Riddle Of Jainas And Ajivikas In Early Buddhist Literature

Author(s): Johannes Bronkhorst
Publisher: Johannes Bronkhorst
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/269460/1

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JOHANNES BRONKHORST
THE RIDDLE OF THE JAINAS AND AJIVIKAS
IN EARLY BUDDHIST LITERATURE
Early Buddhist literature is acquainted with both Jainas and Ajivikas. It calls the former nirgruntha, Panigantha." and the latter ajivika or ajrvaka. The former are sometimes presented as followers of Nigantha Nataputta or Nathaputta, who has been identified as Vardhamana. better known as Mahavira, the last tirthankare of the Jainas: the name Nataputta corresponds to Ardhamagadhi Nayaputta, known from the earliest surviving canonical texts of Jainism. The latter are presented in (Svetambara) Jaina canonical literature as the followers of Gosala Mankhaliputta, identified by modern scholars with the Makkhali Gosala whose views are reported in Buddhist literature. By combining data found in the Jaina and in the Buddhist canon, scholars have tried to reconstitute the ideas which belonged to the early Jainas and Ajivikas.
Scholars rarely seem to have addressed the question what picture anses if one bases oneself exclusively on Buddhist literature. What image did the early Buddhists have of the Jainas and Ajivikas. or perhaps: what information about these movements did they preserve in their oldest texts? This question is legitimate, for there is no guarantee that the ideas current among the Buddhists were necessarily accurate: alternatively, they may preserve memories that are older than anything found in the Jaina canon. Either way they may deviate from the pictures preserved in the early Jaina lexis.
Consider first the Ajivikas. The Pali canon repeatedly mentions one or several of them. Least informative are the passages that do not tell us anything about the life style of the person or persons concerned. Among these we may count those that recount the encounter of the Buddha soon after his enlightenment with an Ajivika called Upaka. They occur in almost identical form in the Majjhima Nikāya (MN 1.170-171:11.93-94. fully printed NDPS vol. 2 pp. 336-337) and in the Mahāvagga (Vin 1.8), and tell us nothing beyond the fact that Upaka was, precisely, an Ajivika. The same is true of the Ajivika Panduputta (MN 1.31-32), and of the Ajivika carrying a mandāra flower who informs Maha Kassapa of the death of the Buddha (DN II.162: Vin II.284). The Suttanipata mentions Ājivikas and Niganthas and qualifies them as "argumentative
Iran Indian Philly 28: SI1-529. NANI CKX Kwer Andet wird in een

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sectarians" (Sn 381: titthiya vadasile, tr. Norman, 1984: 64), but leaves it at that.
Other passages make clear that Ajivikas could have followers. The term ajivakasävaka "lay disciple of Ajivikas / of the Ajivikas" is used a few times (AN 1.217: Vin II.1.30. 165: III.135 f.). The fact that a bloodrelation (nāti sālohitoj of king Bimbisára is stated to have gone forth among (the) Ajivikas (awakeni pabljito) confirms that the Alivikas constituted one or more groups of religious Wanderers i Vin IV 74).
A feature of the Ajivikas that is repeatedly stressed is their nakedness The Mahāvagga (Vin 1.290 1.) tells the charming story of disciples of the Buddha who, to refresh themselves. had taken off their clothes to let the rain cool their naked bodies. A servant girl, sent to invite Buddhists but seeing only naked men, mistakes them for Ajivikas. In the Suttavibhanga (Vin 111.21! f.) monks find themselves naked as a result of a robbery. but the outcome is the same: they are mistaken for Ajivikas. The terms ajivaka and aceluka seem occasionally used as synonyms. This appears to be the case in the Suttavibhanga (Vin IV.91-92) where the Buddha forbids giving food to naked ascetics (acelaka): the introductory story speaks of Ajivikas instead. It is not surprising that the commentator Buddhaghosa more than once explains the term "Ajivika" as "naked ascetics" (naggapahbajita, Mp 111.334: naggasamana, Ps 1.151). Passages like these do indeed create the impression that the expression is used to reler to naked scenes in general, rather than to any particular movement.
This raises the following important question. We know that at the time of the historical Buddha and of Mahavira there were two kinds of Jainas: the followers of Parsva, who wore clothes, and the followers of Mahāvīra, who were naked. Is it possible that the early Buddhists included the naked Jainas in their general category of Ajīvikas. so that the Jainas mentioned in the Buddhist canon are primarily followers of Parsva?
