157-8, 16"), 186,213,216-8, 229-30, 232-3 Silänkācārya 6n Silpa 76 Simadhrt 63n
95
Sankarācārya 3n Sankha 169 Sankhyamangalagranthi 242
Sanmatı 63n
Santanu 33n, 37, 39 41, 139f, 141, 143, 145-48, 149, 1511 Säntibhadra 139
Santicandra 19
Santinath бn, 6, 139, 257 Säntisena 139 Santivardhana 139f Sara 139, 141n Sarabha 130-31 Sarabharatha 131 Saradvipa 139, 141n Sarai-kala 113n
Sarasvata 114n
Sarasvati 190n Saravana 106n
Sarga 44, 53, 55, 57-8
Sargas 17
Sharma R S 66n, 67 1, 76n Sarmışthā 166 Sarpa 191n
Saśánka 139
Sasın 27, 119f, 193 Sasiprabha 119f Sasiratha 130
Śăstra 213 Śāśvata 23n Satadhanu 144-45 Satali 142f Satapatha 90
Sataratha 131, 132 Śatarupā 165
Satpumsas 59 Satpurusas 56-7
Satrughna 136, 137, 181
Satvat 183
Satvata 181f, 183f
Satya 256f
Satyakisuta 191n
Satyavati 36n, 40f, 142-3, 146,
149-161 Satyavirya 120 Śauca 256
Simandhara 63n Simankara 63n, 72 Simantonnayana 238 Simhadasana 131, 133 Simhaketu 156f, 160ff Simharatha 130 Simhayaśas 119f Sindhu 114, 115n Sıradhvaja 168, 174 Sisupālavadhn 10 Sitä 49
Sıralanatha 103, 153-54, 159
60f, 162-3 Sitāmsumurti 25 Sitayasas 119-20,
Siva 21, 23-25, 27-9, 33, 37n, 106n, 188, 191-92f, 191 Skanda 28n
Smitayasas 120 Smrti 20, 49 Smrti-kāras 214
Smrtis 11, 217, 235, 242-3,247,
249, 254
Smrti-writers 216, 220, 235-36 Sodasa 130, 134 Solva 114n

Page #305

Îndex
287
Soma 94, 98, 98, 104n, 106n,
110-12, 193 Somadeva 5n, 28n Somaprablia 93, 98-9, 10:4-5,
108-12, 113n, 115-6, 137-8 Somaprabhakuru 109 Somavamsa 951, 97, 99,103-7f,
110,111-3, 113, 137 Som ayaśas 99f, 105, 107-12 Soriya 177 Sottiya 209 Sovāga 204n, 217 Snyariya 230 Srastr 80, 188 Srauta 220n Srävakas 2052 Srāvasti 115n, 170 Srenika 11, 39 Srcyām sa 980, 110, 115 Sri 189-90 Sricandra 138 Srikrsna 38f, 149, 257n, 258 Śrimatı 170 Śrípurāna 19 Śrivamsa 97n Ś Ivardhana 164, 166 Srivasu 139 Srivrata 139 Srlvrkşa 164, 166 Srotriya-hood 209 Srotriyas 209 Srsti 53 Srstyadhikaritâ 222-3 Sthānu 23n, 1018 Sthāsnu 23n Sthiti 49, 50, 54f Stimita 176 Stimitasāgara 176 Sūa 216 Subāhu 173-5 Subala 119f Subālā 136 Subhacandra 7, 39, 41-427,
100-103, 107n, 138n, 139n, 140-41, 147-9, 153, 156f,
158-9, 179 Subhadra 119f
Subhadra 142 Subhanhara 138 Subhānu 1738 Subhauma 139 Sucāru 1391 Sudarśana 139 Sudharmā 197 Śūdra 215n, 217-19, 249-50F Sūdras 212-3, 218-7 Sugandhā 197 Suhma 114n, 115n Sukanāsa 35n Sukesi 197 Sukhodaya 236 Sukirti 1397 Sukla 225 Sukosala 111n, 130, 134 Sukra 199 Sūkta 52 Sukthankar VS 2n Śūktimati 171 Sukumāra 138 Sūlin 194 Sumatınātha 25 Sumitra 123, 161-4, 166-7 Sumitrā 136-7, 160n Sumitravijaya 123 Sumukha 154.69f Sumukhi 197 Sundara-kānda 26 Supadma 139, 139n Suprabhā 136-7 Supratistha 138f Supratisthaka 191n Supriti 236, 238-39 Śūra 114n, 172, 176-81 Suraguru 1981 Surakāntā 170 Śūrasena 114n, 115n, 13)n,
176, 178, 1817 Surāsţra 114n Sūravira 176, 178-9, 181 Surendra 197 Surendramanyu 131n Sūrya 31, 84n, 107, 119, 139,
169, 172 Süryaghosa 138

