Reviews Of Diffeent Books

Author(s): J W De Jong
Publisher: J W De Jong
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/269557/1

Page #1
REVIEWS Inde et litteratures. Etudes reunies par Marie-Claude Porcher (Collection purusartha no. 7). Paris, Editions de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, 1983. 3 20 pp. 160.00 F. Dans la presentation Marie-Claude Porcher ecrit que ce volume est inspire par le desir de confronter les vues de chercheurs issus d'horizons divers et de presenter conjointement differentes approches de l'etude du champ litteraire. La variete des sujets traites nous force d'indiquer brievement le sujet de chaque contribution et de laisser aux specialistes dans ces divers domaines de recherche d'entrer en discussion avec les auteurs. L'article de Charles Malamoud etudie la structure du sacrifice de douze jours dans l'Aitareya Brahmana (Exegese de rites. Exegese de textes, pp. 17-38). L'auteur analyse les rupa, les symboles ou les indices, qui caracterisent chaque journee. Marie-Claude Porcher analyse les deux principes de pluralite dans la poetique: l'ambiguite ou double-sens (slesa) et la suggestion (dhvani) (Le deploiement de l'implicite dans la poetique sanscrite, pp. 35-56). L'auteur s'efforce de dissiper notamment le halo de mystere et d'irrationalite qui s'attache trop souvent au dhvani. Anandavardhana et Mammata decrivent les conditions necessaires a l'apprehension du sens suggere. Les theoriciens distinguent une suggestion non poetique d'une suggestion proprement poetique. Le veritable kavya est celui dans lequel le suggere est juge plus beau que l'exprime et donc superieur a lui. Jonathan Katz etudie la relation entre les traites musicaux et la pratique musicale (Indian Musicological Literature and its context, pp. 57-75). Il remarque que la distinction entre l'histoire de la musique et celle des traites musicaux n'a pas toujours ete faite de maniere adequate. Il souligne le conservatisme de la theorie, et exprime l'espoir que des changements dans les conditions sociales et culturelles et l'influence des travaux des musicologistes occidentaux aideront a developper une musicologie utile pour la pratique musicale. Dans sa contribution Francois Gros essaie de situer la litterature du Sangam dans son milieu culturel (La litterature du Sangam et son public, pp. 77-107). Il fait ressortir le fait que le Sangam est d'une part insere dans un reseau historique et culturel qui le fait participer au mouvement general de la civilisation de la Peninsule indienne, et d'autre part fortement caracterise par un milieu litteraire aux conventions tres elaborees. Francois Gros ecrit que l'ideologie du Sangam n'est exprimee qu'a travers une tradition poetique, dont l'objet n'est pas de refleter exactement les fluctuations de la societe mais d'en sublimer la vision. Gregory Bailey montre que les souffrances de Draupadi et de Yudhisthira ne s'expliquent qu'a la lumiere de la structure du Mahabharata telle qu'elle s'exprime dans ses themes fondamentaux: le destin, le dharma, l'adharma, le karman et la royaute (Suffering in the Mahabharata: Draupadi and Yudhisthira, pp. 109-129). France Bhattacharya examine les passages concernant la preparation des aliments et leur consommation dans le Candi Mangala, poeme bengali compose autour de 1589 (Les mets et la cuisine dans le Candi Mangala, pp. 131-175). Elle remarque que ces passages se differencient assez nettement les uns des autres pour que leur comparaison et leur mise en rapport fournissent la clef d'un debut de dechiffrement symbolique. Les trois contributions suivantes eclaircissent divers aspects de la reponse du monde occidental a la civilisation indienne. L'etude de Catherine Weinberger-Thomas s'occupe des theories et des speculations relatives aux Veda dans l'oeuvre de Pierre Sonnerat, auteur du Voyage aux Indes orientales et a la Chine, Paris, 1782 (Les mysteres du Veda. Speculations sur le texte sacre des anciens brames au Siecle des Lumieres, pp. 177-231). Sonnerat Indo-Iranian Journal 29 (1986) 49.

Page #2
50 REVIEWS reconnaissait que l'Ezour-Vedam publie par Sainte-Croix en 1778 etait un apocryphe chretien destine a servir la propagande missionnaire. Ses speculations sur l'origine indienne des civilisations aboutissent a la creation d'un roman que l'auteur appelle "La guerre des Veda". Sylvia Murr examine comment entre 1700 et 1782 Jesuites, savants et Philosophes ont eu des reactions differentes vis-a-vis de l'Inde (Les conditions d'emergence du discours sur l'Inde au Siecle des Lumieres, pp. 233-284). Elle analyse les discussions qui se deroulent autour des trois themes de l'age du monde, de l'origine du peuplement de l'Inde et de l'origine de la religion et/ou de la civilisation des Indiens. Sylvia Murr remarque que les textes sur l'Inde sont un pretexte dans le combat entre les apologistes chretiens et les Philosophes au sujet de l'histoire du monde. Catherine Champion etudie l'image litteraire du sahib dans la litterature anglo-indienne (Du nabab au sahib. De l'utopie a l'utilitarisme: promenade a travers les cliches de la litterature anglo-indienne, pp. 285-310). Marie-Claude Porcher et ses collaborateurs ont montre dans ce travail que l'etude des litteratures indiennes pourrait profiter beaucoup de l'application de differentes methodes de recherche. Il n'y a aucun doute que les etudes reunies dans ce volume meritent d'etre lues par tous ceux qui s'efforcent d'obtenir une idee plus vraie et plus variee de la culture indienne que celle que l'on trouve dans beaucoup de publications. Mahabhasyapradipavyakhyanani. Commentaires sur le Mahabhasya de Patanjali et le Pradipa de Kaiyata. Edition par M. S. Narasimhacarya. Publications de l'Institut Francais d'Indologie No. 51, 1-10. Pondichery, Institut Francais d'Indologie, 1973-1983. Vol. I: Adhyaya 1 pada 1 Ahnika 1-4. 1973, xxii, 397 pp.; Vol. II: Adhyaya 1 pada 1 Ahnika 5-7.1975, 367 pp.; Vol. III: Adhyaya 1 Pada 1 Ahnika 8-9. 1976, 315 pp.; Vol. IV: Adhyaya 1 Pada 2-4. 1977, v, 383 pp.; Vol. VI: Adhyaya 3 Pada 1-4. 1979, vi, 420 pp.; Vol. VII: Adhyaya 4 Pada 1.-4. 1980, vi, 398 pp.; Vol. VIII: Adhyaya 5 Pada 1-4. 1981, 254 pp.; Vol. IX: Adhyaya 6 Pada 1-4. 1982, vi, 408 pp.; Vol. X: Adhyaya 7 et 8. 1983, cli, 503 pp. La publication du dixieme volume de l'edition des Mahabhasyapradipavyakhyanani marque la completion d'un des ouvrages les plus importants entrepris par l'Institut Francais d'Indologie. Ces dix volumes publies de 1973 a 1983 contiennent le texte complet de l'Uddyotana d'Annambhatta et des fragments de cinq autres commentaires. Les auteurs de ces commentaires ont tous vecu avant Nagesa Bhatta qui, au 18e siecle, composa son celebre commentaire, intitule Uddyota, sur le Mahabhasyapradipa de Kaiyata, redige avant 1550.2 A part Annambhatta les auteurs de ces commentaires ne sont pas bien connus. Dans son introduction sanskrite, que M. Pierre-Sylvain Filliozat a rendue en francais, l'editeur, M. Melpakkam Srinivasa Narasimhacarya, donne tous les renseignements qu'il a pu reunir sur les titres et les auteurs des six commentaires. La plus grande partie de son introduction est vouee a l'etude des points marquants des commentaires. Dans sa preface M. Pierre-Sylvain Filliozat ecrit qu'a sa demande M. Narasimhacarya a adopte un style d'expose plus simple qu'il n'est accoutume pour ce genre scolastique, et ceci dans un but pedagogique. Un tableau des parties des commentaires publiees dans Mahabhasyapradipavyakhyanani (vol. I a x) permet de voir d'un coup d'oeil l'etendue des commentaires fragmentaires (p.ix). Esperons que dans sa quete de manuscrits M. Narasimhacarya reussira a decouvrir quelques unes des parties manquantes. Deja M. Pierre-Sylvain Filliozat annonce la publication d'une nouvelle serie de fragments d'autres commentaires. Ce dixieme volume contient plusieurs index: un index des nyaya (pp. cxl-cli), un index des sujets (pp. 482-491) et un index alphabetique des sutra (pp. 492-501). La publication de ces commentaires sera accueillie avec joie par tous les specialistes du Indo-Iranian Journal 29 (1986)