Before trying to answer this question, it will be useful to consider the evidence which allows us to conclude that there were indeed two groups of Jainas at the time of Mahavira. This evidence comes from the Jaina canon, which describes a few encounters between followers of Parsva and those of Mahavira. One of those encounters is described in Viyahapannatti (Vyākhyāprajnapti) 1.9, where Käläsa Vesiyaputta (Kälāsya Vaisikaputru), a follower of Parsva, questions the Jaina Elders and subsequently accepted the religion based on Five Vows, with pratikramana added." in place of the) religion based on Four Vows. and practised it. He led for long years the life of a monk in the order:
and as a monk, he remained nude ...". That five vows and nudity are the marks that distinguished the followers of Mahavira from those of Parsva is clear from the 23rd chapter of the Uttaradhyayana. In this chapter Kesin, a follower of Parsva, and Gautama, a pupil of Vardhamana, engage in the following shared reflection! Is 1 law the right me, or is the other law the night we are
ind herrines right, or the wher? (111 The LW I tug by the great ape larsvit, which regerses but
the W Light by Vanhata which can live wall The Law which forbids clothes for a muok.orthal winch allowancer and uper garment ..13 The ensuing discussion contirms that Päráva recognises four vows, Vardhamana tive (Utt 23.23), and specifies that the Law taught by Vardhamana forbids clothes, but that of the great sage Parsva allows an under and upper garment".! We learn from this that there were two. and perhaps only two differences between the teachings of Pariva and Mahavira: the followers of the former recognised four restraints and wore clothes, while the followers of the latter recognised five restraints and wore no clothes. The nakedness of Mahavira and his followers finds further contirmation in some other passages of their canon. The Acaranga Sutra describes how the Venerable Ascetic (samane bhagavim).i.e. presumably Mahāvīra, decided not to wear that piece of cloth". The lines concerned read:16 - I shall not cover myself with that robe in that winter". He had crossed the samsarul for the rest of his life. This | refusing of dress is in accordance with his doctrine... For a year and a month he did not leave off his robe. Since that time the Venerable One, giving up his robe, was a naked, world-relinquishing, houseless Isage)." And the so-called" Kalpa-Sutra states: "The Venerable Ascetic Mahavira for a year and a month wore clothes, after that time he walked about naked, and accepted the alms in the hollow of his hand."
The Jainas in the Buddhist canon are never presented as being naked." As a rule nothing is said about their outward appearance. but at least one passage contrasts them with naked Ajivikas. It occurs in the Anguttara Nikāya and reads..
Para Kassapa has made known six classes abhij of mankind a hlack n'a blue cleared one. il green one, il white said, and a supremely white one. The black class: butchers of sheep, butchers of mus fuwlers, deerstalkers, hunters, fishermen. thieves, cecutioners, prison-keepers, and others who follow a cruel excupation. The blue class: Buddhist monks who live as thieves, and helievers in karma and the clicity of works. The red class Jain niyan ) who wear a single yamten The green class householders who wear white cloths and are lay disciples of naked lascetics (anclaka). The white class: Ajivikas of both sexes. The supremely while class: Nanda Vaccha. Kisa Sunkicua. Makkhali Gasala.

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This passage is interesting for various reasons. It confirms our earlier observation concerning the strong link between Ajivikas and nakedness. The development that can be discerned from class two to class five ist one of increasing nakedness, or respect for nakedness. Buddhist monks are in this respect exceeded by Jainas who wear just one garment:22 these by Ajivikas who wear no clothes at all. Lay disciples of naked monks rank between Jainas and Ajivikas, i.e.. higher than Jainas. It seems likely that in this passage, too, acelaka is to be understood as a synonym of ajivaka..
Interestingly, the same three individuals characterised here as constituting the supremely white class, are presented as naked in the Mahasaccaka Sutta of the Majjhima Nikaya, in the following passage which is put in the mouth of Saccaka the Nigantha's son:23
Well, there are, for example. Nanda Vaccha, Kisa Sankicca. Makkhali Gosala. They go naked, rejecting conventions, licking their hands, not coming when asked, not stopping when asked: they do not accept food brought or food specially made or an invitation to a meal; they receive nothing from a pot. from a bowl, across a threshold, across a stick, across a pestle, from two eating together, from a pregnant woman, from a woman giving suck. from a woman lying with a man. from where food is advertised to be distributed, from where a dog is waiting, from where flies are buzzing, they accept a fish or meat, they drink no liquor, wine or fermented brew. They keep to one house, to one musel, they keep to two houses, to two morsels they keep to seven houses, to seven morsels. They live on one saucerful a day, on two saucerfuls a day on seven saucerfuls a day. They take food once a day, once every two days once every seven days, and so on up to once every fortnight; they dwell pursuing the practice of taking food at stated intervals.
For our present purposes it is particularly interesting to see that the Jainas are described in the above passage from the Arguttara Nikaya as "wearing a single garment" and therefore as not being naked.24 This supports our conjecture that the Jainas mentioned in the early Buddhist texts are primarily the followers of Parsva. The followers of Mahavira, if this conjecture is correct, might then be included among the Ajivikas. The fact that the lay disciples of the naked ascetics are described as wearing white clothes (odatavasana) does not conflict with this hypothesis: exactly the same term is elsewhere used to describe the lay followers of Nigantha Nataputta (e.g. MN II.244), as it is to describe the lay followers of the Buddha (e.g. DN III.37).
If we wish to check our hypothesis to the extent possible we have to keep in mind that the followers of Parsva distinguished themselves. not just on one, but on two counts from the followers of Mahāvīra: they wore clothes and followed four rather than five vows or restraints. What was the position of the Jainas depicted in the Buddhist canon?
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The Samannaphala Sutta of the Digha Nikaya attributes the following views to Nigantha Nätaputta:"5
a Nigantha is bound by a fourfold restraint. What four! He is curbed by all curbs Twn), enclosed by all curbs, cleared by all curbs, and claimed by all curbs. And as far as a Nigantha is bound by this fourfold restraint, thus the Nigantha is called self-perfected, self-controlled, self-established
A Sutta of the Samyutta Nikaya, too, characterises Nigantha Nataputta as well bound by a fourfold restraint (catuyamasusamvuta; SN 1.66). Hermann Jacobi noticed, already in 1880 (p. 160 (799)). that the fourfold restraint here attributed to Mahavira and his followers really belonged to Mahavira's predecessor Paršva. It is true that the specification of these restraints in the Samaññaphala Sutta does not agree with what we leam from the Jaina canonical texts; T. W. Rhys Davids (1899: 75 n. 1) concluded from this that these restraints were not intended to represent the four vows kept by the followers of Parsva. It seems however safer to agree with Maurice Walshe where he states (1987: 545 n. 115): "[The four restraints of the Samannaphala Sutta) do not represent the genuine Jain teaching but seem to parody it in punning form."
