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ŚAURASENI AND OTHER PRAKRITS
IN THE BHAGAVATI ARĀDHANA
Dr. Jagat Ram Bhattacharyya.
Prakrit belongs to the middle period of the IndoAryan (1A) language of the Indo-Iranian (lir) sub-branch of the Ido-European (IE) family of languages. So the study of Prakrit means the reference to Old Indo-Aryan (OIA) on the one hand and Iranian and Indo European on the other. Prakrit, the Middle Indo-Aryan (MIA) is, therefore, very intimately connected with OIA, that is with Sanskrit and Vedic. Most of the characteristic features of OIA and lir and so also with IE. In one sense, the characteristic features of all the Prakrit dialects are mingled so much that at times it is difficult to isolate them from each other. As a result, the Prākrit grammarians have described first the features off Prakrit in general, and then what is exclusively different from the standard Prakrit in general, is described under the features of dialects. So in the books of Prākrit grammar, the Sauraseni features seem to be less than what is expected in a book. Herein view the discussion of the inclusion of some other Prakrits in the Sauraseni of Bhagavati-Aradhana.
Bhagavati-Arādhanā has an important place in Diagamvara literature. Like other Digambara texts, Bhagavati-Arādhanā of Ācārya Sivarya, is written in
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स्वः मोहनलाल बांठिया स्मृति ग्रन्थ
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Saurasení. Basically this book is known for asceticism and with asceticism it is also treated as a Philosophical text. In Bhagavati-Arādhanā, though, the Sauraseni Prākrit is used as the main language, but an admixture of other Prakrits can be found in it, and naturally the influence of other Prākrits in Sauraseni can also be acknowledged. 1. Elision of inter-vocalic k, 9, c, j, t, d.... etc.
The sutra "ka-ga-ca-ja-ta-da-pa-ya-vām prāyo luk" of Hemacandra (1.177) has an important role in Prakrit. By this sutra the non-initial and non-conjunct consonantal sounds are often elided leaving behind their vowel sounds in a word. The term prāya (often) indicates that the elision is not compulsory. But the tendency of a grammarian for makers a sutra is to show the regular application of it. So we can easily assume that the elision is a regular feature of a word. The same rule is also found in the grammars of Vararuci (Vr. 2 1.2), Rama Tarkavagisa (RT. 1.2. 1-4), Trivikrama (Tv. 1.3, 8.18), Kramadiśvara (Kl. 2.1) and Markandeya (MK. 2.1,2). So the elision of the itner-vocalic consonants is the regular feature of the Mahāraştri Prakrit or Prakrit in general. To show the characteristic features of Sauraseni, Hc. in the sutra "to donādau saurasenyam ayuktasya" (4.260) says that inter-vocalic t becomes d but not elided. This feature of Sauraseni mentioned by Hc. and other grammarians indicates the nearness of Sauraseni with Sanskrit and it's antiquity as well. But in the BhagavatiĀrādhana (Bhag.) we can find both the characteristic features of Sauraseni and Maharaştri that t sometimes becomes d and in many cases it is elided as per the rule of Maharaştri. For example, bhaniya (2.3), kāyavva(9), bhaniyam(11), anovamiyam(13) kāyavvam (19), rājakulapasūo(20), kuņai(20), harai(23), cauro(44),
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दर्शन दिग्दर्शन
suvihiyamimam(41), anaviggahiyam(55), ussarai(74), iyarae(116), jai(139), nāyavvo(219), anupaliyā(245), kaya(325), but kada(in 327), pariharai(340), maisampanno(502), kayaro(353), oknamạiya(384), siyalabhavam(346), etc. Here it is worth mentioning that y-sruti is found in many places as a regular feature of Prakrit. The meaning of the sutra "a-varno y-śruti" (HC. 1.180) is that the surplus vowel a can be changed into ya if followed by a-sound. But here some words like bhaniya and etc. violate this rule. According to Hc. it is exclusively a characteristic feature of Arsa or Ardhamagadhi(Amg), So this evidence of Amg is also found in this Saursení text. In Bhag. the d which should be preserved as a saurseni character, is also elided in some cases. Some of the examples are as follows, uvasampaya (67), rayaseyanamagahanam(97), Viccheya(200), saya(336), payavibhāgi(535) āyariyapayamula (577), but some examples tally with the rule prescribed by the grammarians where t becomes d, for example, visiyadi(878), bhanido(35) etc. In some places t is preserved, such as, pamditamaranam(28), vasati(232) etc. The rest of the aforesaid consonental sounds have no special treatment in Sauraseni. So no examples are found.
