Techings Of Arhat Parsva And Distinctness Of His Sect

Author(s): Sagarmal Jain
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The Teachings of Arhat Pārśva And The Distinctness of His Sect
Among the Nirgrantha Tirthankaras, the historicity of Arhat Pārśva as well as of Jina Vardhamana Mahavira has been fully established. Inscriptional and literary evidences play an important role in establishing the historicity of a person. The earliest inscription relating to Pārsva, of the 2nd or 3rd century A.D.,' has been found from the Kankāli Tilā, Mathura. It is inscribed on an image of Pārsva, installed by Ghosaka, a disciple of Gani Aggahiniya of the Sthaniya- kula of the Kottiya-gana, a sub-order of friars and nuns also noticed in the hagiological list (earlier part, c. A.D. 100) of the Paryusana-kalpa (compiled c. A.D. 503/516).2 Though uninscribed, a more than life size sculpture of Pärśva (upper part mutilated) and a tiny figure of Pärśva as the central focus of an ayāgapatta, both stylistically datable to the period of the Saka king Sodās (c. early 2nd cent. A.D.),prove that Arhat Pärśva was venerated in, and arguably before, that period. A metal image of Parsva in the Prince of Wales Museum, variously dated between the 2nd-1st cent. B.C. to c. 2nd cent. A.D., is one more early piece in evidence."
The inscriptional as well as the literary references to the Nirgranthas, however, are met with from c. third century B.C. The term "Niggantha" is mentioned in the inscription of Maurya Asoka and is fairly frequently met with in the Pali Tripitaka' (usually, of course, in hateful and denegatory terms) though this cannot be taken as a conclusive evidence for the earlier church of Pārsva because the term Niggantha by then also had included the sect of Mahävira. In point of fact, the Pāli canon confounded a few views and teachings of these two historical Tirthankaras. As demonstrated in the early days of the Nirgranthic researches by Jacobi, in the Tripitaka it is said that Niggantha Nātaputta (Mahavira) preached căturyäma-samvara, while in point of fact the preacher of the căturyama-dharma was Arhat Pärśva and not Mahāvīra according to the Ardhamāgadhi canon of the Nirgranthas themselves.' Mahāvira preached five-fold great vows (pañca-mahävratas) and not the cäturyama-samvara.
What we today can know about the teachings of Arhat Pārýva and the distinctness of his sect from that of Jina Vardhamana is only through the available Ardhamāgadhi canon preserved in the Northern Church of Mahavira, hecause the ancient church of Päráva was later progressively
absorbed in the former and the records and texts relating to its hagiology and history are long lost.
Nirgranthologists like Pt. Sukhlal Sanghvi and others were of the opinion that the Purva literature (so often mentioned in the canonical literature from the late Kuşāna period onward) had belonged to Pārsva's tradition. At present, however, no texts of that category of specification exists. Today, in so far as our knowledge of Parsva's teachings and traditions goes, we are dependent on the canonical literature of Mahavira's tradition, and, to a very small extent, on the Pali canon of the Buddhists as well.
In the Ardhamāgadhi canon, the Isibhäsiyāin (Rşibhasitani) the Acārānga,' the second book, the Sütrakrtānga, the Vyakhyaprajñapti," the Jñärädharmakatha,' the Uttaradhyayana' and the Rāja-Pradesiya," the Narakāvalikā," and the Sthānanga' reveal some significant references to Pärśva, his teachings as well as traditions. In the Uttaradhyayana," the Samavayanga," the Avasyakaniryukti 22 the Viseşāvasyakabhâsya of Jinabhadragani kşamaśra-mana, 25 the Avasyakacürnr" and in the Paryusanā-kalpa” as well as in the Mülācāras of the Yapaniya Church there are references to some distinctive (and hence distinguishing) features of the sects of Pārśva and Mahāvīra.