How are the four restraints of Parsva enumerated in the Jaina texts? The Thanamga (which qualifies them as taught by "the twenty-two arhats in the middle except for the first and the last one" enumerates them as follows:25
[I] savvão paṇātivãyão veramanam "Abstaining from all killing" [2] savvão musavãyão veramanan "Abstaining from all lying" [13] savvao adinnadanao veramanam "Abstaining from all taking what has not been given"
[4] sarvao bahiddhadana veramanam.
Regarding the meaning of hahiddhadana there is some difference of opinion. Schubring (1962: 30) resumes the situation as follows: "The ... word [buhiddhadina] by [Abhayadeva's Sthanangavṛttil 202 a is taken as bahirdhadana and commented as accepting (aduna) from outside'. i.e. the accepting of things not belonging to the monk's standard outfit. This prohibition is said to include the 'possession of a female individual. Thus, as Abhayadeva adds. Pasa's (= Parsva's) fourth commandment would correspond with Mahavira's both fourth and fifth (sexual abstention and non-possession...). The former of these two Leumann sees expressed in bahiddha-dana (sic). 'a decent term for 28 copulation (the delivery of sperm). Thus it is Pasa's third vow that corresponds with both the third and fifth of Mahavira's including

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Rather than concentrating on the possible explanations of the problematic expression hahiddhädäna, it will be useful to draw some other passages from the Buddhist canon into the picture. The Buddhist Sankha Sutta of the Samyutta Nikaya attributes the following doctrine (dhamma) to Nigantha Nätaputta: [a] Whosoever slayeth a living creature. - all such go to the Wocful
Lot, to Purgatory [b] Whosoever taketh what is not given, (c) whosoever acts wrongly in respect of sensual passion, (d) whoseover tells lies. - all such go to the Woeful Lot, to Purgatory, This agrees with the four restraints of Paráva, with the proviso however that one of Pārsva's restraints - the one that uses the expression bahiddhādāna - be interpreted in a sexual sense.
Against this the following objection might be ruised. The Sankha Sutta enumerates the above four points for the benefit of a lay follower of the Niganthas, viz. Asibandhakaputta. It might be maintained that they are really the five vows of Mahavira, with the exception of the one that can only be kept by a monk: apariggahu "possessionlessness". This objection, which is not strong in itself. looses most of its force in the light of another Buddhist passage. The Udumbarika-Sihanada Sutta of the Digha Nikāya uses the expression caruyamasamvaranumito "restrained by the four restraints" in connection with a hypothetical ideal ascetic, who follows the path of the Buddha. The four restraints are specified thus:12 (i) na panum atipaperi, na panam alipotovati, na ponam aliparayuto
samanunno hoti: (ii) na adinnam adivari, na adinnam adivapoi, nu adinnam divato
samanunño hoti: (iii) na musā bhanali na nusa bhuncpeti, na musa bhanato
samanunnaro hori: (iv) na bhavitam asimsati, na bhūvitam asinsapeti, na bhavitam dsinisalo
samanunno hori
(iii) he does not tell a lie, or cause a lie to be told, or approve of such
lying: (iv) he does not crave for sense pleasures. cause others to do so. or
approve of such craving. This. too, is obviously a variant of the four restraints of Parsva. Once again, it is the last item on the list that causes difficulties of interpretation. However, it allows of the interpretation given in the translation. We may therefore conclude, not only that habillbona in the Jaina texts is also?) to be understood in the sense "sexual interCourse". but that the early Buddhists were aware of the exact meaning of the four restraints of the followers of Parsva.
We can conclude from what precedes that the early Buddhists knew Parsva's four restraints but attributed them to Nigantha Nataputta and his disciples. This may be a mistake on the part of the Buddhists.14 Alternatively, one might consider the possibility - suggested by Mette (1991: 134) - that Nätaputta and Mahavira were not one and the same person, and only came to be looked upon as such in relatively later parts of the Jaina canon.
The question whether Mahavīra died before the Buddha may be considered relevant in this context. Alter all, if he didn't. We may then be led to believe that he was, though contemporary with the Buddha, a younger contemporary, whose views had not yet reached their final form, or had not yet gained currency. during the latter's life time. At first sight this conjecture - that Mahavira survived the Buddha for some time has little to recommend itself. for several Buddhist Suttas mention Nataputta's death and the Buddha's comments upon it. In spite of this, this point of view has been maintained by some modern scholars. Whatever the truth in this matter, we do not need this hypothesis to explain the teachings of Parsva in association with the Nirgranthas, if it can be accepted -as has been argued so far - that the followers of Mahavira were included under the more general denomination of Ajivikas.)