2. On the treatment of k becoming g
It is a common feature in Prakrit that the intervocalic consonental sound kis elided and the surplus vowel exists. It is neither Hc. nor other grammarians who have prescribed any rule for k becoming g in Sauraseni. In the vrtti of the sutra k, 9, c, j, i, d....(1.177), Hc. mentions about the other Prakrits,, i.e. Aradhanamagdhi k becoming g is a frequent phenomenon (vyatyayasca-4.447 ityaeva kasya gatvam). But Hc. while discussing the characteristic
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79: 76IM atoa ulap
features of Prakrit in general, only in a single case he prescribed the rule where k becomes g. The sutra is thus, marakata madagale g&ḥ kahduketvādeh-(1.182), so the word marakata becomes maragaa, madakala becomes madagala and the initial k of the word kanduka becomes g, e.g., kanduka becomes gendua. But these are nothing but some remnants of Ardhamagadhi. So in Saur, it is rather incoherent fork becoming g, But few examples can be cited for, such as, ababhinnadasapuvvigadhidam, (33), jugāni from yukabhih (88), vivegathāņe(95), sagapakkhe(96), uvagaranadāpamogasadānam(122), sudasattabhāvanega-ttabhāvanā (189), kadugam (359), lahugo (369), ego (521), khavaga (675) etc. In this case, perhaps, an exclusive characteristic feature of amg. is found here.
3. Treatment of Sanskrit th.
Changing of some unvoiced sound into yoiced one is one of the characteristic features of Saur. The grammarians have formulated some sutras to make it evident. According to the rule tho dhah (HC. 4.267), the intervocalic th becomes dh. The same can be found in the grammars from Vr. (415 A.D) upto Mk. (17th cent. A.D.). If intervocalic th becomes dh in Saur., then, there cannot be any doubt about the existence of the intervocalic dh in a word. But in Bhag, some irregularities are prominent where this speciality is violated. For example, jana, janā, taha, tahā (11, 20, 23, 28, 193, 203, 505, etc.), Skt. equivalent yathā and tathā. In Saur., the intervocalic th of these indeclinables should be changed into dh. But these are treated as Mah. and thus, the reading jahā and tahā are accepted. According to the rules of Hc, kha-gha-tha-dhabham (1.187) and other grammarians like Vr. (2.24), Tv.
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(1.3.20), Mk. (2.25), this characteristic feature is exclusively for Mah. But in Saura, these will be jadha tadha. But there are some words which is used. For example - duvinā(3), sampunpamanoraho(205), somatihi(275), mehunapariggahe(611), kahā (655), ahavā(707) etc. But in the commentary the actual readings prescribed by the grammrians have been taken.
There is an interesting point to note hue that whether the Stk. intervocalic dh will be elided or not in Saur. Although the grammarians did not mention it clearly it easily understood that dh remains unchanged, since the unvoiced this also changed into dh in Saur. But the examples show either the existence or the influence of Mah. exit in Bhag. For example-arādhanā becomes ārāhană, other examples are ārāhamtenam (4), ārāhiyam (4), tiviham (28), sāhussa (28), mahuram (40), sohi (108), nāņāvihena (207), gapāhivaiņo (282), mihilānio (751), virāhanā (586), etc. But some of the examples show the characteristic features of Saur. such as suvicăramadha (64), tadhima (599), sādhu (21), aradhao (109) etc.
Here is another interesting point to note that the t of the word vasati becomesdh, Ho. has a sutra vitasti vasati bharata kātara matulimge hah (1.214), where he shows that in Mah the intervocalict of these words becomes h. So vasatih becomes vasahi. The supporting sutras in this context are of Vr. (2.9), RT. (1.2.5), Ki (2.27), Mk (2.11), and Tv. (1.3.50.51), Here in Bhag. t changed into dh such as, vasadhisu (155), vasadhie (234). From linguistic point of view, t becomes th by aspiration firstly, and then unvoiced th becomes voiced dh as the natural phenomenon of Saur. In verse No, 25 we can see the use of indeclinable iha. Vedic idha and this should be preserved in Saur. Hc. supports the retention of idha which
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। स्व: मोहनलाल बांठिया स्मृति ग्रन्थ
becomes iha in Sankrit by making the sutra iha hacor hasya. 4. On the treatment of the word Atma
The Skt. word Ātmā. has different forms in Prakrit. Hc. in his sutra bhasmātmanoh po vā (2.5.1) says that ātmā becomes appă, and by assimilation through both the sutras adhao nanayām (2.78) and anādau sesādesauoudvitvam (2.89) it becomes attā. So, both appā and atta are in vogue in Mah. But attā is, probably, the ideal form in Saur. Hence, the form attă becomes ādā, firstly, tgriygh cinoensatory lengthening it becomes *ātā and then the intervocalic consonant t >d. In Amg. appa is very much regular, Ki, in his sutra mahārāştri-misrārdha-māgadhi (5.95) shows that the characteristic features of Maharaştri are mixed with that of Ardhamāgadhi. So appă is not an irregular feature in Amg. In Bhag. the word ātmā has been changed into many forms, such as, appă (90,239) āda (101), paņihidappa (172), attasuddhim (206), appayam (209), ādā (244), adaparapaoga karane (612) etc. 5. Influence of Māgadhi in Sauraseni.