Page #3
REVIEWS 51 vyakarana pour l'aide qu'ils apportent a l'interpretation du Mahabhasya et du Mahabhasyapradipa Un des premiers a profiter de ces textes est M. Pierre-Sylvain Filliozat dans sa traduction du Mahabhasya avec le Pradipa de Kaiyata et l'Uddyota de Nagesa dont ont paru jusqu'a aujourd'hui quatre volumes qui contiennent les deux premiers pada du premier adhyaya (cf. Y. Ojihara, IIJ 23, 1981, pp. 45-51). M. Narasimhacarya et l'Institut Francais d'Indologie a Pondichery ont rendu un grand service aux etudes indianistes par la publication de ces commentaires. NOTES 1 Le volume cinq nous est pas parvenu. 2 Cf. volume I, p. IV. N. R. Bhatt (ed.), Sardhatrisatikalottaragama avec le commentaire de Bhatta Ramakantha (Publications de l'Institut Francais d'Indologie No. 61). Pondichery, Institut Francais d'Indologie, 1979, clxiv, 236, 2 pp. N. R. Bhatt (ed.), Matangaparamesvaragama (Kriyapada, Yogapada et Caryapada) avec le commentaire de Bhatta Ramakantha (Publications de l'Institut Francais d'Indologie No. 65). Pondichery, Institut Francais d'Indologie, 1982. cxli, 531, 2 pp. N. R. Bhatt (ed.), Rauravottaragama (Publications de l'Institut Francais d'Indologie No. 66). Pondichery, Institut Francais d'Indologie, 1983. cxx, 190 pp. Dans l'introduction a son edition du Sardhatrisatikalottaragama Monsieur N. R. Bhatt ecrit que les Saivagama sont une branche de la litterature peu abordee par ailleurs et dont l'etude jettera une lumiere nouvelle sur la religion et la philosophie de l'Inde ancienne. Depuis sa fondation l'Institut Francais de Pondichery a entrepris de rassembler des manuscrits et de les editer. D'apres Jean Filliozat l'Institut possede une collection de 1400 manuscrits sur feuilles de palmier et quelque 750 copies.2 L'edition des textes a commence en 1961 avec l'edition du premier volume du Rauravagama par M. Bhatt.3 Le meme volume contient une introduction sur les agama sivaites par Jean Filliozat (pp. v-Xv). L'edition de la litterature agamique fut confiee a M. Bhatt qui a edite successivement le Rauravagama (vols. I-II, 1961-1972), le Mrgendragama (Kriyapada et Caryapada) avec le commentaire de Bhatta Narayanakantha (1962), l'Ajitagama (vols, I-II, 1963-1967)4 et le premier volume (Vidyapada) du Matangaparamesvaragama avec le commentaire de Bhatta Ramakantha. Le Sardhatrisatikalottaragama est une des nombreuses recensions du Kalottara, texte derive (upagama) du Vatulagama (vingt-huitieme agama du sivaisme siddhantin). Dans une longue introduction sanskrite (pp. xlvii-xcv) dont la preface francaise (pp. v-xlv) est un resume, l'editeur etudie les differentes recensions du Kalottara, les auteurs et les textes cites dans le commentaire, et les enseignements particuliers au texte. Le texte n'est pas divise dans les quatre sections traditionnelles (jnana, kriya, yoga et carya) mais en 27 chapitres (patala) dont l'editeur donne une analyse detaillee. En ce qui concerne Ramakantha il renvoie a l'introduction de son edition du Vidyapada du Matangaparamesvaragama (pp. viii-xviii). L'edition est etablie principalement sur la base de deux manuscrits qui contiennent texte et commentaire mais l'editeur a aussi utilise plusieurs manuscrits qui ne contiennent que le texte, ainsi que l'edition Indo-Iranian Journal 29 (1986)

Page #4
52 REVIEWS du texte par Raffaele Torella (RSO 50, 1976, pp. 279-318). Un appendice contient une liste des vers paralleles et des variantes dans trois recensions du Kalottara: Dvisatikalottara, Kalottara et Brhatkalottara. Ajoutons que l'ouvrage contient un resume anglais de l'introduction (pp. xcvii-cvii). Le deuxieme volume de l'edition du Matangaparamesvara gama contient les trois autres sections de cet upagama. L'introduction est divisee en trois sections: une introduction francaise (pp. v-lxxviii), une introduction sanskrite (pp. lxxix--cxxviii) et un resume anglais (pp. cxxixxxli). Le commentaire de Ramakantha s'arrete au vers 13 du onzieme chapitre du kriyapada qui comporte 15 chapitres. Malheureusement, le commentaire des autres chapitres du kriyapada et des deux autres sections (yoga- et caryapada) manque dans les deux manuscrits utilises par l'editeur. Dans l'introduction M. Bhatt etudie les auteurs et les ouvrages cites dans le commentaire et les enseignements du texte et en donne une analyse detaillee. On trouvera une description des manuscrits a la fin de l'introduction sanskrite (p. cxxvii). Le Rauravottara est un upagama du Rauravagama. M. Bhatt a pu consulter cinq manuscrits qui, tous, contiennent vingt chapitres. Toutefois, ces chapitres ne traitent pas tous les sujets annonces dans le premier chapitre. Selon M. Bhatt il est possible qu'une partie de la matiere manquante soit dans les chapitres qu'on trouve dans divers manuscrits ou ils sont attribues au Rauravottara et parfois au Rauravagama. L'editeur a publie le texte de ces chapitres dans un appendice (pp. 108-151). L'introduction etudie les enseignements du texte et donne une analyse des vingt chapitres du texte meme et des chapitres publies en appendice. Le livre se termine par l'index des demi-vers, la bibliographie et une table des matieres detaillee. Depuis la fondation de l'Institut Francais de Pondichery M. Bhatt s'est occupe de la collection et de l'edition de textes agamiques. Toutes ses editions se signalent par le soin avec lequel il a etabli les textes. Loin de se contenter de les editer et d'etudier les problemes textuels qui sont souvent tres compliques de par la nature des traditions agamiques, M. Bhatt s'est efforce d'en examiner en profondeur les doctrines et les enseignements. C'est largement par les seuls efforts de ce savant dont la puissance de travail ne semble pas avoir de limites, que les textes du Saivagama commencent a devenir accessibles aux indianistes. N'oublions pas non plus que M. Bhatt n'a pas epargne son aide aux savants qui ont entrepris de traduire des textes appartenant au Sivaisme du Sud de l'Inde, tels que la Somasambhupaddhati et le Mrgendragama. De la traduction de la Somasambhupaddhati par Madame Helene Brunner trois volumes ont deja ete publies.5 Recemment, Monsieur Michel Hulin a traduit les sections' vidya-et yogapada du Mrgendragama (Publications de l'Institut Francais d'Indologie No. 63, Pondichery, 1980). Esperons que M. Bhatt qui a publie une edition critique des sections kriyaet caryapada de ce texte, preparera egalement une edition critique des deux autres sections. NOTES 1 Cf. aussi Helene Brunner, 'Importance de la litterature agamique pour l'etude des religions vivantes de l'Inde', Indologica Taurinensia III-IV (Torino, 1977), pp. 107-1 24. 2 Jean Filliozat, Travaux et perspectives de l'Ecole Francaise d'Extreme-Orient en son 75e anniversaire (Paris, 1976), Introduction, p. 8. Voir aussi sur les Saivagama, dans le meme ouvrage, Francois Gros, 'L'EFEO, domaine indien 1951-1976: vingt-cinq ans de philologie', pp. 57-60. 3 Cf. Paul Hacker, IIJ 8 (1964-65), p. 228. 4 Cf. K. Ruping, IIJ 19 (1977), pp. 294-296. 5 Cf. IIJ 23 (1981), pp. 159-161.