This has been translated (Walshe, 1987: 390): (i) he does not harm a living being, does not cause a living being to
be harmed, does not approve of such harming: (ii) he does not take what is not given. or cause it to be taken. or
approve of such taking:
Our hypothesis to the extent that the early Buddhists used the term Ajivika to refer to all naked religious wanderers, including the Jainas who followed Mahavira, does not exclude that there may have been "real" Ajivikas, wanderers who used this expression to refer to themselves, and who may have followed one or more specinc teachers and shared among themselves a specific school doctrine. The passage studied above mentions the names of three individuals who together constituted

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the "supremely white class": Nanda Vaccha, Kisa Sankicca, Makkhali Gosala. It is at least conceivable that these were the recognized saints of the "real" Ajivikas. This seems confirmed by the concluding remarks of the Sandaka-Sutta of the Majjhima Nikaya (no. 76). Here the wanderer (paribhajaka) Sandaka is reported as stating:42
These Ajivikas, those mothers' dead sons, laud themselves and disparage others, and they recognise only three emancipated ones namely, Nanda Veche, Kisa Sankiccu and Makkhuli Gasda.
A further confirmation may but this is much less certain - he found in the Tevijja-Vacchagotta-Sutta of the Majjhima Nikaya (no. 71). This sermon (as do some other sermons) presents a wandering ascetic (paribbājaka) belonging to the Vaccha clan (vacchagotta) whose personal name is not given but who is addressed as Vaccha. Vaccha asks whether there is any Ajivika who, on the dissolution of the body, has made an end to suffering or has gone to heaven; the answer is, of course, negative (MN 1.483). It is tempting to identify this paribbajaku Vaccha who is so obviously concerned with the fate of the Ajivikas with Nanda Vaccha. This particular Sutta would then have to be understood as an attempt by the Buddhists to claim for themselves (Vaccha is converted in the very next Sutta) one of the leaders of the Ajivikas. It is not, however, certain that the Sutta has to be understood
-
in this manner.
The Sandaka Sutta, mentioned above, merits further attention. It contains a sermon addressed by Ananda to the wanderer Sandaka. At Sandaka's request Ananda enumerates four "ways that negate the living of the holy life" (abrahmacariyavasa) and four "kinds of holy life without consolation" (anassäsikäni brahmacariyani).44 The four "ways that negate the living of the holy life" are each followed by these comments: "But it is superfluous for this good teacher to go about naked, to be bald, to exert himself in the squatting posture, and to pull out his hair and beard." Nakedness, as we have seen, is in the Buddhist texts primarily, or even exclusively, associated with the Ajivikas, and never with the Jainas; the remaining characteristics - baldness, squatting. pulling out hair and beard are found among the latter as well. The then following four "kinds of holy life without consolation" are not commented upon in this manner. It is yet among these that we find a position that is elsewhere in the canon attributed to Nigantha Nataputta. That is to say, from among the eight positions described by Ananda. four are attributed to naked ascetics, the remaining four are not. In combination with the fact that Sandaka, as we have seen, mentions the Ajivikas at the end of this Sutta. it seems justified to think that the
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four "ways that negate the living of the holy life" (abrahmacarivavāsa) are here presented as positions belonging to Ajivikas: this does not necessarily mean that they all belonged to the "real" Ajivikas. These positions are identical with the positions attributed in the Samannaphala Sutta of the Digha Nikaya to Ajita Kesakambalin. Purana Kassapa. Makkhali Gosala and Pakudha Kaccayana respectively. The Sandaka Sutta does not attribute them to anyone in particular: it introduces each of them with the words: "Here some teacher holds such a doctrine and view as this"
Among the then following four "kinds of holy life without consolation" (anassäsikäni brahmacariyani) we find a position that is elsewhere explicitly associated with the Jaina leader Nigantha Nataputta." This confirms our earlier conclusion that the Jainas are not counted among the naked ascetics. Ananda begins the second part of his exposition with the words:49
Here, Sandaka, some teacher claims to be omniscient and all-seeing, to have complete knowledge and vision thus: "Whether I am walking or standing or sleeping or awake. knowledge and vision are continuously and uninterruptedly present to me
This passage literally repeats the words attributed to Nigantha Nätaputta by his disciples in the Culadukkhakkhandha Sutta of the Majjhima Nikaya. Omniscience is, of course, an important theme in the Jaina canonical texts. However, the first "kind of holy life without consolation" is followed by a sequel that is particularly interesting. Ananda first criticises the claim to omniscience of the anonymous teacher by saying:
He enters an empty house, he gets no almsfood, a dog bites him, he meets with a wild elephant, a wild horse, a wild bull, he asks the name and clan of a woman or a man, he asks the name of a village or a town, and the way to go there.
This cannot but be meant as a criticism of the claimed omniscience, which should be able to avoid all these futile or disagreeable events. Interestingly, the teacher concerned is allowed to reply to this criticism, in the following passage:
When he is questioned: 'How is this? he replies: I had to enter an empty house, that is why I entered it. I had to get no almsfood, that is why I did not get any. I had to be bitten by a dog, that is why I was bitten. I had to meet with a wild elephant, a wild horse, a wild bull, that is why I met with them. I had to ask the name and clan of a woman or a man, that is why I asked. I had to ask the name of a villager or a town and the way to go there, that is why I asked."
It does not require much reflection to see that for someone who claims omniscience there can hardly be another way but this to explain his

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misadventures to a sceptical critic. A self-proclaimed omniscient person who enters an empty house for alms should have known beforehand that the house is empty, so why does he enter it? The only justification possible would be to maintain that this particular excursion had not been inspired by the incorrect belief that there were people in the house, but was rather determined by a pre-existing set of rules. The omniscient person entered the empty house because he had to enter it. Strict determinism makes even an omniscient person behave like an ordinary one.