On Pärśva's life and the history of his times and of his sect, scanty material is traceable in these works; yet it is significant that they contain sufficient material pertaining to the ethical teachings and philosophical doctrines of Pārsva. They also firmly point toward the distinctness of Pārsva's sectarial tradition from that of Vardhamāna.27
The Teachings of Pārśva in Isibhāsiyāin
The earliest and authentic version of Pārsva's philosophy and teachings is encountered in the Isibhāsiyain (Rşibhăşităni),28 a text compiled c. Ist cent. B.C. but often containing material that goes back to c. 4th century B.C., some even perhaps earlier. In a separate article,29 I had suggested that the Isibhāsiyāiñ, in terms of some of its content, is earlier than the whole of Pali as well as the Ardhamăgadhi canonical literature excepting of corse the first book of the Acārārga. M.A. Dhaky opines that this text belongs to Pärsva's tradition. I, however, hold a different view. In my opinion the text, in earlier times, might have

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been composed in Parsva's tradition as an independent text, but later on it was assimilated in the Praśnavyā karanasūtra, considered to be one of the ten Daśā texts as well as the tenth work among the 11 Anga-books of Mahavira's tradition.
The Isibhâsiyain has an independent chapter on Pārsva's doctrines and teachings. The authenticity of the Pärśva's view presented in this chapter cannot be doubted for various reasons. First, the Isibhäsiyain contains the teachings not only of Pärśva but also of Arhat Vardhamana of the Nirgrantha Church, Mankhali Gośāla of the Ajivaka sect; Vajjiyaputta, Mahakassapa, Indranaga and Sāriputta of the Buddhist Church, and Yajñavalkya, Asita-Devala, and Uddalaka-Aruni of the Vedic tradition. When we compare the views of the aforesaid saints mentioned in the Isibhāsiyāin with the texts of their own traditions, we notice general similarity between them, which by and large proves the authenticity of the content of the Isibhāsiyain. If the author of the work in presenting had remained faithful to the original teachings of the rşis or teachers of the other sects, we must conciude that he also was faithfully presenting the views of Pārsva. Second, we find that the teachings of Parsva presented in the Isibhāsiyaiñ corresponds to that which is stated of Pārsva's church in other canonical works like the Sūtrakrtānga, the Uttaradhyayana, and the Vyakhyāprajñapti. Third, the authenticity as well as high antiquity of the Pårśva-chapter in the Isibhăsiyāiñ can also be supported on the ground that this chapter is represented by its two separate versions. It is said that the second version of this book originally was found in the text named Gati-vyakarana i.e. the Praśnavyakarana. The reference thus runs:
Corrupit ufafa gild HATI SH 315614UT ata 51 बीओ पाढो दिस्सति
The views of these two versions of the same chapter fully correspond to each other with slight difference in content and to an extent in language, a few details figuring more in one than in the other. Thus, at a very early date, two versions (vācanas) of the same subject had existed. This chapter contains philosophical as well as ethical views of Arhat Pārsva. First of all, in this text, the views of Pārśva about the nature of the world are stated. To explain the nature of the world the following five questions were raised: (1) What is the nature of the world (loka)? (2) What are the different planes of the world? (3) To whom the world belongs?
(4) What does one mean by the term) "world"? (5) What is the meaning of the term loka? Answering these five questions Arhat Pärśva said: (1) The world consists of the animate beings and the
inanimate objects. (2) There are four different planes of the world:
(i) Material (dravya) (ii) Spatial (kşetra) (iii) Temporal (kāla)
(iv) Existential (bhāva) (3) World inheres in selfhood. It exists by itself. In the
perspective of commandeering position the world belongs to animate beings but in the perspective of its constitution, it belongs to both animate and the
inanimate (4) As for the existence of the world, it is eternal, with
neither the beginning nor the end but is ever changing
and (thus) dynamic in nature. (5) While explaining the meaning of the term loka, it is
said that this world is called loka, because, it is known or experienced or recognized. (The Sanskrit term lokāyata means to be known or to be recognized.) To explain the nature of motion the following four questions have been raised: (a) What is motion or gati? (b) Who meets this motion? (c) What are the different forms of motion?
(d) Why is it called gati, motion? Answering these questions about the motion Arhat Pärsva said: (a) Any motion or change in existence in animate and in
the inanimate beings is called gati. (b) Animate and inanimate (substances) encounter motion
or change. This change is of four types: substantial,
spatial, temporal and existential. (c) The existence of movement or change is also perennial
with no beginning or end. (d) It is called gati because it has motion. About the karma philosophy and the moral teachings of Arhat Parsva, it is thus recorded: 1. The animate beings possess an upward motion by
their inherent (abstract) nature, while the matter has a
downward motion by its intrinsic nature (inertia). 2. The animate beings reap the fruits of their deeds
according to their (good or bad) karmas or activities, while the changes in inanimate substances take place due to their dynamic nature,

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The animate beings are activity-oriented, the inanimate substances are change-oriented or dynamic in nature.
