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66
PAUMACARIU
explain it as a result of the influence of masc. A declension. He parallels aggi (agginā) with sappir (sarpena). But this is unacceptable as in the A declension the genuine early form ends in -em and not in -im and as such aggim cannot be explained with the help of sappem. Only those I. sing. forms of the masc. I, U declensions which end in -em are formed under the influence of masc. A declension
$84. -he and -ho are found in G. sing. munihe (S.A. "ho-) and jhuņihe 1 1 9, disihe (S.A. "ho) 1 1 13, Nāhine (P.S. "hi) 1 13 3, samdhihe (P.S. samdhie) 1 3 3, sihihe 2'li 9b, Vähuvalihe 4 10 5. guruhe 2 9 6, Meruhe 12 1 196, muniho (S. him) and cüdāmaniho 11 12, guruho and kappataruho 118. vaihu (rhyming with Vijayasihu) 745 is obscure.
$85. Corresponding to the singular terminations, -him and hum are the terminations of the plur. Instances are atthāņavaihim bhaihi 4 2 6, bhäihim 9 11 4, vaärihim (P.S. "him) 7 91, guruhum 7 12 5, vairihum (P.S. hi) 7 11 6, sāhuhum and vāhuhum 5 3 5.
$86. Loc. sing. ends in -him: Meruhim 2 1, 5 1 6, (P. Che), Pirihim 11 3 1.
Fem. į and u stems. $87. -he is used in Abl. and G. sing, -him in plur. Paramesarihim and sarihim 91 9, seddhihim' 2 15 5, kamalinihim 19 4 9a.
$88. Loc. Sing. has he and whim. Instances are vihattihe (S. -him) 4 1 8, vāvihe 5 14 7; 6 10 6, kariņihe (P.S. hi-) 7 3 1 ganiyārihe 7 3 3, uccolihe (P.S. "hi) 9 3 1, seddhihim 2 15 9, 6 2 2, 712, 811 (Aohe), mahihim 48 9, 4 12 2,10 10 3. purihim (P.S. Che) 11 14 11b, rayaņihiin 18 6 6, uccolihim 20 3 3.
$89. -him is also employed in L. plur. e.g. paolihim 16 14 8.
b) Post-positions. $90. The following post-positions in a compounded or uncompounded form, are found in PC. In the case of those which are declinable, the base is also given.
$91. samau (Sk. samam enl.( 2 12 2, samāņa- (sk. samāna-) 2 11 7, 4 2 2, 3 10 2 and sarisau (Sk. sadssakam, Guj. sarsum) 14 4 9 govern Ins. and are used in an instrumental sense conveying the idea 'with', 'along with'.
892. kārane 4 12 3, 10 6 6, 01 10 5,09 1 2 and kajje (*kārye =krte) 6 12 7, 12 5 5 or "kajjena (*karyena=kyte) 10 4 3, governing Gen. are used in a dative sense to convey the idea 'for' 'for the sake of'.
393. laggevi (abs. of Vlagg- 'stick'; = ārabhya) 1 16 4, 6 9 8, 12 2 8 governing Gen. is used in an Abl. sense to convey the idea 'beginning from'.
$94. keraya- and tanaya- (HC. IV 422) the early ancestors of Guj. kerum and taņum are used frequently as Gen. post-positions.
They govern Gen. They are found at 6 13 5,983, (kerau), 4 3 8, 53 3 (keri), 1 9 9b (keri), 6 11 9 (kerāim), 9 11 7 (tāna mi kerāim, where mi (api) intervenes) etc., and 4 5 2, 4 5 5 (tanau), 3 7 1
(1) This can also be interpreted as L. plur.
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