Page #5
REVIEWS 53 The Bhagavad Gita. Translated by Winthrop Sargeant. Revised Edition Edited by Christopher Chapple. Foreword by Swami Samatananda. Albany, State University of New York Press, 1984. xxiv, 739 pp. Paper $10.96, Cloth $39.50. Winthrop Sargeant's translation was first published in 1979 by Doubleday. It was highly praised by A. T. de Nicolas in Philosophy East and West (vol. 31, 1981, pp. 98-101). It now appears in a revised version in the SUNY Series in Cultural Perspectives, edited by Antonio T. de Nicolas. In his preface the translator explains that his excuse for adding one more to the numerous translations of the Bhagavadgita, is the absence of a translation which presents the original Sanskrit with an interlinear arrangement that permits the reader to learn the sound as well as the meaning of each word. Each page of this book contains one verse of the Gita. The text is given in devanagari script and in romanisation accompanied by a word-for-word interlinear translation followed by an English translation which aims at being as close as possible to the literal meaning. On the right-hand side of the page each word is explained and translated. There are many romanised editions of the Bhagavadgita which the author of this book could have followed. For instance, Zaehner's romanisation separates all the words and adds a very useful punctuation. W.S. (= Winthrop Sargeant) bases his romanised text on the text in devanagari script and writes, for instance: asnan gacchan svapansvasan (5.8d). In 11.12 Zaehner punctuates his text in the following way: divi surya-sahasrasya bhaved yugapad utthita yadi bhah, sadrsi sa syad bhasas tasya mah'atmanah. If W.S. had adopted Zaehner's punctuation he would probably not have translated this verse as follows: "If there should be in the sky - A thousand suns risen all at once, Such splendor would be - Of the splendor of that Great Being." Finally, Zaehner's separation of the words in compounds (surya-sahasrasya) is not followed by W.S. The explanations and translations of the words would have been useful for beginners if done carefully and correctly. However, a random test shows that W. S. is not at all equipped for the task he has undertaken. In many cases the difference between nominative and accusative seems to have escaped him. For instance, ekam is declared to be an accusative in 5.1cd: yac chreya etayor ekam tan me bruhi suniscitam. Ekam is said to be a nominative in 5.4c: ekam apy asthitah samyag. Likewise caksus in 5.27ab (sparsan krtva bahir bahyams caksus caivantare bhruvoh) and bijam in 7.10ab (bijam mam sarvabhutanam viddhi partha sanatanam). Nimittamatram in 11.33d is said to be an accusative (nimittamatram bhava savyasacin). Indo-Iranian Journal 29 (1986)

Page #6
54 REVIEWS Likewise saumyavapur in 11.50d (bhutva punah saumyavapur mahatma). Interesting is the treatment of 9.4cd and 9.5a: matsthani (n. nom. pl.) sarvabhutani (n. acc. pl.) na caham tesv avasthitah // na ca matsthani (n. acc. pl.) bhutani (n. acc. pl.). In 11.24 tvam is qualified by five words the first three of which are said to be masculine and the following two neuter: nabhahsprsam (m. acc. sg.) diptam (m. acc. sg.) anekavarnam (m. acc. sg.) vyattananam (n. acc. sg.) diptavisalanetram (n. acc. sg.) drstva hi tvam . . . . . In 11.49 a W.S. has discovered a 2nd aorist subjunctive vyathas (ma te vyatha ma ca vimudhabhavo). Also the compounds have given him great problems. For instance, in 6.15cd nirvanaparamam is explained as a karmadharaya compound meaning 'nirvana supreme' (santim nirvanaparamam matsamstham adhigacchati). In his preface W.S. remarks that he has consulted numerous previous translations. He mentions those of Franklin Edgerton, S. Radhakrishnan, Eliot Deutsch, Swami Prabhavananda and Christopher Isherwood, and Swami Chidbhavananda, Juan Mascaro and P. Lal, a rather mixed bag to say the least. Nevertheless the number of mistranslations is still considerable. A few examples may suffice: 5.16cd tesam adityavaj jnanam prakasayati tat param: That knowledge of theirs --Causes the Supreme to shine like the sun. 6.13ab samam kayasirogrivam dharayann acalam sthirah: Holding the body, head and neck erect, - Motionless and steady. 7.21 ab yo yo yam yam tanum bhaktah sraddhyayarcitum icchati: Whoever desires to honor with belief - Whatever worshipped form. 7.27ab icchadvesasamutthena dvandvamohena bharata: Because of the coming forth of desire and hatred, - Because of the deluding (power) of the opposites, Descendant of Bharata. 8.8ab abhyasayogayuktena cetasa nanyagamina: With a mind disciplined by the practice of Yoga, - Which does not turn to anything else. 8.20ab paras tasmat tu bhavo 'nyo 'vyakto 'vyaktat sanatanah: But higher than this state of being - Is another unmanifest state of being - Higher than the primaeval unmanifest. W.S. is also not very successful in giving good English equivalents, although he could have easily found them in existing English translations. For instance, in 5.13b vasi is not a 'ruler' but one 'in full control (Zaehner's translation) or 'in control' (Edgerton's translation). In 6.29d (sarvatra samadarsanah) sarvatra is 'in everything' (Zaehner's translation) and not at all times'. In 5.24b (tathantarjyotir eva yah) tatha does not mean 'as a consequence' but 'likewise'. It would not have been necessary to point out a few of the many imperfections of this work if the author had not made such ambitious claims for it. In the preface he writes: "As a Sanskrit scholar I am largely self taught, but am certainly competent for the task in hand. Moreover, the present translation has been read and approved by the highest authority." W.S. does not explain who is the highest authority, but he states his indebtedness to J.A.B. van Buitenen for reading the manuscript and making innumerable small (sic) corrections and many suggestions.

Page #7
REVIEWS This statement probably occurred also in the original edition which I have not seen. As a consequence A. T. de Nicolas wrote in his review mentioned above: "It may be argued against linguistic purists who think that knowledge is only legitimate if sanctioned by academic institutions, that the whole manuscript was refereed before publication by the late van Buitenen." Alas, van Buitenen is no more and one feels rather ill at ease in seeing his name being used to guarantee the excellence of this work. If van Buitenen did indeed read the manuscript from beginning to end, one can only regret the fact that he did not make many more corrections, big or small. Gustav Roth, Malli-jnata, Das achte Kapitel des Nayadhammakahao im sechsten. Anga des Svetambara Jainakanons herausgegeben, ubersetzt und erlautert (Monographien zur indischen Archaologie, Kunst und Philologie, Band 4). Wiesbaden, Franz Steiner Verlag GmbH, 1983. 230 pp. DM 88,-. 55 Indo-Iranian Journal 29 (1986) Roth's study of the Malli-jfiata was completed in 1952 but remained unpublished until now. The only part published was the appendix on Mohanagrha (pp. 202220) which appeared in the Festschrift Friedrich Weller (Leipzig, 1954, pp. 535-552). It is due to the Stiftung Waldschmidt that after more than thirty years this important dissertation is now at last published. In the lengthy introduction Roth studies the editions and manuscripts he used for his edition of the text. He points out that the absence of variant readings which result in a different meaning (Sinnvarianten) does not prove that the traditional text has been faithfully handed down, as affirmed by N. V. Vaidya who edited the text of the Nayadhammakahao (Poona, 1940), but only that the normalisation of the canonical text was consistently carried out. Recent studies by Colette Caillat have shown that "real variants" are not absent in the Jain Canonical texts and that Roth's conclusion cannot be extended to other texts of the Svetambara canon.1 As to the date of the text, Roth draws attention to words which are found also in Kautilya's Arthasastra (mohanaghara, samdasagam chindavei and uvappayana) and concludes as follows: "Aus diesen Kriterien scheint mir die Schlussfolgerung zulassig, mit einer gewissen Wahrscheinlichkeit die Herkunft des Malli-jnata in einer Zeit anzunehmen, die von der Entstehung des Kautilya's Arthasastra nicht allzuweit entfernt ist, und Material enthalt welches in vorchristlicher Zeit weist" (p. 22). Another indication of the early date of the text is the frequent occurrence of the vedha or rhythmical prose. The chapter on the vedha contains a long excursus on the screen (javaniya, javanika, yavanika). Roth writes: "Die vorliegende Untersuchung hat gezeigt, dass der yavanika-Vorhang