Ananda does not react to the reply of the omniscient teacher, leaving the impression that he finds this reply totally unconvincing and ridiculous. However, it is no more ridiculous than the idea of omniscience. It might even be maintained that it is practically impossible for a human teacher to seriously claim omniscience without at the same time maintaining that human behaviour, including his own, is subject to deterministic rules. How else would he account for his mishaps, whether in the form of absence of almsfood and biting dogs, or elephants and other wild animals that cross his way?
Strict determinism is not normally associated with Jainism. It is a feature of the teachings of Makkhali Gosala, probably one of the saints of "real" Ajivikism, as we have seen. It is not commonly associated with the Jainas, but the present passage from the Sandaka Sutta shows that it may very well have been part of the early teachings of this religion. One might conjecture that determinism had an important role to play in the days when Mahāvīra was still alive and in the then following period during which the human behaviour, including errors, of the omniscient leaders of Jainism were still part of collective memory. With the subsequent idealisation of the omniscient sages of Jainism. elements of behaviour that might be taken to be in conflict with their omniscience disappeared, and with them the need for determinism as a means to explain them. What is more, determinism may have started to be felt as a limitation to the power of a Jina.
Determinism, if it did indeed characterise early Jainism, would not be the only feature it shared with Ajivikism. The similarity between the six "colours of the soul" (lesya) of the Jainas and the six abhijātis of the Ajivikas has often been commented upon.54 It does not really matter here whether Jainism borrowed these notions from Ajivikism (as has often been maintained), or vice-versa, or both from a common source. This shared feature can be taken as an indication that there may have been others. Determinism may have been one of them, and again it is not necessary (nor indeed possible, it would seem) to resolve the
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question who borrowed from whom. The link between omniscience and determinism, suggested above, may have made the latter doctrine particularly attractive for all self-proclaimed Jinas.
Our reflections lead us to the following tentative two-fold conclusion. It seems likely that the Jainas (nirgrantha) and Ajivikas mentioned in the Buddhist canon are not simply two distinct and clearly delineated religious movements that existed at the time of the historical Buddha. The situation may have been more complicated. The term Ajivika may have been used for more than just one religious, movement, and may indeed have covered the followers of Mahavira beside "real" Ajivikas and various other religious wanderers. The feature they all shared was nakedness, but this may have been the only feature they all had in common. On the other hand, one passage in the Buddhist canon suggests that the doctrinal position of the early Jainas may have been less distinct from that of the "real" Ajivikas than has often been supposed. Both may have adhered to a strict determinism, a position which was eminently useful to explain the human shortcomings of their "omniscient" leaders.
NOTES
1
This article confines itself to the Buddhist canon in Pali. No attempt has been. made to include Buddhist canonical passages preserved in other languages.
The PTS edition never seems to have niggantha, in spite of PTC s.v. "nigantha and niggantha". Does this explain the question mark at PTSD s.v. nigantha: "nis-ganthi is the customary (correct?) etym."?
The Pali canon (at least the PTS edition) more often uses the term ajivuka. Where I am not directly quoting the texts, I will always use 'Ajivika', which is the term that has become current. all the more so since it occurs in the title of Basham's important book on the topic (1951).
4
Cp. Dundas, 1992: 22 (diacritics and emphases added. "There is no knowledge of Mahavira's given name Vardhamana in the earliest stratum of the biography and the use of the epithet Mahavira as a personal name, while occurring in the first book of the Sutrakṛtanga, is unknown in the first book of the Acatanga. Furthermore, the oldest texts never use the term 'fordmaker and very seldom jina, the word which gives Jainism its name. Instead we find terms such as Nuvaputta, son of the Nayas. an obscure expression which seems to refer to Mahavira's clan. called in Sanskrit Jñar, and the name by which he is known in early Buddhist writings..." Cp. Dhaky. 1991. Adelheid Mette has made the suggestion that these different names and epithets did not necessarily refer to one and the same person in earliest Jainism; see below. An exception is Jacobi, 1895: xv: "...it is still open to doubt whether the religion of the early Nirgranthas was essentially the same as that taught in the canonical and other books of the present Jainas, or underwent a great change up to the time of the composition of the Siddhanta. In order to come nearer the solution of this question. it may be desirable to collect from the published Buddhist works, as the oldest witnesses we can summon, all available information about the Niganthas.

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their doctrines and religious practices. He comes to the conclusion ( T his
robable that the decines uit the Jans huve under rechungen the interval between the quoted Buddhist records and the composition of the Jaina canon." See also Metle's suggestion regarding the identity of Nataputta and Mahavira mentioned below
Some parallel versions do not specify that Upaka is an Ajivika: see Bares. Recherches I p. 155 .
Some parallel versions do not record that the person with the flower is an Ajtvika see Bareau, Recherches 11.2 pp. 21N-219. Apivikas without further specifications are also mentioned Vin 1V.224
This does not need to be in conflict with Basham's (1951: 1017) observation to the extent that in later time the rule of nudity does not seem to have been regularly followed by the Ajivikas".
Another comparable general category Allgemeinbegriff) in the Pali canon is designated by the term paribbaake see Freiberger, 1997
There can be no doubt that Ud p. 65 - which mention the presence of seven jatilas, seven nigunthers, seven celos, seven ascites and seven paribixijakas - does not help to arrive at a correct interpretations of these cutegories "See further Schubring. 1962. 29. Sen, 1931: 42-43. Melte (1991: 134) draws attention to the fact that Pariva may once have been looked upon as the proclaimer of Unaridhyayana 6 "On pratikrumana see Bruhn, 1999 ch. 4.