Page #306

288
Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Faina Mathology
Sūryaprabha 166 Sūryavamsa 100 Susamă 58-59, 71 Susamã-duhşamā 58-9, 71 Susamă-susamă 59.4 Susanti 139 Suta 210, 219 Sutojas 1.38 Sutra 242 3? Sutrakantha 200 Sūtrakrtanga ein Suvarnabāhu 38 Suivasu 172F Suvira 176-8, 180F Suvirya 1191 Suvrala 1381, 161, 106 Svratanātha 1187, 1295 Suyajvan 25 Svagurusthānasamkrānu 236 Svapāka 216-7, 219 Svārājya 236 Svārocisa 62n Svastikāvati 170 Svayambhū 25-7, 29, 40-S2,
84-5, 87, 185n, 190, 2030,
208 Svāyambhuva 62n, 328 Svetambara 11, 31, 41n, 50n,
63 4, 66-77, 71n, 87-8, 113, 119, 121-3, 127-8, 144, 148, 151, 163, 160, 178,
185ff Svetámbara-Purānakāra 111 Svetambaras 103, 120 Svikarana 244
Tapasvins con Tarnha 7 Tärāpida 3 in Turaivin 2.5 Tatpurusa 26 Tijasvin 1191 Tegoria Trvavırıv, 1:0) Tilottama 106.7
Jinalarana 1145 Tjitha il-71, 60), Icon Isrthalrdbliāvanā 236 Tirthankara 22, 251, 37, 39,
71, 74, 70, 102-3, 1187, 121, 1-0, 15:-1,160, 1612, 104 190, 191, 197 200,
238, 267 I stiliauharas 107, 234 Tisattruunahapurragunālankan
su 28 Trarhālya-samgraha 68 Trayastrimsas $9 Treia 09, 78, 211, 220n Tribhuvanasvayambhū 26 Tridaśañijaya 1226 Trigarta 11 in Trincana 24 Trilokasára 53n Trinctra 24 Trinity 80, 8On Tripura 114n Tripuraharı 30 Tripuräri 24 Trišanku 137 Trısıras 1960 Trıśüla 29 Trisaştılaksanamahāpurānasad
graha 19 Trisastišalāhāpuruşacarita 2,
6, 35, 51, 112, 137, 107,
177 Trivarga 56, 228 Tryabsa 21 Tryambaka 24 Tuliriga 114n Tumburu 197-8 Turusha llon Turvasus 165n
T
Tadvicestita 56-7, 69 Tadvihāra 236 Taittirsya-Brāhmaṇa 89n Takşaśılā 1131 Tāmasa 82n Tamasic 230 Tamil 19 Tapana 1191 Tapas 60f, 61f, 256 Tāpasa 114n

Page #307

Inder
Tvastr 196 Tjaga 256
U
Udaharana 48 Udayapṛthu 131, 133 Udayaratha 130, 133 Udita parakrama 119f Uditoditavamśatva 250 Udra 114n
Ugga 216
Uggas (Ugras) 83, 102n Ugra 89, 91, 94n, 97, 100, 179, 213, 216, 218-9 Ugras 89f, 96-7, 100-101, 103f,
213
Ugrasena 91-2, 176-80, 182f Ugravamsa 97, 99-101 Ujjayini 191
Ujjhakanda 26
Umä 28n, 37, 190n, 191-2 Upadhyaya 246 Upākhyāna 44 Upamanyu 24n Upanayana 246-7 Upanisads 21 Upaniti 236 Upapurana 49f Uparıcara 40-41, 169-70
Upavāsas 49, 56
Urvasi 196-7
Usä 35f
Uśinara 114n, 166 Utkala 115n Utsarpini 57-58f Uttama 62n, 233 Uttamavarna 114n Uttara 194n Uttaradhyayanasūtra 16n, 55n,
88n, 90n, 91n Uttaradhyayanaṭikā 92n Uttarakanda 261, 210n Uttarakuru 68n, 69, 71n Uttarapurana 7, 19n, 122, 125, 141-3, 156, 159n, 176, 178, 192 Uttararamacarita 242, 244.
Uttima 230 Uttimottimia 230, 234 Uväsagadasão 88n, 101n
V
Vacaspatyam 242n Vahnipurana 193n Vaidarbha 114n Vaideha 216, 219f Vaidehaka 219n
289
Vaidiśa 114n
Vaidya P L 28n Vaikuntha 31
Vainava 217, -19 Vaisala 170
Vaisali 94f, 101, 115n Vaisesika 253, 253n Vaisesikasutras 253 Vaisnavism 27
Vaisravana 27
Vaisvānara 138
Vaidya 154n, 208, 212, 217-9,
249f
Vaisyas 213f, 215-17f, 232 Vaitāna 220n
Vaivasvata 62n, 81
Vaivasvata Manu 106
Vajjian 94
Vajrabahu 130, 134f, 173f Vajracapa 156-57 Vajraghosa 157
Vajrajangha 189 Vajrakhandika 114n Vajrayudha 195, 199
Valmiki In, 3, 17-8, 25, 29,
31-2
Valmikiya-Rāmāyana 52n, 95n Vāma (-deva) 30 Vamadeva 25 Vamana 189
Vamsa 44, 45n, 51, 55, 59f, 95n, 98, 101 Vamsa-nırgama 54f Vamśānucarita 51, 55, 59 Vamsas 94, 104, 118 Vamsasamutpatti 49, 50 Vamsatthappakāsini 84n