Page #8
56 REVIEWS um die Zeitwende oder gar schon fruher hochstwahrscheinlich aus dem Iran, dem Lande der Gewebekunst, nach Indien kam und in der Jaina Literatur seinen Niederschlag gefunden hat" (p. 31). Other chapters of the introduction deal with the language of the text, the context, the Digambara versions and the Svetambara versions in Hemacandra's Trisasti-salaka-purusa-caritra and Silanka's Caupannamahapurisa-cariya. Text and translation are printed on opposite pages (pp. 66-143) and the variant readings are given in an appendix (pp. 144-153). The translation is accompanied by foot-notes, and more detailed explanations are given in a separate chapter (pp. 154-201) in which several matters relating to the grammar or the contents of the text are discussed in greater detail: e.g.jam navaram; vahiniyam siyam "palanquin"; the 20 karana-s "causes" which determine the name and gotra of a Tirthakara; the disakumari-s "goddesses of the quarters"; the names of Malli; the story of the hall of statues. As to the disakumari-s, Roth disagrees with Alsdorf, according to whom the oldest nucleus consists of the 32 goddesses of the four quarters to whom were added two new groups of four each.2 Roth remarks: "Ich mochte deshalb folgende Vermutung wagen: In vorbuddh. und vorjin. Zeit wird es im kosmographischen System den vier lokapalas entsprechend, vier weibliche Gottheiten gegeben haben, die mit dem Titel mayahara in ihrer dominierenden Stellung besonders bezeichnet waren" (p. 184). In another excursus Roth shows that in the original version of the story of Malli she was punished for her curiosity by having her toe cut off (cf. pp. 198-199). The translation follows the text closely. The notes quote from the commentary which we have not been able to consult. In section 63 (p. 85) a ship is loaded with avarana-s and paharana-s. Roth renders avarana with "Bekleidungsstuck" . and quotes in the note the commentary: avarananam angaraksakadinam bodhisthapraksaranam ca. In combination with praharana avarana is a shield rather than a garment, cf, for instance Mahabharata (crit. ed.), 1.17.1: athavaranamukhyani nanapraharanani ca pragphyabhyadravan devan sahita daityada navah. Van Buitenen translates: "Now the Daityas and the Danavas massed together and, grasping their best shields and striking weapons of all sorts, rushed upon the Gods" (The Mahabharata. I. The Book of the Beginning, Chicago, 1973, p. 75). The monster is described as ghada-ubbhada-raiya-bhisana-muham (p. 90). Roth suggests the following translation: "Dessen Gesicht durch furchterliche Zerstorung schrecklich zugerichtet war" (p. 91, n. 35). This translation is based upon the first explanation given in the commentary: ghataya purusadivadhaya ghatabhyam va mastakavayava-visesabhyam udbhatam vikaralam racitam ata eva bhisanam mukham yasya sa tatha tam. According to Sheth's Paia-SaddaMahannavo, ghadas here means mastak ke nice ka bhag which Roth renders as "unterer Teil der Stirn". Roth writes that neither the text nor the commentary

Page #9
REVIEWS 57 supports this interpretation. However, the commentary refers to parts of the mastaka (mastakavaya) and the word ghata (Pali ghata; Prakrit ghada) is well attested in Indo-Aryan. On p. 190 Roth quotes the explanation of ohi as atmano'rtha-saksat-karanavyapara, which he renders as "Die Beschaftigung mit der Vergegenwartigung des Gegenstandes des Selbstes". Obviously atmano refers to vyapara: "one's activity in making the object present".. NOTES 1 Cf. Colette Caillat, 'Notes sur les variantes dans la tradition du Dasaveyaliya-sutta', Indologica Taurinensia VIII-IX (1981), pp. 71-83; 'The recent critical editions of the Jain Agama', ZDMG Supplement V; XXI. Deutscher Orientalistentag (Wiesbaden, 1983), pp. 234-240. 2 "Further contributions to the history of Jain cosmography and mythology", New Indian Antiquary 9 (1947), p. 123 = Kleine Schriften (Wiesbaden, 1974), p. 154. 3 In section 91 (p. 100) the word man davamsi is left out in the translation. 4 The meaning of bodhistha- is unclear. 's The edition of Mhesana has ghada, cf. variants p. 147. The abbreviations E and B in the appendix containing the variant readings are nowhere explained. 6 Cf. R. L. Turner, A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-aryan Languages (London, 1966), p. 241, no. 4450: ghata - 'nape of the neck'; Pa. ghata- 'nape of the neck'; Pk. ghada 'lower part of the skull', etc. Otto Strauss, Kleine Schriften. Herausgegeben von Friedrich Wilhelm (GlasenappStiftung, Band 24). Wiesbaden, Franz Steiner Verlag GmbH., 1983. XIX, 566 pp. DM 88, The Kleine Schriften of Otto Strauss (1881-1940) include almost all his articles. The only major one not reprinted is his article on Indian religion in Clemen's Religionen der Erde (Munchen, 1927, pp. 95-144). Particularly welcome is the inclusion of his "Habilitations-schrift" on ethical problems in the Mahabharata which was first published in 1911 in the Giornale della Societa Asiatica Italiana (Vol. 24, pp. 193-335). In it, Strauss clearly explains the principles of pravrtti and nivstti which dominate the ethical horizon of the epic. In the period 1922-1932 Strauss published two books, a translation of Visvanatha Pancanana's Karikavali and Siddhantamuktavali (Leipzig, 1922) and his Indische Philosophie (Munchen, 1925), which both have been reprinted. He also published a series of important philosophical studies of which the following must be mentioned: 'Altindische Spekulationen uber die Sprache und ihre Probleme' (ZDMG 81, 1927, pp. 99-151); 'Udgithavidya' (SPAW, philos.-hist. Kl., 1931, pp. 243-310); 'Die alteste Philosophie der Karma-Mimamsa, (ibid., 1932, pp. 469-532). The Indo-Iranian Journal 29 (1986)

Page #10
58 REVIEWS last two were written as contributions for a comprehensive study of Vedanta and Mimamsa, but the political situation in Germany after 1933 prevented Strauss from continuing his research. In 1935 Strauss was dismissed from his post as professor, and in 1939 he came to Holland where he received a friendly welcome in the house of friends in Bloemendaal. Five months after the occupation of Holland he died - on the twentieth of October 1940. Strauss became interested in Indian philosophy under the influence of Paul Deussen together with whom he translated philosophical texts from the Mahabharata (Vier philosophische Texte des Mahabharatam, Leipzig, 1906). He was himself well aware of the imperfections of this work as is obvious from remarks made in his review of Modi's Aksara (cf. p. 543). Strauss's own translations are excellent examples of how difficult texts can be translated both faithfully and lucidly, cf. his translations of Patanjali's Mahabhasya, Kielhorn I, 242, 10247, 16 (pp. 258-271), of Brahma-Sutra 3,3,1-9 with Samkara's bhasya and Vacaspatimisra's Bhamati (pp. 344-378) and of Mimamsasutrabhasya 1,1,1-5 and 1,3,30-35 (pp. 404-442). Friedrich Wilhelm has included a representative selection of Strauss's many reviews (pp. 508-556)' which are listed in the bibliography. He has also added a list of texts studied by Strauss, an index of Sanskrit words and a subject index. A few additions can be made to the bibliography. On the tenth anniversary of the death of Strauss, G. A. van den Bergh van Eysinga (1874-1957) wrote "In memoriam prof. Otto Strauss" in the Nieuwe Rotterdamsche Courant (20.10.1950). In it he recalls how he met Strauss for the first time when the latter had just begun his studies at the university of Munich. Van den Bergh van Eysinga, who is well known to Indologists on account of his Indische Einflusse auf evangelische Erzahlungen (Gottingen, 1904; 2nd. ed., 1909) remained a close. friend of Strauss until his death. No mention is made by him of the fact that Strauss was his guest during his stay in Holland. F. B. J. Kuiper tells me that in the summer of 1940 David Friedmann and he visited Strauss and sat beside his sick-bed during this time. Van den Bergh van Eysinga also mentions that Strauss published several articles and reviews in the Nieuw Theologisch Tijdschrift, which he edited for thirty years. His "In memoriam" gives the titles of two articles: "Die guten Werke als indisches Problem" (1934, pp. 201-205) and "Zur Interpretation der Bhagavadgita" (1936, pp. 247-262). It will not be difficult to compile a more complete list of his contributions to the Nieuw Theologisch Tijdschrift which, alas, is not to be found in any Australian library. NOTES 1 On p. 556 the footnote is not reproduced.