Viy 1.9.432-433 (ed. Ladnun p. 72), 1.9.300 (ed. Calcutta I p. 133) 1.9.23-24 (ed. Bombay p. 67): cumdio dhamımdo pamumuhay sapakkam dhammam rasampajjin man wherund for some kildesivopuile amegane xhini vdsdini mi rivagem no uvia jesen kiwi nagw ir. Lalwani 1973-1985: 1: 134. Cp. Deleu. 1970: 85.
Mette (1991: 134) takes the name Kesin possessing hair") as a clue thut Pärsiva's disciples were not shaven headed. " Un 23.11-13 (ed. Charpentier p. 170. ed. Ladrum p. 171): 23.847-849 (ed. Bombay p. 208): keriso raimo da im domova kerisid raampanii ima så va kerisill come ujo dham jo c sikhis desio raddiluminen pisena u malinill we w jedeme jimo santarwar, tr. Jacobi, 1895: 119 1. CP. PPNI p. 200.. 1. Kesi. "Uu 23.39 (ed. Charpentier p. 172, ed. Ladnon p. 172): 23.865 led. Bombay p. 2103: acelago w jedhamu nime sanitarillant, desin addhamanene prisena v mohajat
* Ayara 1.9.1.2&4 (ed. Leipuig. ed. Lad un p. 72: cd. Delhi p. 201) 1.9.1.255&257 (ed. Bombay p. 89): c'e' in otherampilan m emunte-se pare dvakahde, em khu anadham fassa. S eharum schium misa jam rikkasi walthergant blw feel
with i n T Jacobi, 1884: 79, modified
For a description of this text and its position in the Jaina canon, see Winternit. 1920: 309-310 "Kalpa Sutra (ed. Lalwani) p. 6: Summe bhagorcm movie som har sashwisem jara...
tenu pour marre anti-padiglur tr. Jacobi. 1884: 259-260
The fact that the Niganthas are described in shameless Wiriku) at AN VISO does the change this. DPPN II p. 61 5. Niganthi puruphrases Dhp-a III.489-490 in the following words: "Unlike the Acelakas, the Niganthas wore one garment, a covering in front. But when praised for their modesty, they answered that their reason for wearing a garment was to prevent dust and dirt from falling into their
alm e . Por event and dirt are actual individuals und ended with the
inciple of life SAN 13X2-384: Parma humle karspehu chulolety wari kumhohin I t will put kehilabljeni ud. hahahh a .
with build Town hand Luxuria hii sikurse wikiki mund te và thu giữ 4 VINH 4 Hệ Nhiết bị và linh quế , và vì vụ vi vi
Turr dhe min d when wiki. N ie pikeri kuwwww Kiri Tatram Mante Ji kupew lidhjurit ng kundu Tour Wimble Ji ka
lidhjóli inand siht yisi olan Farr idi bhole piir kauka
a
Talr domaine pura Rosaurabhi
p
ande wa Lise mulig . Para bate kass chaidhje p a Cp. Basham. 1951: 343-344 For this translation, see Basham. 1951: 139,
It is not clear why the Juinas are here described as wearing just one gamment fokusdok) where the followers of Parsva are allowed to wear an under und upper arment
MN 1238: "Sewarhidow: Nando Vicche, Kise Sunkie, Makhali Gasile-elehi he gli celak mulind hatthapulekhand, no hi hadantika, hahhadantika. Nid
w ant dissolutam na imanidivani Tena kuhimukha patiw akalopimukha patiga hari malakamcntum, ma dundunum a r na dviram bhujanci ,
min . HR printarerga
kirisha watthod wahili foto oth maka widowinkin
ham, M INI, N Ha meravim I dekan piponti 7agarika v l iekölepika chuigrid i hunti dilapilvi willigariki wa hii wapid Enid pidatii penti, di punti venti, sapi darihi vápenti. Elähikom pi harum direnti, dvihikam virum ahirenti, alikam planan d i Mira addamsikan pernahhaablingum
hurt. Tr. Nánaroli and Bodhi, 1995: 333. Note that the Mahasihanada Sutta of the Majjhima Nikaya uses the same words to describe the ascetic practices of the Buddha before his enlightenment (MN 1.77-78). These are the practices of someone who tortures himself and purused the practice of torturing himsell yugalo urtant per atraparildinu gani amirlerMN 1.342: 412) 34 It is intriguing that the Digambaras "describe Makkhali Gosala (called Makkadi or Masayani) as a mendicant in the tradition of Parval who wished to become one of Mahavira's ganadharas" Jaini. 1979: 24-25 n. 57)
DN 1.57: Niyanthe - - - La Retro com mute hoti?...iganthe savoir-vinto a hot subr atec Swife shivirum. Even Want You...
W
hat WWW ratho gatate cu alte cathtatto wri Te Walshe, 1987: 9-17 Thana 4.1.36 (ed. Ladnu p. 609): 4.1 366 (ed. Delhi p. 14); 4.1.2 ed. Bombay
P103).
Sthanagastranand Samnangst with the Vitli of thosaleva. 138 wunden er m
u
nu unge and we adau i
irigrum rustyk en die
w arm api Wowy ata lubuhisi duwwarmd huir vad ilie cu withiam prigrale war hhauri wa herrighild wild wurdel
Note that Ratnachundru's Illustrated Ardha-Magudhi Dictionary III p. 673... bahidiha hadhigives the Sanskrit equivalent bar n for these two ternts.
