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302
HENNING MEMORIAL VOLUME and described as such by the phonetists. At the same time, their inability to stand as finals, the euphonic conversion of t and following $ into ch, the Prakritic origin of c and j from ty and dy, etc., are too powerful indications to be overlooked of their close kindred with our sounds, and deviation from strict simplicity of nature'.
It is very difficult to decide the age of the Maitrāyaṇi sandhi t+ts>cc. Unfortunately we do not have the complete Padapātha of the Maitrā. Sam. In view of the fact that the word tsaru, and not caru, is seen in the sutra works cited above, which in their wording clearly refer to the Maitrā. Sam., the change t+ts > cc could have occurred only when the recitation of the Sanhită was done independently of these Sūtras and with complete disregard for the meaning.
It will be useful here to call attention to a fact of the chronology of phonetic changes. We have already seen that the cluster ts- is rare in initial position. In intervocalic position it is well attested in OIA. In MIA it is assimilated to -cch-, e.g. vatsa-> vaccha-. But when the cluster ts arises in composition, it is assimilated to -SS-, e.g. ut-sarp-> ussappa- etc.
Now the sandhi of +$ results in cch in OIA, but in MIA it gives ss as above. Cf. ut-śrita > OIA ucchrita, MIA ussiya. This will indicate that the MIA development of -ss- antedates the sandhi product -cch- of OIA. It is possible to derive MIA ss from ts, but not from cch.
? Even in such cases we find cch, as in ut-sava > ussava and ucchava. 8 Pischel, Gr. Pkt. Sp., & 327, 327 a.
For the development of Marathi s < Pkt. (c)ch, see J. Bloch, La Formation de la Langue Marathe, $ 103. The same treatment in some other NIA languages is noted by him in $ 102.
Madhu Vidyā/366
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