Page #11
REVIEWS Sanskrit-Worterbuch der buddhistischen Texte aus den Turfan-Funden. Begonnen von Ernst Waldschmidt. Im Auftrage der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gottingen herausgegeben von Heinz Bechert. 4. Lieferung: atma-dvipa / idam unter Beratung durch Georg von Simson bearbeitet von Michael Schmidt. Gottingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, [1984], pp. I-III, 241-320. DM 50,-. L'avertissement de ce quatrieme fascicule porte la date de janvier 1981 mais nous ne l'avons recu qu'en 1984. C'est seulement dans le premier fascicule que l'on trouve une date de publication (1973). Puisque la publication de ce dictionnaire ne sera terminee que dans un avenir assez lointain, on aimerait bien savoir la date exacte de publication de chaque fascicule. Le quatrieme inclut plusieurs textes de l'ecole Sarvastivadin qui n'appartiennent pas a la collection de Berlin ainsi que plusieurs textes de cette collection qui ne furent pas inclus dans les fascicules precedents. Il est evidemment pas toujours possible d'exclure des textes d'autres ecoles, comme, par exemple, le Pratimoksasutra des Mulasarvastivadin, cf. p. 286 s.v. (a-ropa)- yitavya et p. 295 s.v. aloka- (samdhi). Bien que les redacteurs aient souvent recours aux manuscrits pour verifier des lecons, en ce qui concerne le Pratimoksasutra des Mulasarvastivadin ils semblent n'avoir consulte que l'edition de A. Ch. Banerjee (cf. premier fascicule, p. XVI). Malheureusement, cette edition fourmille de fautes.1 On trouvera aussi des differences entre l'edition parue dans l'Indian Historical Quarterly (vol. 29, 1953, pp. 162-174, 266-275, 363-377) et celle publiee en 1977 (Two Buddhist Vinaya Texts in Sanskrit, Calcutta, 1977). Aussi, Banerjee a reconstruit en sanskrit une grande partie du texte qui manque aux manuscrits. Par exemple, la citation kaukrtyam aroplyatavyam (p. 286) provient d'une section reconstruite par l'editeur. Tres probablement, dans son edition du Pratimoksa des Sarvastivadin, Georg von Simson verifiera sur les facsimiles les lecons adoptees par Banerjee. Nous esperons que son travail comprendra egalement une edition des fragments du Pratimoksa des Mulasarvastivadin car on ne peut guere etudier separement les Pratimoksa des Sarvastivadin et des Mulasarvastivadin. Le redacteur de ce fascicule est Michael Schmidt qui s'est admirablement acquitte de sa tache difficile. Independamment l'un de l'autre nous avons fait la meme correction, cf. s.v. atmaparitapanayoga.3 Page 304, s.v. a-sad il faut lire "Don instantane a ceux qui sont proches, s'approchant soi-meme" pour "Don instante... s'approchent . . ." Page 306 on trouve asanna-dura-janmaviprakrsta dans une citation du Yogavidhi. II se peut bien qu'il faudra separer asannadurajanma et viprakrstam et lire tadvac chru(tam a) [sa] nnadurajanma viprakrstam bhavana[ma] (va)t tu sannikrstam bhavati mais le sens reste obscure. Indo-Iranian Journal 29 (1986) 59

Page #12
60 REVIEWS NOTES 1 Cf. notre compte rendu de Ch.D. Prebish, Buddhist Monastic Discipline, IIJ 19 (1977), pp. 127-130. 2 Cette edition est annoncee dans Heinz Bechert et Georg von Simson, Einfuhrung in die Indologie (Darmstadt, 1979), p. 74. 3 Cf. notre compte rendu de Sanskrithandschriften aus den Turfanfunden, Teil IV (Wiesbaden, 1980), OLZ, 79 (1984), Sp. 392-393. Jean Dantinne, La splendeur de l'inebranlable (Aksobhyavyuha). Tome I. Chapitres I-III: les auditeurs (Sravaka) (Publications de l'Institut Orientaliste de Louvain 29). Louvain-la-Neuve, Universite Catholique de Louvain, Institut Orientaliste, 1983. XXVI, 325 pp. L'Aksobhyavyuha est un des textes qui font partie du Maharatnakuta. Il fut traduit par Lokaksema vers 179-180 p.C. et par Bodhiruci entre 706 et 713. Une traduction faite par Chih Tao-ken sous le regne de l'empereur Cheng des Chin Orientaux (326-342) n'a pas ete preservee. La version tibetaine fut etablie au debut du neuvieme siecle par Jinamitra, Surendrabodhi et Ye-ses-sde. Le travail de M. Dantinne contient une traduction complete de la premiere partie de la traduction de Bodhiruci (AV 1). En plus, M. Dantinne traduit tous les passages de la traduction de Lokaksema (AV 2) qui different de la version de Bodhiruci ou qui n'y figurent pas. En ce qui concerne la version tibetaine, M. Dantinne a egalement traduit tous les passages qui ne se trouvent que dans celle-ci, en ajoutant en bas de page le texte tibetain correspondant. On regrette que M. Dantinne n'ait pas edite la version tibetaine en entier, en marquant les passages traduits. Les traductions chinoises sont beaucoup plus . aisement accessibles que les traductions tibetaines. M. Dantinne explique bien l'importance in de la version tibetaine pour l'etude de l'Aksobhyavyuha (voir p. 4). L'edition de la version tibetaine aurait ete d'autant plus bienvenue que M. Dantinne a consulte trois editions xylographiques (Pekin, Narthang et Derge). Selon M. Dantinne AV 1 pourrait representer un premier original indien, tandis que l'AV 2 et l'AV Tib. deriveraient d'un second archetype, distinct du premier, tant par la structure du texte que par le contenu doctrinal (cf. pp. 37-39). M. Dantinne suggere que l'original de l'AV 1 date de vers 200 p.C., puisqu'il est question du culte du livre, preoccupation etrangere au Sukhavativyuha. L'AV Tib. contient une allusion au culte des reliquaires et des images du Tathagata Aksobhya. M. Dantinne ecrit: "Un archetype indien de l'AV 2 et de l'AV Tib. devait jouir d'une certaine notoriete vers le milieu du premier siecle p.C., dans le Nord-Ouest de l'Inde, parmi les devots d'Aksobhya. Ceux d'entre eux qui, un peu plus tard, adopterent le culte des images du Buddha, composerent vers 100-125 p.C. la version utilisee par les traducteurs de l'AV Tib. Quant a l'AV 2, il aurait ete traduit d'apres une variante plus ancienne, datant vraisemblablement des environs de 50 p.C." (pp. 45-46). L'introduction etudie en detail les renseignements fournis par les sources chinoises et tibetaines sur les versions chinoises et tibetaine, et les traducteurs de ces versions. M. Dantinne fait remarquer que l'AV par sa description du paradis d'Aksobhya repondait bien aux preoccupations eschatologiques des Chinois a la fin de la dynastie des Han. En ce qui concerne la traduction de Bodhiruci elle fait partie du plan ambitieux de compilation et traduction du Maharatnakuta. M. Dantinne n'etudie pas la compilation de cet ouvrage mais, dans une note, il rejette la possibilite d'un original indien qui aurait existe en Inde, entre le 4e et le 7e siecles, comme l'avait affirme Etienne Lamotte.2 La traduction s'accompagne de notes philologiques en bas de page. Des notes detaillees relatives a des concepts philosophiques ou religieux sont reunies dans le commentaire qui Indo-Iranian Journal 29 (1986)