At least in three cases, the grammarians have no difference of opinion to lay out the characteristic features of Magahdí. For example r>1, $,s>s', and the nominative singular of masculine a-stem becomes e -ending. Besides these characteristics, grammarians have also formulated some other sutras for Magadhí. In this context, the aforesaid specialities can only be discussed. In Bhag. some Māgadhí words have been used. For example, cattālam (65), lukkho (94), pattalukkhenam (209,247), kalunam, kaluniyam (440), imgāla (1038) etc. These Māgadhi words found in Saur. But Hc. in his Sutra haridrădau lah (1.254) has also mentioned some words in Mah where r becomes /
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In Bhag. some remnants of e-ending words formulated in nom sing. of masculine a-stem are found such as, limage, arihe (66) etc. Sanskrit jananti becomes yāṇamti in Magadhi. The sutra ja-dya-yam- yaḥ (Hc.4. 292) indicates that becomes Y in Mh. Vr. (11.4), ki (5.87), Pu (12.5), RT. (2.2.14) have also suggested the same for Magadhi.
6. Treatment of root bhu.
Hc. in the fourth chapter of his Prakrit grammar has prescribed some forms of the root bhu as adesa. The sutra is bhuver ho huva havah (4.60). It indicates that the root bhu has three forms in Prakrit and these are ho. huva and hava. Hc. considers this rule of Prakrit as an optional in Sauraseni. He, in the sutra bhuvo bhah (4.269), clearly mentions that in Saur, bh is a regualr feature in this context. Vr. and other grammarians have also the same opinion (see Vr. 12.12, Pu. 9.78, Ki. 55.78 Rt. 2.1.26, and Mk. 9.108, 137). Although this feature can be found sporadically in Bhag.but some of the features of Mah. are also available in the text. for example, hoi (4,6,9,55), havai (8.9), hodi (40,73,102), havadi (103), in imperative hojja (73), and in optative have derived from Skt. bhavet (3,4,6,643,791,803,1000, 1101). In Prakrit along with its dialects and subdialects jja and jjå have been prescribed for optative mood. But here, in case of have, the influence of Sanskrit is found.
दर्शन दिग्दर्शन
In Bhag. the application of gerund is also very interesting. It does not follow properly the rule of Saur. For example Skt. krtvā>kāuna (206,563), kiccä (688), Skt. jnātvā>ṇāuṇa(9), śrutvā>soduna (682), socca (696), sunitta (616, 679), bhuktvå bhocca (692,693). labdhva> laddhuṇa (52), viharittă, virådhayitva (15), dittha (17), parityaktvā >praiccittà (239) etc. To justify the characteristic features of Saur., we have to emphasize mainly on these points. Firstly,
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the problems can be solved by the rules prescribed by the grammarians. Hc. in the sutra ktvā iya dunau (4.271), says that iya and duna come in place of ktva. Other grammarians, such as, Vr. (12.9), Pu. (9.39), Ki. (5.70) have also the same suggestion. Hc. in another independent sutra, kr gamo daqua (4.272), shows that root kr becomes kadua and root gam becomes gadua, but the variant readings are kadua and gadua. So in Saur kaduna and kadua or kadua are the most appropriate forms. In Mah. ktvā becomes una by the sutra ktvā sttuma ttuna tuanāḥ (Hc. 2.146), which should be duna in Saur., So, soduna, laddhuna are proper usages in Bhag. Some remnants show the relation and influence of Sanskrit. Simply by assimilation, fva becomes ttă and so the words sunittà etc, are available in Bhag. But soccā, bhoccă are very peculiar in Saur. In Amg. these usages are rather regular. In the sutra Kritti catvara cah (2.112), Hc. prescribes catvara as caccara. Lingaistically it is said as an analogy, such as, krtya>kicca and so krtva>kicca, socca, bhocca etc. Conclution
In this paper, some of the characteristic features of Saur. along with other Prakrits have been discussed. The commentary Vijayodayā of Aparajita Suri is, indeed responsible for the Saur, characteristics.
Saur. and Sanskrit, both were the languages of the midland. So the close linguistic relationship between the two languages cannot, be avoided. In spite of the relationship with Sanskrit, the Bhag. has borrowed some words from other Prakrits.
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________________ y fairyta BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Acharya, Krishana Chandra - Markandeya's Prakrta Sarvasva. 2. Banerjee, Satya Ranjan - i) The Prakrta-Prakas'a of Vararuchi ii)Prakstadhyaya by .. Kramadisvara. 3. Bhattacharyya, Jagat Ram - Orifin and Development of Magadhi. (unpublished) 4. E. Huitzsch - Prakta-Rupavatara by Simharaja. 5. Ghosh, Manomahan - Ramasarman" Prakrta Kalpataru. 6. Jain, Prem Suman - Introduction, The Sauraseni Prakrit Vyakaran written by Dr. U.C. Jain 7. Jha, Prabhakar - The Prakrit Grammarians by Luigia Nitti Dolci. 8. Jha, Subhadra - A Grammar of the Prakrit Languages by R. Pischel. 9. Shastri, Kailash Chandra - Bhagavati-Aradhana by Sivraya. 10. Vaydya, P.L. - Sidha-Hema Sabdanusasanam. 2010_03