The animate beings have two types of experience, of pain and pleasure. Only those who can get rid of violence and other evils including wrong viewpoint will have the feeling of bliss. A Nirgrantha, who eats only inanimate things, will meet emancipation and thus will end the transmigratory cycle.
In the second version of this chapter the following additional concepts are also mentioned: (1) The motion is of two types: (i) self-motivated and (ii)
generated by external factors. (2) Whatsoever a person experiences, it is due to his own,
and not due to other's deeds. (3) Those who observe the cäturyama (the fourfold ethical
code beginning with non-violence and ending with non-possession) will be free from the eight-fold karmas and will not be rebom in the four yonis or generic categories.
The essence of the doctrines and ethical teachings of Parsva as embodied and expositioned in the Isibhäsiyain may be thus summarized: (i) The world is eternal with no creator behind it. (ii) Permanence in change is the essential nature of the
world. World is dynamic in disposition. It consists of
the five astikāyas, existentialities. (iii) Substances are of two kinds, animate and inanimate. (iv) The animate possesses an upward motion; the
inanimate (by law of gravity), downward motion. (v) The motion is of two kinds: (a) self-motivated and
(b) directed by external factors. (vi) The gati or transmigratory motion of animate beings
is due to their own karmas, while the motion of
matter is due to its own dynamic nature and inertia. (vii) The karmas are of eight types. (viii) Evil and non-restraint activities consequence in pain
and in the cycle of births and deaths. (ix) Those who indulge in passions and violence cannot
achieve the eternal peace and bliss. (x) Liberation can be achieved through the observance
of four yāmas, self-restraints.
followers of Pārśva and not by Părśva himself. It is in the Isibhāsiyain alone that the original version of Pärśva's teachings is directly and implicitly present. Elsewhere we meet with Pårśva's views by proxy, through the discussions between the followers of Pärśva and that of Mahāvira or in a few instances by Mahävira hemself.
In the Sütrakrtānga," for instance, is incorporated a conversation between Gautama and Udaka-Pedhalaputra, the follower of Pārsva, on the nature and language of the pratyākhyāna-vow of non-violence. In this long discussion Udaka-Pedhālaputra stressed on a technical point that, while taking the vow of non-violence, one must frame it in the language that "I shall not kill the being, who is presently in mobile-form (trasa-bhūta) instead of saying 'I shall not kill any mobile being." Similarly, in the Vyākhyāprajñanti" some observations relating to the difference in minutiae about the nature and meaning of the terms sämāyika, the pratyakhyana, the samvara, the viveka and the vyutsarga have been made during the discussion of Kālāsyavaisyaputra, the follower of Parśva and some sthaviras of the Mahavira's following.
In the Vyākhyāprajñapti" we come across a very interesting and pinpointed discussion between the layfollowers of Mahavira and the śramaņas of Pārsva's tradition on the outcome of restraint and penance. It had been questioned: If the outcome of restraint is to stop the influx of fresh karmas and of penance to liberate the soul from the kärmic bondage, then why the souls are bom as devas in the celestial regions? To this question different answers were given by the framanas of the Pārsva's church. At last Kaśyapa said it is due to the adherence to pious deeds such as penance and restraint that the souls are born as devas in celestial quarters. In the Uttaradhyayana we also come across an interesting dialogue between Gautama and Kesi on aspects relating to the monastic disciplines and spiritual practices; as a result, some distinctive features of Pārsva's teachings surface.