Page #308

200
Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology
Vasuratha 139 Vasvalayapura 156 Vatavana 11in
Vatsa 114n
Vayavi 194n
Vayu, 25f, 41, 52n, 165-6, 180n, 193-94 Vayupurana 17n, 48, 52n, 64, 68, 69n, 72n, 74n, 75, 76, 78f, 85, 89n, 108n, 115n, 123-24n, 126n, 129n, 132n, 133, 135, 137n, 143n, 160n, 170-71n, 174-75n, 178, 180-83, 210
Vamsot partlayasthıtılı 52 Vamsya 45n
Vanamālā 154 158
Vanaparvan 99n Vanaprastha 226-27, 236-7
Vanaras 59n
Vanaväsa 114n Vanga 114n, 115 Vānijya 76 Vanijyä 208f
Vaniks 232
Varaha 31, 32n Varahapurana 194n Varakumāra 138 Vārānası 122n
Varima 164 Väriratha 131, 133
Varņa 20, 48, 56, 79-80, 201-7, Vedāngavadın 31
209-11, 215n, 225 Varnalabha 236, 251 Varnas 207-16, 225 Varnottamatva 222f, 224 Varsavardhana 241-2 Varsavrddhi 242 Vârşneyas 182-3
Varuna 27, 193-4 Vasantatilaka 130-31 Vasava 139, 172f Vasavaketu 160
Vasitva 225
Vasu 16n, 40-41, 139, 150, 161, 167, 169-74
Vasubala 119f
Vasudeva 6, 19, 50, 164, 1767, 180, 183 188 Vasudeva 199, 203 Vasudevahindi 6, 19f, 63n, 67, 102n, 116, 122n, 157-58, 160n, 162, 164f, 167, 176, 186n
Veda 45f, 52f, 150, 254 Vedas 206, 209f
Vedhas 188 Vedic 12, 239 Vedic-Index 109n Vena 217, 219n Vetravali 9 Vibhavasu 172 Vibhu 119-21 Vibudhananda 32
Vicitra 40, 139f, 141n Vicitravirya 40-41, 139, 141-3, 145 7, 151
Vidarbha 93, 149n
Videha 102, 114n, 115n, 122n, 137, 183n
Videhas 90, 103f, 105
Vidhātr 80, 188 Vidhidāna 236
Vidura 41, 140-43, 145-7, 149 Vidya 76
Vidyadhara 26, 35, 94, 97, 155f, 161, 193 Vidyadhara-kânda 26
Vasudevas 20, 37, 50, 59, 60, Vidyadharas 6, 7, 26, 64f 95
98. 197
Vasudevaviceştita 50 Vasugiri 160-62
Vidyadharavamsa 95n, 100 Vidyarambha 244
Vidyunmālā 156f
Vasuki 139, 141, 201 Vasukirti 139f Vasundhara 139
Vijaya 130-31, 134-35, 138,
176
Vijayārdha 10, 155, 161

