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TULSI-PRUJNÁ
type of Prakrit, two of them (Sauraseni and Māgadhi) are already sanctioned by the grammarians. In fact, Hc. has a Sūtra do dirgho và (3.38.) which sanctions ã in the vocative even in the Mahārāstrī or Prakrit in general iha tva prāpte he goamā he goama (vrtti under Hc. 3.38). However as RBh, was trying his best to explain some of the Prakrit Peculierities by citing rules of Prakrit language, he had quoted or mentioned the Sūtra accāksepe in order to justify a in kumbhilaā. Incidentally it may be mentioned that the Sūtra mentioned by him is not acctually found in any of the existing Prakrit grammars. It appears, therefore, either he has prepared by himself the Sūtra or he has quoted from his memory the Sūtra of Vr. without verifying perhaps that it does not occur in the existing editions of Vr., or if it is not made by him, he might have got it from some other Prakrit grammarians whose works have yet not survived.
II. rasor lasau:
RBh, has given another Sūtra rasorlasau which says that rands will be changed into land palatal s respectively.
The Sūtra as it is printed in the text seems to be all right. This Sūtra is analogous to the Sūtras of some of the Prakrit grammarians. Though RB. has not mentioned from where the Sūtra has been quoted, we can assume that he has not in this case followed Vr. because Vr. has no Sūtra with r becoming 1. But Hc, has a Sūtra rasor lašau (4.288) and other Prakrit grammarians such as, Pu, RT. and Mk. have also similar type of Sūtras. But we can assume that RB. has not quoted from Hc., because Hc.'s Prakrit grammar is seldom quoted by any authors or commentators. Hc. being a Jain and therefore, a secterian grammarian, his prakrit grammar was not generally consulted by the readers of Sanskrit dramas and whenever the Sūtra of Prakrit grammarian is quoted by any commentator, it was the Sūtras of Vr., Vr. being a well-read Prakrit grammarian and a non-secterian. Even RB. in other cases has quoted freely from Vr.'s Prakrit grammar. However, the Sūtra rasor laśau of RBh. is quite grammatrical and free from any defect.
III. ata et syāt : Compare other Grammarians : (i) ata idetau luk ca
– VI. XI. 10. (ii) ata et sau puṁsi māgadhyām
- Hc. 4.287 (iii) sau purisye lataḥ
- Tv. 3.2.30 (iv) ataḥ so (sā) vo de tau
– Pu. XIV.2 (v) adanta soride tau pursi
- Pu. XII. 25 (vi) resiti (editau) sau ca
Pu. XV. 4