Teachings of Pārsva in other Canonical Works
In the Sūtrakrtānga, the Uttarādhyayana, and the Vyakhyaprajñapti, we find some explanation of, or minute observations on, what is broadly stated in the Isibhāsiyāin. In these texts the views of Parsva are presented by the
Distinctness of Pārsva's Sect
Pārsva as well as Mahāvira belonged to the Nirgrantha section of the Sramanic traditions which had several similarities in doctrines, philosophy, and religious practices. So far as the philosophical aspect of their teachings is concerned, the traditions of Pārsva and Mahavira have much in common. Scholars of Nirgranthology like Pl. Sukhlal Sanghvi and others are of the opinion that the Mahāvira's sect has considerably borrowed from that of

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Pārsva in the field of metaphysics and karma philosophy.35 enjoyment. "If any woman invited or offered herself for The concepts, such as the world is eternal as well as enjoyment to a śramana, then the fulfillment of her sexual dynamic, that it exists by itself and has no creator, are desire was no sin, just as the squeezing of a blister or boil common to both traditions. The concept of permanence in (causes relief) for some time and hasno dangerous change as the nature of Reality, which is the foundational consequences); so it is with the enjoyment of) attractive tenet of the later Nirgrantha doctrine of anekantavāda or (woman). How could, then, there be sin due to that?"38 non-absolutism is also met with in its embryonic form in, From this stanza it follows that some śramanas were and in point of fact is central to, the teachings of Pårøva as interpreting the concept of non-possession in their own well as Mahavira. Similarly, the concept of the five astikayas way. It only meant that, for the one who takes the vow of and the eight-fold karmas are found in the philosophy of non-possession, cannot have a wife or woman. So it became Pārsva as well as Mahāvira. We encounter brief references necessary for Mahāvira explicitly to add celibacy as an to these concepts in the Pārsva-chapter of the Isibhaiyain independent vow and to lay considerable stress on the and more detailed ones in the standard canonical works of observance of this vow. Mahāvira's tradition.
If we contemplate this question historically, we notice Similarly, the concepts of asrava, samvara, nirjarà. that the ancient Vedic rșis used to mary and had progenies. sämäyika, pratyakhyāna and pausadha are also common to After that state in life, on the one hand is followed the both traditions, though there were some differences in the concept of vanaprastha, in which a rsi did have a wife but minutiae of these concepts and observances. The difference observed celibacy; on the other hand, as informed by the in opinion about the nature of pratyākhyāna between Nirgrantha canonical literature, there were śramanas who Gautama and Udaka Pedhālaputra in the Sūtraktănga has were of the view that to enjoy a woman without possessing been earlier noticed. Similarly, the differences in terms of or getting her married was no sin: which is why Mahāvira detail on the practices are noticed in the relevant dialogues included in the fold a separate, clear, definite and in the Vyakhyāprajñapti and in the Uttarădhyayana also. uncompromising vow of celibacy. However, these differences were related mostly to the code In Pärsva's tradition, repentance was not accepted as of conduct and not to the doctrines, philosophy, and an essential daily duty. Only when a monk committed sin principles of ethics as such. The distinctness of Pärsva's or transgression of his vows may he repent. But Mahavira sect lies in its code of conduct, and not in dogma or made repentance an obligatory daily-duty. A monk must philosophy, since it somewhat differed from that of repent every morning and evening whether he committed Mahavira. We shall notice and discuss at this point thea sin and violated his vows or not. In the Sütrakrtanga" and distinctive features of the Parsva's tradition.
in the Vyākhyāprajnaptic as well as in other canonical (1) Pärśva propounded căturyāma-dharma, while works of Mahāvīra's discipline it is known as pratikramanaMahāvira preached the pañcayama-dharma or the five dharma. mahāvratas." According to the Ardhamăgadhi canon, One more difference in monastic practice was that Mahavira added celibacy as an independent vow to the Pārsva did not lay stress on nudity; he rather allowed one cäturyāma-dharma of Parsva. The Sūtrakrtanga mentions or two apparels for his monks (who thus were sacelaka), that Mahävira prohibited having woman, and eating during while stressed on nudity and so Mahāvira's tradition was night hours."