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Index
291
Vijayasāgara 122F
Vivasvat 81f Vjjahara-kända 26
Vratacaryā 236, 247 Vunajjhima 230, 232.73 Vratādeśa 247 Vimala 8, 95, 991, 102, 110, Vratadharma 139 205.0
Vrātamandara 138 Viinalasūri In, 8, 13n, 15n, Vratas 49, 56, 246, 248f
17-18, 49, 63n, 94-95, 98, Vratīvatarana 236, 2497 103, 110, 113, 119-20, 130, Vratins, 206
1531, 156, 164, 170, 193 Vrâtya 92n Vimalavāhana 631, 66-07, 72 Vratyas 02 Vimuktatā 258
Vļkārthaka 114n Vipäpman 168
Vrsabha 97n Vippas (Vipras) 209
Vrsabhadhvaja 110-20 Vipula 63
Vrsabhaketu 119 Vira 176-77, 1795
Vrsabhapurana 54 Viradatta 1565
Vrşadarbha 6 Viraka 164f, 156-67
Vrsadhvaja 139 Viramitrodaya 240n
Vrşānania 130 Virasena 1311, 133
Vrşnı 92-3, 166, 175, 1797, Virasusena 130, 133
181-2 Virāța 97
Vșsnis 924, 94, 182-3 Viratha 130
Vrsţi 170 Virya 130, 141n
Vrtaratha 139 Visãkhā 37n
Vyanga 196 Višala 169-70
Vyantara 157 Visnu 21, 23, 28n, 31, 32n. Vyäsa 28-09, 31, 40-42, 141-1.
48, 81, 133n, 130n, 188-90 146-9, 161 Vişnupadina 130€
Vyavahāresitã 222-4 Vişnupurāna 90n, 143n, 146n, Vyusti 236, 241f, 243 180n, 182n 100n
W Vişnusahasranāmastotra 23n
Wilson 90n Viśva 138 Visvaketu 138
Winternitz 5, 8, 12n, 35n, 41n Višvāmitra 36n Vośvamūrlı 22n
Yādalipati 194n Viśvānala 101n
Yādava 92, 162-3, 165-6, 171-5 Visvarapa 32n
Yadava-kanda 26f Visvasena 138
Yadava.Paurava 173 Visvasirsa 22n
Yādavas 38, 94, 154, 160, 177, Visvatahpad 22n
180-2 Visvatascaksu 22n
Yadu 90, 92, 161-2, 165-7, Visvatomukha 22n
173-803 Visvävasu 170, 172, 197
Yadus 99 Visvavyāpin 22n
Yadu-vamsa 95n, 137 183n Vitabhi 119f
Yajamāna 25n, 30 Vivāha 236, 248-49
Yājana 220 Vivasvān 83
Yajia 61f, 2040

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292
Aspects of Brahmanıcal Influence on the Faina Mythologja
Yajñapati 24n Yajnapurusa 31 Yajñavalkya 11, 46n, 217-18,
240n, 242 Yajnavarába 30 Yajvan 24n, 25n, 30 Yaksas 17, 22 Yama 193-44 Yamas 48, 256 Yamuna 40n, 150 Yāpa niya 18'f Yasahhirt 26 Yasastılaka 14n, 28n, 1860,
2140 Yaśasvān 63n Yasoratha 130, 132 Yaśutis 93 Yatir 20 Yaugic 256 Yauvarājya 236
Yavana 114n, 113n Yavu 173-4 Yayāu 109, 166, 170-71 Yoga 20 Yoganırvānasādhana 236 Yoganırvāna-samprāpu 236 Yogasanaaha 236 Yogasūtra 25 in Yogatyāga 236 Yogins 3, 60n, 255 6f Yojana 40 Yojanagandha 408, 139n, 149
50 Yojanagandhilā 148 Yuddhakānda 26 Yuddhavarnana 50 Yudhisthira 26, 41 Yuga 54f Yugavicchidā 541 Yuvanāśva 137

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#
Page Line
10 fn37b
11
12
2222 222
20
12 13
20
1
5
23
23
25
18
7
26
14
27
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31
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44 fnl
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18
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99999
48
48
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50
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ន ន ឆ
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9
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54
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50
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ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA
For
न्वीपता गत ॥
Śalākāpuruş Canonical works
fo
Vasudevas
Brahmanic
egfatt
Purva
Ganabhadra
In
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act
Vasudeva
Puräna
Gandhari
Pura
engrediants incarporation four Varnas
Vasudeva
Prativasudeva
status both
fo
those of the MP
वीपतां गत ॥
-MP 6 152
Śalākāpurusas
Read
Canonical
literature
and of some of the nonPuranic Post-canonical works.
for
Vasudevas
Brahmanical
zafantat
Pūrva
Gunabhadra
It
Sasin
fact
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ingredients
Incorporation
duties of the four Varņas
Väsudeva
Prati-Vasudeva
status of both
of
those of the previous works makes it clear that unlike his predecessors the author of the MP