Cp. Mette. 1991: 135 1.

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30 SN IV.317: /a/ wo koci panam atimäpeti subbo so apaviko neruyika, [b] vu koci adinnam adiyati sabho so upayiko neruvika, fel yo koci kämesu micchácarati sabbo so apayiko neraviku. Id vo kori musa bhanati sabbo se apaviko nerayika. Tr. Woodward. 1927: 223-224.
The five vows of Mahavira are described as follows at Ayara II (Ayracula) ch. 15 (ed. Ladnun pp. 241-246, ed. Bombay pp. 278-288; ed. Delhi pp. 283-285) [1] pacchakkhami savvam pânäivävam [2] pacchakkhami savvam musavayam vaidosam... [3] pacchakkhami savvam alinnadanam 141 pacchakkhāmi savam mehunam (5) suvvam pariggaham pacchakkhimi. Tr. Jacobi, 1884: 202-208: "[1] I renounce all killing of living beings. 12. all vices of lying speech [3] all taking of anything not given..: 141 all sexual pleasures attachments...
[51. all
DN 11148-49.
33 Cp. Walshe, 1987: 600 n. 766: T.W. and C.A.F. Rhys Davids, 1921: 44 n. 1. Mette (1991: 136) translates "he aspires not the object of his imagination" and comments: "Bhävita, the product of bhavana, the unfolding of pictures on the inward eye, appears to be equivalent to the content of the term bahiddha in just that sense. in which the warning of the Dasaveyaliya stanza was meant". The stanza of the Dasaveyaliya concerned (2.4) states (Mette. 1991: 135): "It could be that, while he wanders about with equanimity, his senses digress outwards thahiddha). She is not mine, nor am I hers", only by thinking of her in this way can he curb his passion." (samãe pehle parivvayamto siya mano nissarai bahiddha/ na sa maham no vi aham pi tise icceva tão vinaejja rugam. ed. Bombay p. 2: ed. Ladnun p. 28; ed. Lalwani 6).
E
Jacobi (1895: xxi) draws attention to another "significant blunder" of the Buddhists: "they call Nataputta an Aggivesana, i.e. Agnivaisyayana: according to the Jainus, however, he was a Kasyapa, and we may credit them in such purticulars about their own Tirthakara."
35 It would be interesting to know whether Jacobi's "significant blunder" (see the preceding note) might be explained in the light of this possibility. At first sight the Süyagada would seem to identify Nayaputta (= Nataputta) and Kasava (= Kasyapa): see Say 1.6.7ab: "The omniscient sage, Kasyapa, hus proclaimed this highest Law of the Jinas" (anuttaram dhammam inam jinānam, neta numi kāsave asupanne). beside verses 14cd: "...the Sramana Jnätṛputra (= Nayaputta/Nätaputta), who is noble, glorious, full of faith, knowledge, and virtue" (...samane nayaputte, jūtī jaso-damsana-nanasile) and 23d: "the Sramana Jñatrputra [is] the highest of men" (louttame samane nävaputte) of the same chapter (tr. Jacobi; text cited from Bombay edition). Utt 2.1 (ed. Charpentier), on the other hand, speaks of "the Venerable Ascetic Mahavira of the Kasyapa Gotra" (samanenom bhagavaya mahāvirenam kāsavenam tr. Jacobi) and therefore identities Mahavira with Kasyapa.
It is yet interesting to see that Nigantha Nataputta is depicted as scheming against the Buddha, e.g. in the Abhayarajakumara Sutta (MN 1.392 f.) and Upali Sutta (MN 1.371 f.).
MN II.243 f. (no. 104: Samagama Sutta): DN 11.117 f. (no. 29: Päsädika Sutta); DN III.209 f. (no. 33: Sangiti Sutta). There is no canonical support for the claim. made by Buddhaghosa (Ps 111.99-100), to the extent that Nataputta died soon after spitting blood as a result of the defection of Upali described in the Upali Sutta (MN 1.387).
E.g. Basham, 1951: 75; see further Bechert. 1983 (on Jacobi).
9 Jacobi maintained that "the Buddhists ascribed the old Nirgrantha creed and dressing habits] to Nätaputta, who then took the lead of the community, and of whose reforms, being indeed only trifling, his opponents were not aware" (1880 160 (799)). Later (1895: xxxi-xxxii) he gave expression to the assumption "that
JAINAS AND AJIVIKAS
525
the original Niganthas, of whom the Buddhist records usually speak. were not the section of the church, which submitted to the more rigid rules of Mahavira, but those followers of Parsva, who, without forming a hostile party, yet continued. I imagine. to retain within the united church some particular usages of the old one."
**
A different kind of naked tacela) ascetic is the one known by the name kukkur artika "imitating a dog". Examples are Seniya, depicted in the Kukkuravatika Sutta (MN 1.493 f.), and Korakkhattiya (DN III.6). The Buddha himself is stated to have practised nudity before his enlightenment, MN 1.77 f
See note 8. above.
13
MN 1.524: Jone pan' ajivakä puttamataya puttà, atanan ceva akkamsenti pare ca ramblenti, tavo ceva nivātām paññāpenti, sexvathidan nandam vacham, kisam sikiccam makkledim gasilan ti. Tr. Nanamoli and Bodhi, 1995: 628
See note 8. above. The use of the expression paribhajaku here and in the Sandaka Sutta suggests that this term also covers the Ajivikas. A passage that might be taken to suggest the opposite. is the one presenting the views of Makkhali Gosala (DN 133-34, MN 1.517-518: SN 111211-212), which in sine reading enumerates 4900 dijivkas and 4'900 paribhajakas.