known as acela-dharma. Though the medieval commentator The question arises: Why did Mahavira add celibacy of the Uttaradhyayana holds that Pārsva allowed his as an independent vow? The answer to this question can be śramanas to wear expensive or coloured robe," we possess read in the Sūtrakstānga. In the times of Pārsva, woman no early textual support for such an assumption. was considered a property or possession and it was taken T hese three were the main features distinguishing the for granted that prohibition of possession implied the monastic code of conduct of Pärśva and that of Mahāvira. prohibition of sexual relationship, for no one can enjoy the Along with these three major differences, there also were woman without having her. But, as the Sutrakrtänga informs, some minor differences which are found in the concepts of in the time of Mahāvira, there were some pasattha(wayward) the ten kalpas or planes of asceticism."? For instance, in śramanas, who believed that the prohibition of possession Pārsva's tradition a monk could accept the invitation for did not imply for include) the prohibition of sexual food and also could take food prepared for him; but

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The Teachings of Arhat Parsva And The Distinctness of His Sect 105 Mahavira forbade this practice. Parsva allowed his monks to accept the meals prepared for the king; Mahavira prohibited it. In Mahavira's tradition it was vital for a friar (or nun) to move from one place to another, except during the rainy season: Also, an ascetic, he had said, must not stay at one place for more than a month. But, according to Parsva's tradition, a friar could stay at one place as long as he wished. In short, to keep on wandering was essential in Mahavira's but was optional in Parsva's disciplinary code. Again, Mahavira had stressed that an ascetic must stay on at one place during the four months of the rainy season; in Parsva's tradition this practice was also optional. According to Mahavira an aspirant to friarhood must be initiated probationally. After this testing period, if he is proven eligible, then he may be allowed to be ordinated second time and his seniority was fixed accordingly in the Order or Samgha. These are some of the distinctive features of Parsva's philosophy, teachings, and monastic discipline as can be traced out from the early literature. The belief that all Jinas teach the same code of conduct, and that the ascetics of the Parsva's Order had become wayward by Mahavira's time receives no support from the evidence locked in the earlier canonical books. NOTES AND REFERENCES 1. See Epigraphia Indica, Vol. X. Appendix. A list of Brahmi Inscriptions S.N. 110, p. 20. 2. Kalpasutra 216. In the various inscriptions of Kankali Tila, Mathura, we have two readings about this kula of the Kottiyagana: (1) Thaniva-kula (2) Sthaniya-kula. While in the Kalpasutra we have a third reading, Vanijja-kula. 3. Preserved in the Government Museum, Lucknow. 4. This date is after the recent researches by Gritli v. Mitterwallner. 5. Cf. U.P. Shah, Studies in Jaina Art, Varanasi 1955, plate 1, fig. 3. Me Kate ime viyapata hohonti ti niganthesu Pi -- Inscription No. 7, line 16, Delhi-Topara Inscription. 7. See G.P. Malalasekere, Dictionary of Pali-Proper names, Vol. II, London 1974, pp. 61-65. 8. Hermann Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, Part II, (S.B.E. Vol. XLV), Introduction, p. xxi. 9. (A) Caujjname niyanthe-Isibhasiyain, 31. (B) Caujjamo ya jo dhammo jo imo pamcasikkio Uttaradhyayana 23/12. 10. See Pt. Sukhalal, Cara Tirthankara (Hindi), (sec. edn.), Varanasi 1989, pp. 141-43, See also "Introduction", the Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXII, p. xliv. 11. Isibhasiyain, 31. 12. Acaranga II, 15/25. 13. Sutrakitanga II. 7/8. 14. Vyakhyaprajnapti 1/9/21-24; 2/5/95; 5/9/254-255. 15. Jnatadharma-katha 2/3/1-6. 16. Uttaradhyayana 23. 17. Rajapradesiya 2/3. 18. Narakavalika (Niryavaliya-sutra) 3/1. 19. Sthananga 9/61. 20. Uttaradhyayana 23/12-13; see also commentary of Santyacarya for these verses. 21. Samavayanga 8/8,9/4, 16/4, 38/1, 100/4. 22. Auasyaka-niryukti 238 and 1241-1243. 23. Visesavasyaka-bhasya. 24. Avasyaka-curni. 25. Paryusana-kalpa (Kalpa-sutra) 148-156. 26. Mulacara. 27. See Arhat Parsva. 28. Isibhastyain, 31. 29. See Sagarmal Jain, Rishihhasit : A Study, Jaipur 1988. 30. Isibhastyain, 31. 31. Sutrakstanga II, Chapter 7th. 32. Vyakhyaprajnapti 10.9.33. Ibid, 2.5. 33. 34. Uttaradhyayana 23. 35. See Cara Tirthankara for detailed discussion. 36. Uttaradhyayana 23/12. 37. Se variya ithi saraihhattam-SutrakTtanga 1/6/28. 38. Ibid., 1/3/4/9-10. . 39. Ibid., 2/7/81. 40. Vyakhyaprajnapti 1/9/123. See also Avasyaka-niryukti 1241. 41. Uttaradhyayana 23/12. See also santacarya's tika on the above verses. 42. See (a) Avasyaka-niryukti, 1241-1243. (b) Brhat-Kalpa sutra-bhasya, 6359-6366. abe