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294
Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology
For
Page Line 58 7 57 fn56
no
18
23
fn21
evidence Avasarpant Utsarpani 70500000000000
10000000 duhsamā-dubsamā Jina विस वाहणोत्ति pecularity native approach lesung for purposes Trata Manvantara Brāhmanas Bhoga, who
28
Read evincc Avasarpini Utsarpini 70560000000000 x 10600000 -duhsamā Jaina विमलवाहणोत्ति peculiarity naive approached tasting for storing purposes Tretā Mahābhārata Brahmanical Purānas Bhoga A study of the canonical and Puranic texts of the Jainas tend to show that the Bhogas of the canonical literature are identical with the Bhoga, who Bhojakavrsni formers'
78
18
,
14
92 2
20 93 15 93 sn32
to
94 4 94 94 12 99 109 19 110 18 111 9 111 13 111 15 114 fo123
Bhojakavrsnis farmers' or Rājari Rayarsi Epical reportedly with a list to Adityayaśas have been Somaprabha of RPC the person Somavamsa Mahākālın Daśoruka
Rājarsi Rāyarisi Epican reportedly related with a list of Adityavamsa have not been Somaprabha of VPC the same person Somas aśas Mahabalın Daşeryka

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Addenda and Corngenda
295
24
Read as Pancāla IS Vasubala Amitabala Vrsabhakelu Jvalanavirya Sagara least Dharanendra Bhairaha Kamalabandhu Māndhāır, is and Vyāsa him saine clearer on Mount Vijayārdha these समन्थ्य
दूतीमजीगमत्
सुमुखाज्ञया Bhima
13
Page Line 1 For 114 fo124 are 114 fn124 Samudraka 119
in 119
Basubala 119
Amrtabala 119 11 Vrşabha etu 120
Jvalanavırıya 121 26-27 the Sagara 122 fn14 last 124
Dharanindra 128
Bhagiraha (2nd) 130 29 Kamalabadhu 135 10 Māndhāls is 148 1 by Vyāsa 149
hin 153 27 ame 154
clear 155
ardha 157
those 158 fn31 समय
दूतीमजोगम
सुमुखाज्ञ 161 5 Chima 162
having 163 3 lhe 164 11 Kind 167 12 Pauloman 168 21 Purūravas Aila 168 28 Hari 171 20-21 furthermors 174 17 The Brhaddhvaja
or Brāhmanical 178 In138 talcs 180 25-26 descendent 181
from 182
descendents 182 25 Bhajavrsnis 186 fn4
गर 187 23 structures 189 fn12c or Amarakanka 191 18 with wife
28
basing
the
King
175
Pauloma ol Purūravas Alla Haris furihermorc Thus, Brhaddhvala of Brāhmanical tables descendant form descendants Bhoiavrsni
14
striclures of Amarakanlä with his wife

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296
Aspects of Brahmanical Influence on the Jaina Mythology
Page Line 192 25 193 fn41 194 fn42 195 6 193 196 fn62 197 198 198 fn71 200 18 201 fn96 206 207 5
For guardian EL IV. Aisani as accepted IS reduce Surendra strieVHV con TSPC 15 644 food-will religious-holders
8
anter ****** ****
Read guardians Bk IV Aisani is accepted as seduce (surendra), strife JHV sun MBH 1 18 13a good-will religious-minded householders Brahman Varna have a Sūdra Sudda
1
209 209 210 215 216 217 217
25 fnpl
29
Brahma Varnas has Sūdra Suddha
or
on
8
218
11
219 fn85 220 fn90 221 22 921 fn95 222 2 229 27 236 25
2 242 21 242 244 23 246 fn58 249 16-17 249 20
19*** 6****
Vaiśya on
Vaiśya mother was born the Pradhānavaisya and (the son procreated) by
a Vaisya on Sūdra castes
Sūdrā wife were considered as belonging to the Vaisya and the
Sudra castes women
woman he rth
hearth required ten
required to acquire ten गुरगोष्क०
गुरमोत्कर्षा० after Varnottamatva add av Palratva left
felt Indrapada
Indropapada (my) son
of (my) son reckener
reckoner chaula
caula Sanbhāna
Sankhyāna तिष्ठते
तिघ्नुते vow celebacy
vow of celebacy numbers
members
240
29

Page #315
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