Page #13
REVIEWS 61 suit la traduction de chaque chapitre. L'ampleur de ce commentaire se montre bien par le fait que, par exemple, la traduction du premier chapitre occupe 48 pages et le commentaire 59 pages. Ces notes de caractere encyclopedique contiennent de nombreuses references a des textes sanskrits, palis, tibetains et chinois. M. Dantinne traduit soigneusement tous les textes qu'il cite. Pour donner une idee de la richesse de ce commentaire on ne peut faire mieux que reproduire la note suivante (p. 7, note 22): "Parmi les sujets traites, mentionnons entre autres: au chapitre I, Rajagpha, Ananda, gunavyuha, conduite difficile des Bodhisattva (bodhisattvaduskaracarya), application de merite (parinamana), commemoration des Buddha (buddhanusmrti), les attitudes (iryapatha), preche de la Loi aux femmes; au chapitre II, les cinq corruptions, arbre de l'Eveil (bodhivrksa), les sept joyaux (saptaratna), destinees (gati), les dix bonnes facons d'agir (dasakusalakarmapatha); au chapitre III, fruit de saint (arhatphala), les liberations (vimoksa), l'entre dans le courant (srota-apanna), celui qui ne revient plus qu'une fois (saksdagamin), celui qui ne revient plus (anagamin), symbolisme de l'echelle ou de l'escalier." Pour les transcriptions phonetiques chinoises et pour les noms propres sanskrits transcrits phonetiquement en chinois M. Dantinne donne la restitution de la prononciation chinoise ancienne d'apres Grammata Serica de B. Karlgren, mais il s'abstient de reconstruire la forme indienne qui y correspond et ne donne que le terme sanskrit.3 M. Dantinne s'est efforce non seulement de signaler les formules et les cliches sanskrits mais aussi de restituer de larges parties de l'original sanskrit, en se servant notamment de passages paralleles dans le Karunapundarika. De telles restitutions sont toujours difficiles a faire car meme dans les formules stereotypees il y a souvent des petites variations, mais, dans l'ensemble, elles aident certainement a se former une idee de l'original sanskrit. L'ouvrage de M. Dantinne est une contribution de premier plan a l'etude de la litterature de Mahayana. La traduction est excellente et le commentaire est une source pleine d'information. La table analytique enumere toutes les notes contenues dans le commentaire, en donnant a chaque, note un intitule. Malheureusement, ces intitules ne se trouvent pas dans le corps de l'ouvrage meme. L'index detaille contient les termes techniques, accompagnes d'une traduction francaise, et les noms propres. Pour terminer quelques observations sur des points de detail. P. 78, 1. 12: corriger cetah parivartakam en cetahparivitarkam. P. 88, n. 70: spobs pa chags pa med pa rend skt. asangapratibhana et non nirupalepapratibhana, cf. Edgerton, Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dictionary s.v. asargapratibhana. P. 142: M. Dantinne cite un passage de la Sravakabhumi (ed. K. Shukla, pp. 343-345) qui avait ete edite deja en partie par M. Alex Wayman (IIJ 3, 1959, pp. 112-113). Dans quelques instances le texte de M. Wayman est a preferer. Lire yo 'sya kusalapaksaprayuktasya pour yo 'py akusala-. Dans note 3 M. Dantinne propose de lire yo 'pi kusala- mais on ne trouve pas d'equivalent pour api: dge-ba'i phyogs-la rab-tu brtson-pa de-la = asya kusalapaksaprayuktasya. Lire aisvaryapraptah (Tib. phyug thob-pa) pour niscayapraptah. Lire yena ca mrtyum na samatikramaty pour yena ca mrtyum na mayati kramayaty (Tib. gan-gis 'chi-ba las yan-dag-par mi 'da'-bar byed-pa). P. 161, 11. 12-13: M. Dantinne traduit sa ceyam arthaksipta par "Ce revetement de la cuirasse vise au bien d'autrui" mais arthaksipta signifie "implique", c'est-a-dire le fait que le Bodhisattva pratique la Perfection du don implique qu'il est revetu de la cuirasse de la Perfection du don. P. 162, 11. 34-35: na ca prayuktaviryam samsrayeyam, prag eva nyunatarena kalena tanutarena ca duhkhena. M. Dantinne traduit: "et qu'une fois attele a cette tache, je ne relache pas mon energie, avant qu'au fil du temps, la douleur ne s'attenue." M. Dantinne n'a pas compris prag eva: "et qu'une fois attele a cette tache, je ne relache pas mon energie, et encore moins (que je m'efforce) pendant un temps plus court ou au prix d'une moindre douleur." P. 179: dans la citation de l'Abhisamayalamkaraloka M. Dantinne lit vasanayah samuddhato. L'edition de Wogihara que M. Dantinne ne mentionne pas dans sa bibliographie a samudghato pour samuddhato. P. 191, $ 14: M. Dantinne traduit: 'ils n'ont pas non plus de corps a l'aspect mala dif, ils n'ont pas d'excrements." Le texte chinois a: "aussi ils ne sont pas laids, et leurs corps est libre de

Page #14
REVIEWS puanteur et de salete." La version tibetaine a: "ils ne sont pas laids (durvarna) et n'ont pas de mauvaise odeur" (de'i mi-rnams-la kha-dog nan-ba dan / dri mi-tim-pa dag..). P. 197, SS 20: M. Dantinne traduit: "C'est comme les habitants de l'Uttarakuru qui n'ont qu'un roi". Le texte chinois a: "C'est comme chez les habitants d'Uttarakuru qui n'ont pas d'autre roi." De meme la version tibetaine: 'di-lta-ste / dper-na / byan-gi sgra-mi-snan-gyi mi-rnams-la rgyal-po zes bya-ba gzan-med-pa de-bzin-du. M. Dantinne n'a pas traduit le texte de l'AV 2 qui est assez different: "Dans ce champ la nourriture des habitants surpasse la nourriture des dieux et des hommes. La couleur, le parfum et la saveur de leur nourriture surpasse aussi ce que mangent les dieux et les hommes. Dans ce champ il n'y a pas de roi. Il y a seulement le roi de la Loi, le Buddha, le dieu superieur aux dieux. Le Buddha dit a Sariputra: "C'est comme chez les habitants du continent Uttarakuru ou il n'y a pas de roi qui regne. De meme, Sariputra, il n'y a pas de roi dans le champ d'Aksobhya, le Tathagata, l'Arhat, le Samyaksambuddha. Il y a seulement Aksobhya, le Tathagata, le dieu superieur aux dieux, le roi de la Loi"." AV 1 et AV Tib. ne disent pas qui est le roi de l'Uttarakuru tandis que l'AV 2 dit qu'il n'y a pas de roi. Comme le mentionne M. Dantinne dans une note, selon l'Atanatiyasutta, le roi de l'Uttarakuru s'appelle Kuvera ou encore Vessavana (P. 197, n. 68). Il semble que l'auteur de l'original indien de l'AV 2 connait la tradition selon laquelle il n'y a pas de roi chez les Uttarakuru. Cette tradition parait remonter a l'Aitareya Brahmana ou il est dit que les Uttarakuru n'ont pas de roi.5 Il y a des descriptions detaillees de l'Uttarakuru dans les differentes versions chinoises de la Lokaprajnapti (Taisho nos. 1, 30; 23, 24, 25 et 1644) et dans la version tibetaine de la Lokaprajnapti.6 En parcourant rapidement les versions chinoises nous n'y avons pas trouve la mention d'un roi. P. 205, n. 102: a propos de l'expression mchod rten du 'gyur (caityabhuta) M. Dantinne aurait du se rapporter a l'article suivant de Gregory Schopen: 'The Phrase 'sa prthivipradesas caityabhuto bhavet' in the Vajracchedika; Notes on the Cult of the Book in Mahayana' (IIJ 17, 1975, pp. 147-181). P. 129, 1. 24: anyatra matrpitrbhratrsvajanamitradravyasya svalpasyanuparodhino grahanam. M. Dantinne traduit: "sauf, au cas ou l'on prend le bien de sa mere, de son pere, d'un frere, d'un parent ou d'un ami qui manifeste peu d'opposition." Evidemment svalpa et anuparodhin dont le sens dans ce context n'est pas clair se rapportent au dravya: "sauf, au cas ou l'on prend de sa mere, etc. un objet de peu de valeur et dont la perte ne cause pas dommage (?)". P. 240, n. 50: M. Dantinne dit que le moine ou la nonne qui desirent coudre une robe, doivent le faire en etant assis sur un siege de bambou, appele kathina, mais le texte du Bhiksunivinaya dit qu'il ne faut pas s'asseoir sur un kathina: tena hi na ksamati kathine nisiditum. 7 P. 252, 1. 8 d'en bas: asilokabhaya n'est pas "la crainte du monde des epees", mais "la crainte de la mauvaise reputation (a-siloka)". Signalons encore qu'a la liste des sigles il faut ajouter MVAS (cf. p. 74, note 5)= R. C. Pandeya (ed.), Madhyanta-Vibhaga-sastra, Delhi 1971, et DKWJT (passim) Morohashi Tetsuji, Dai Kan-Wa jiten, Tokyo 1955-1960. NOTES 62 1 P. 45, 1. 3 lire AV 1 pour AV. 2 Le traite de la grande vertu de sagesse. Tome IV (Louvain, 1976), p. 1846, note. Cf. aussi nos remarques dans T'oung Pao 64 (1978), p. 171. 3 M. Dantinne n'explique pas pourquoi il n'a pas eu recours au Grammata Serica Recensa publie en 1957 (Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, vol. 29, pp. 1-332). 4 Pour l'edition de K. Shukla voir IIJ 18 (1976), pp. 307-310. 5 Aitareya Brahmana viii. 14. Cf. H. Jacobi, 'Blest, abode of the (Hindu)', Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, vol. II (1909), p. 699a. On trouvera une bibliographie de l'Uttarakuru dans G. Tucci, 'A propos Avalokitesvara', MCB 9 (1951), p. 197, n. 1.. 6 Au sujet de ces textes, voir L. de La Vallee Poussin, Bouddhisme. Etudes et Materiaux. Cosmologie: Le monde des Etres et le Monde-receptacle (London, 1914-1918), pp. 295sq.;