MN 1.514; tr. Näṇamoli und Bodhi. 1995: 618.
MN 1.515: airekam kho pan' imassa bhoto satthane naggivam mundiyam akkutikappadhanum kesamassulocanam. Tr. Nanamoli and Bodhi. 1995: 620, "The Sandaka Sutta presents the long enumeration of often obscure items elsewhere attributed to Makkhali Gosala at the end of the last position, i.e. the one elsewhere attributed to Pakudha Kaccayana.
MN 1.515, 516, 517: idha ekacco sattha evanvadi hoti evandinhi.
The remaining three "kinds of holy life without consolation" are less revealing. Ananda mentions a teacher who is "a traditionalist, one who regards oral tradition as truth", one who is "a reasoner, an inquirer", and finally one who is "dull and confused" (MN 1.520: anussavikoanussavasacco, takkivimamsi mundo momulo). The last of these, the dull and confused one, is said to engage in verbal wriggling. in cel-wriggling: "I don't say it is like this. And I don't say it is like that. And I don't say it is otherwise. And I don't say it is not so. And I don't say it is not not so." (MN 1.520-521: so mandarta memahanta tatha tatha panham putthe samano vācāvikkhepam apujjati amaravikkhepam: evampi no, tatha pi me no, anatha pi me no, no ti pi me no, no no ti pi me no ti.) Exactly the same words are attributed to Sanjaya Belatthiputa in the Samaññaphala Sutta (DN 1.58). It is hard to derive at clear position from these descriptions.
50
MN 1519: idha Sandaka ekacco sattha subbaññü sahbadassavi upurisesam anadassanam patijānāti: carata ca me titthato ca suttassa cu jagurassa ra satatam seunitam ñanadassamam paccupatthitanti. Tr. Nanamoli and Bodhi. 1995: 623-624. MN 192-93: Nigantho Nathaputto sabbaññi subbadassavi aparisesam naudassanum patijānāti: curato ca me tighato ca suttassa ca jāgarassa va satatum samitam naudassanam paccupatthitanti. The same attribution occurs MN 11.218: AN 1.220: IV.429. These words are attributed to Purana Kassapa at AN IV428. At MN 1.482 the Buddha denies that this characterisation applies to him: at MN II.127 he specifies that no one can know and see all simultaneously.
51
Cp. Schubring, 1962: 327; Jaini. 1979: 27-28: Dundas, 1992: 22
MN 1.519: So suññum pi agaram pavisati, pindam pi na labhati, kukkuru pi dasati candena pi hathina samagacchati, condena pi assena samagacchati, candena pi gena samaguchi, inhiya pi parisassa pi nimam pi getiam pi puchati, gamassa pi nigamassa pi namam pi maggam pi pucchati. Tr. Nanamoli and Bodhi, 1995: 624. MN 1.519: So kim idan ti pustho samano suññam me agaram parisitabbam ahosi, tena pavisim. Pindam me aladdhabban ahasi, tena nalatha Kakkurenu

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dasitabban ahasi, kemami dah Cand India sumigantebbame a fer samd gamm. Candet INSCING the wind germam. Caurden gumien maganlah cilv. Sen .In Win Him ni waliam ws. Ipin CHAINS
P
ISSIN pi magpam pi pucchiabban hosi tendpuccher TrNanamoli and Bodhi, 1995:
54 E.g. Leumann, 1889: 331 (517) Juchi. 1895. xxx: Basham. 1951: 245; Frauwallner. 1956: 283. Schubring, 1962: 196 n. 2: Jaini, 1979: 114: 26, Tsuchshashi, 1983. A passage in the Devadaha Sutta suggests ut first sight that the Niganthus themselves accepted the abhijatis (MN 11.222: suce bhikkhune, sarta abitheru sukhadukkham patisanndenti, addi. Wuther. Nigah panjatkan Murahi pripci dukkha tipikaluka vedland ve nti "If the pleasure and pain that beings feel ure caused by class lumong the six classes of birth), then the Niganthus surely must belong to a bad class, since they now feel such puintal, racking, piercing feelings tr. Nánamoli and Bodhi, 1995: 833). However, this passage is part of a list of similar remurks, some of which (such as the belief that feeling pleasure and pain is caused by the creative act of a Supreme Cod. issarranc ) clearly do not concem the Jainis.
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Mahavira Jaina Vidyalaya, 1977 (Jaina-Agama-Series No. 2 (T)). 2) Acarangasätram and Sutraktängasätram, with the Niryukti of Bhudrabahu and the commentary of Silänka, ed. Sagarānandasuri, re-edited with appendices etc. by Muni Jambovijayaji. Delhi: Motilal Banarsiduss. 1978 (Lala Sundurlal Jain Agumugrunthamala 1) 3) Acarunga-Sutram. Erster Srutaskandha. Tent. Analyse und Glossar von Walther Schubring. Leipzig: FA Bruckhaus, 1910. +) Anga Sultani I. ed. Muni Nathamal.
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287-290. Bruhn, Klaus (1999). Funf Gelübde und noch Avashyakas - Grundzüge der Jainu
Ethik / Five Vows and Six Avushyakit -The fundamentals of Jaina ethics. HERE NOW4U (http://www.here-now4u.de/gersprreligion Bruhn and nep:/www.here
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