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XXXVI
KANSAVAHO
(ii. 19), vihiäam (ii. 44), dikkhu (iv. 41) ; caatthi (i. 24), musinãi (ii. 47), vāharai mho (ii. 25), darti (ii. 52), viin. nanti (i. 16), suämti (ii. 34), ujjihāna (iii. 20), etc. Such tendencies are bound to develop in the Prākrit stage especially when the Prākrits, as literary languages, were cultivated under the influence of classical Sanskrit and handled by authors who were themselves Sanskrit writers. Instances of this type are not altogether absent in earlier stages of Prākrit literature ; but being rare they could be accepted as isolated cases of exception. Here, however, the tendency to introduce them is stronger and the number of instances is conspicuously large.
Fourthly, Rāma Pāṇivāda uses certain words and forms which, so far as I know, are his own and not of much frequency in earlier Prākrit literature : kamanā (ii. 19), kāriä (i. 48), küamda (i. 57, ii. 32, iii. 43), kuvittha or kavittha (i. 28, ii. 35), koccana (ii. 52, 53, 55, 57), kocci (ii. 54), nihela (ii. 52), talaümda (i. 48), panhi (ii. 50), Täsi (= rasmi, iii. 17), vuṁdara (iii. I, 57), sähar (i. 64), simkharā (iii. 31); kannäü (i. 62), nisäü (iii. 4), tujjhana (i. 25) ; etc. Some of them can be explained analogically or by further changes in the known forms. I have discussed these in the Notes.
Fifthly, words like ammaka (i. 37), ahake (ii. 6) are not quite fitting in the dialect of our text. Ahake is justified according to Vararuci's Sūtras (xi. 9) but only in the Māgadhi dialect.
Sixthly, our author shows a confirmed habit of converting a string of Sanskrit words en bloc into Prākrit. Prakrit grammarians have to deal mainly with Tadbhava words; they generalise certain tendencies according to which Präkrit Tadbhavas were derived from Sanskrit words ; and then these very generalisations served as rules for converting many other Sanskrit words into Prākrits when the latter became purely literary languages. It is an important rule that the intervoca.
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