Page #15
REVIEWS 63 Paul Mus, La Lumiere sur les Six Voies (Paris, 1939); G. Tucci, 'A propos Avalokitesvara', MCB 9 (1951), pp. 173-219; Eugene Denis, La Lokapahhatti et les idees cosmologiques du bouddhisme ancien, 2 tomes (Paris, 1977); Erik Zurcher, 'Buddhist Influence on Early Taoism', T'oung Pao 66 (1980), p. 139, n. 101. 7 Cf. aussi Akira Hirakawa (tr.), Monastic Discipline for the Buddhist Nuns (Patna, 1982), p. 386. Sprachen des Buddhismus in Zentralasien, Vortrage des Hamburger Symposions vom 2. Juli bis 5. Juli 1981 herausgegeben von Klaus Rohrborn und Wolfgang Veenker (Veroffentlichungen der Societas Uralo-Altaica, Band 16). Wiesbaden, Otto Harrassowitz, 1983. VII, 142 pp. DM 84, From 2 to 5 July 1981 a symposium was held in Hamburg in honour of the eightieth birthday of Professor Annemarie von Gabain. A report on this symposium entitled "Neue Ergebnisse der Zentralasienforschung" is published in the Ural-Altaische Jahrbucher (Neue Folge, Band 2, 1982, pp. 275-290). Fourteen papers read on that occasion have now been published in this volume, which is of great interest both for Buddhist and Indian studies. It is not possible for one reviewer to discuss here in detail contributions by scholars working in many different fields but it may be useful to give some indication as to the content of those papers which are relevant to Buddhist and Indian studies. Heinz Bechert discusses the problems which have arisen during the compilation of the Sanskrit-Worterbuch der Turfan-Funde (SWTF) as to determining to which schools the Buddhist Sanskrit texts found in Central Asia belong. The SWTF aims at including the following texts: 1. All Dharmagupta texts; 2. All Sarvastivada texts with the exclusion of later philosophical texts; 3. The Mulasarvastivada texts discovered by the "Turfan" expeditions ("Das "Sanskrit-Worterbuch der Turfan-Funde" als Hilfsmittel fur die Zentralasienforschung', pp. 4-10). In 'Some remarks on translation techniques of the Khotanese' (pp. 17-26), Ronald E. Emmerick remarks that the translators were in the process of developing terminology to translate the Buddhist Sanskrit technical terms but had not reached the point of having a rigid system of equivalences such as was developed by the Tibetans. Emmerick's paper contains a new edition and translation of the preface to the Khotanese translation of the Siddhasara, a medical work written by Ravigupta about A.D. 650. Oskar von Hinuber examines the traces of Gandhari in the Sanskrit text of the Upaligathas ("Sanskrit und Gandhari in Zentralasien', pp. 27-34). He discusses in detail the word parnajaha, which corresponds to Pali pannadhaja. According to von Hinuber, Pali pannadhaja derives from prajfadhvaja, and -jaha from jhaya 'flag' which in Gandhari becomes jaa, which was written as jaha with an -h- as a syllable-divider. Problems relating to the phonology of vowels in Indian loan-words in Tokharian are discussed by Lambert Isebaert: 'Der Beitrag der indischen Lehnworter zu Problemen der tocharischen Phonologie', pp. 35-43. Several words in Uigur Buddhist texts translated from the Chinese are explained by Gyorgy Kara as borrowed from the Chinese ("Sino-uigurische Worterklarungen', pp. 44-52). Dieter Maue studies the light which the Uigur Brahmi manuscripts shed on the phonology of the Uigur dentals ("Zu den Dentalen im Brahmi-Uigurischen', pp. 53-64). Juten Oda studies the Indian names of eight bodhisattvas and of several of eight supernatural beings in the Sakiz yukmak yaruq sutra, the Uigur version of a Chinese apocryphal text probably compiled in China during the first half of the eighth century: Fo-shuo T'ien-ti pa-yang shen-chou ching (Taisho no. 2897): 'Remarks on the Indic "Lehngut" of the Sakiz yukmak yaruq sutra', pp. 65-72.1 Edwin G. Pulley blank points out the importance of Chinese transcriptions of Indian Words for the study of the reconstruction of the phonology of Old Chinese, Early Middle Chinese (the language of the Ch'ieh-yun dictionary of A.D. 601) and Late Middle Chinese (the T'ang Indo-Iranian Journal 29 (1986)

Page #16
64 REVIEWS dynasty dialect of Ch'ang-an) ('Stages in the transcription of Indian words in Chinese from Han to Tang', pp. 73-102). His article is divided into the following sections: 1. Introduction; 2. Early and Late Middle Chinese (EMC and LMC); 3. Secular transcriptions of Indian words in the Han period; 4. Buddhist translations of the later Han period; 5. The Chinese dialect of the Han Buddhist transcriptions; 6. The Indian source language of the early Buddhist translations; 7. Later translations in Early Middle Chinese; 8. Buddhist transcriptions of the Tang period in Late Middle Chinese; 9. APPENDIX I: A Comparison of Karlgren's "Ancient Chinese" with EMC and LMC; 10. APPENDIX II: Summary of the changes between EMC and LMC. Pulleyblank's article is of great importance not only for Sinologists but also for all those who are interested in Chinese transliterations of Indian words and in borrowings from the Chinese into other languages. Pulleyblank would render a great service to nonSinologists by bringing together the results of his researches in the form of a dictionary, as has been done by Karlgren in his Grammata Serica (1940) and Grammata Serica Recensa (1957). Klaus Rohrborn studies the combinations of Indian words with Turkish words in Old Turkish ("Syntaktisches Verhalten der indischen Fremdworter im Altturkischen', pp. 103-112). Lore Sander sketches the development of the Brahmi script in manuscripts from Gilgit and Bamiyan ("Einige neue Aspekte zur Entwicklung der Brahmi in Gilgit und Bamiyan (ca. 2.-7. Jh. n. Chr.) ', pp. 113-124). She arrives at the following conclusion: 'Zwei Entwicklungslinien der Brahmi sind aus den Funden von Bamiyan und Gilgit herzuleiten, von denen die zum "Rundtyp" fuhrende Schriftentwicklung sich starker vom indischen Vorbild lost als die mit der "Protosarada" endende. Die Vorstufen zum "Rundtyp" sind es, die die Brahmi im Tarimbecken am nachhaltigsten beeinflusst haben, auch wenn die "Protosarada" mit ihren geraden Linien nicht ohne Einwirkung insbesondere auf die "sudturkistanische Brahmi" gewesen sein mag' (p. 122). Klaus T. Schmidt studies the relation between the Sanskrit text of Matrceta's Varnarhavarna (II, 17b-43b, 560-64d and 68c-73b) and the Tokharian translation. Schmidt points out that the nominal constructions of the original have been changed into verbal ones by the translator ("Zum Verhaltnis von Sanskritvorlage und tocharischer Ubersetzung. Untersucht am Beispiel osttocharischer Stotratexte', pp. 125-131). Nicholas Sims-Williams examines Indian loanwords in Parthian and Sogdian ("Indian elements in Parthian and Sogdian', pp. 132-141). He proposes a new etymology of the title As Bay, which he derives from Buddhist Sanskrit (and Pali) adhideva- or atideva- 'supreme deity', the prefix being borrowed and the nominal compound replaced by its Iranian equivalent (Sog, By-, Pth. bg). Three appendices list Indian words in Manichean Parthian, Christian Sogdian and Manichean Sogdian. NOTE 1 On this text see also R. A. Stein, 'Tibetica Antica l', BEFEO 72 (1983), pp. 214-215. Reinhold Grunendahl, Visnudharmah. Precepts for the Worship of Visnu. Part 1, Adhyayas 1-43. Wiesbaden, Otto Harrassowitz, 1983. XI, 250 pp. DM 42,-. The Visnudharma is a text of approximately 4,200 verses divided into 105 chapters. It is an important source for the study of the liturgy of early Visnuism. R. C. Hazra was the first scholar to study this text, which, however, has remained unedited. Grunendahl has been able to utilize fifteen manuscripts, of which no less than ten were filmed for the Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation Project (NGMPP). Grunendahl points out that the three dated Visnudharma-mss. of the 11th century, two of which could be utilized for this edition, are Indo-Iranian Journal 29 (1986)

Page #17
REVIEWS the oldest dated testimony of non-Buddhist literature in Nepal (p. IX). In his introduction to the text, Grunendahl studies the influence of the Bhargavas on the Visnudharma. Saunaka is the chief narrator of the text and several members of the Bhargava clan are mentioned in the text. Furthermore, the Visnudharma has several passages in common with the didactic portions of the Mahabharata (p. 63, n. 3). According to Grunendahl, the Visnudharma is a compilation of the Bhagavatas, but the compilers were more interested in kriyayoga than in theoretical discussions. The text describes.itself as a sastra. Grunendahl writes: "Not so much the subject matter itself, as the exclusiveness it is treated with distinguishes the Visnudharma from current categories. Seen in context with other sectarian Sastras' of a similar style, it is not altogether improbable that they represent a particular 'Sastra'-literature that can still be traced in very few extant texts and a number of titles of extinct works, resp. quotations from them" (pp. 66-67). Grunendahl suggests that the disappearance of this Sastra'-literature is probably due to the fact that substantial parts of it were incorporated into the epics and especially the Puranas. With regard to the Visnudharmottara, Grunendahl remarks that an examination of the numerous parallels between this text and the Visnudharma proves that many passages of the Visnudharma were taken over by the Visnudharmottara, but often after having undergone considerable changes. The Visnudharma became a very popular text in the period of the compilation of encyclopaedic commentaries on older works, and of Nibandhas, and many quotations from it are to be found in them. It is also often quoted by the followers of the Caitanya-school of Visnuism, especially the Six Gosvamins. As to the time of compilation, Grunendahl points out the difficulties in fixing the date of a text which is. the product of a process of development, and critically examines and rejects Hazra's views. Grunendahl divides the manuscripts into three groups. The critical apparatus of adhyayas 1-28 contains the variants of all manuscripts. Thereafter only the relevant variants of the principal representatives of the three groups are noted. Grunendahl's detailed summary of the 43 adhyayas, and his careful edition, are extremely welcome. To the errata given on a separate sheet, one must add the following: p. 84 (2.23b) for tyaksate read tyaksyate; p. 139 (23.2b) for patananam read yatananam;p. 144 (24.21f) for vyddim read vrddhim;p. 171 (32.13c) for mat-sarini read matsarini. On p. 117 (13.19d) and p. 129 (19.16b) Grunendahl reads vitta-sathyam vivarjayet. Probably vitta should be emended to citta. P. 197.37c: the text has ninam but in other places one finds nrnam, cf. p. 192 (45d), 197 (38d and 39d). Ch. Willemen, The Chinese Hevajratantra. The Scriptural Text of the Ritual of Great King of the Teaching. The Adamantine One with Great Compassion and Knowledge of the Void (Orientalia Gandensia VIII). Leuven, Uitgeverij Peeters, 1983. 208 pp. 1380 FB. In 1959, D. L. Snellgrove translated the Hevajratantra and edited the Sanskrit and Tibetan texts (cf. IIJ 4, 1960, pp. 198-203). In his note on the texts he wrote: "The Chinese version of the tantra (Taisho edition no. 892) appears to be based on the same Sanskrit original as the Tibetan, but the translator clearly found difficulty in rendering the more obscure parts as intelligible Chinese. Thus this version, rather than assisting towards a better understanding of the Sanskrit, would seem to provide new material for a study of its own" (Part II, p. viii). In his work dedicated to the memory of W. R. B. Acker (1907-1974), 1 Ch. Willemen presents a complete translation of the Chinese version of the Hevajratantra preceded by a long introduction which deals with the division of the tantras, the tantras in China, the Indian and Tibetan texts of the Hevajratantra, Dharmapala, the translator of the Hevajratantra, and the four consecrations in the Hevajratantra. Willemen's translation of this difficult text is an important contribution to the study of the Chinese translations of tantric texts. His notes contain explanations of technical terms Indo-Iranian Journal 29 (1986)

Page #18
REVIEWS and many references to the Sanskrit text. Willemen has not contented himself with consulting Snellgrove's edition, but has also made use of three manuscripts in the Tokyo University Library (Nos. 510, 511 and 512). It is always possible to interpret such an often complicated text in some places in a different way, but on the whole the translation is not to be faulted. The translator, Dharmapala, was born in Kasmir in 963 A.D. and arrived in China in 1004 A.D. He translated the Hevajratantra in 1054-1055 A.D. and died in 1058 A.D. Together with Wei-ching he compiled a Compendium of Indian Writing of the Ching-yu Era. According to Willemen, the compilation of this book, the last long treatise on Siddham in China, clearly shows that Dharmapala was a well-trained philologist, a fact which must be taken into account when judging his translations (cf. p. 28). Willemen remarks that the Indian text of the Hevajratantra is much more explicit than the Chinese translation. He continues: "I am convinced that Dharmapala rendered the Indian original in a very tactful, deliberately abstruse way, but remaining true to the actual proceedings of the Indian original. The coherence of the Chinese 'mistranslations' only proves Dharmapala's sound philological abilities and his remarkable talent for tactfulness. It would be a mistake merely to discard the Chinese Hevajratantra as a faulty translation. Dharmapala delivered a translation which was morally acceptable and in line with the existing Chinese esoteric texts, yet ambiguous enough to leave room for the right interpretation" (p. 29). In his preface Willemen declares himself unable to share the apparent surprise at the considerable differences noted between the Chinese texts and the Indian original of the anuttarayogatantras. He remarks: "Only an uncertain grasp of Chinese, when combined with a more thorough knowledge of both Sanskrit and Tibetan, would lead one to assume the answer to many of the problems raised, was to be found in the Chinese versions. A specific study of the relation between the Indian originals and the Chinese versions seemed urgently required to resolve some of the difficulties in this respect." I have quoted at length Willemen's remarks which seem to be directed against Snellgrove and others who accused Dharmapala of mistranslations". In my review of . Snellgrove's work I pointed out that the Chinese version is very bad and that all the passages relating to sexual rites have been omitted, but that it can be useful for the textual study of the Sanskrit text of the Hevajratantra.? Let me quote an interesting example in which the reading of the Chinese version is confirmed by one of the manuscripts consulted by Willemen. In II.5,46e the Sanskrit text has adhyantakruracittaya. The Chinese transliteration is based upon a reading adhmatakruracittaya.3 This reading is also found in manuscript no. 511 (cf. p. 109, n. 56). This makes it possible to correct a difficult passage in I. 2,20: pascadacaryo 'dhyatmakruracetasa mantram japed vijane dese. Snellgrove translates: "Then the master, his mind resolved in inmost wrath, should utter this mantra in that lonely spot." The manuscripts have adhyatara- (A, B), adhyatra- (C) and adhyata- (K). The Tibetan translation (nan-gi) renders adhyatma- or abhyantara-. The corresponding Chinese text is rendered by Willemen as follows: "After that the acarya with a harsh ritual voice should immediately utter this spell calling for rain" (p. 43). This translation represents a rather desperate attempt to make sense of the Chinese character fa (dharma). Without any doubt, the original Sanskrit text has adhmatakruracetasa. The same reading has to be adopted in II.9,2: heru kapratirupenadhyatmakakruracetasa, MS A adhyatakrura-; MS Badhyatamakrura-; MS C-adhyatakrura. The Yogaratnamala sommentary has adhyatam (Tib, 'khrugs-sin) = atyantadustam. The Chinese version did not translate II.9,1-2 (cf. Willemen, p. 116, n. 13). Willemen's remarks suggest that Dharmapala perfectly understood the Sanskrit text and that the divergences from the Sanskrit text are only caused by his desire to avoid both hurting the sensitivities of the Chinese and making too explicit the tantric rituals to those who are not initiated. However, there are many places in which it would have been possible to render the Sanskrit text exactly as it is. In his notes Willemen himself mentions instances in which Dharmapala clearly mistranslated the Sanskrit text (cf. p. 45, n. 52; p. 78, n. 15; p. 88, n. 21; p. 94, n. 65; p. 104, n. 17). Other translations are completely nonsensical. For instance, in II.3,34cd the Sanskrit text has: pancaskandhas ca rupadya vijnananta mahakrpa MS A has

Page #19
REVIEWS samskaranta which is confirmed by the Chinese version and by the Yogaratnamala. 4 The Chinese version has: "The five aggregates are form, etc. ..., and also the formations of great compassion" (Willemen, p. 89). It goes without saying that "formations of great compassion" makes no sense at all. One must add that the Chinese version also seems to have confused samskaranta with samskarata. In II.9,8 the Sanskrit text has: pasya devi maharatnam fvalamalakulam vapuh | ayogyah syad aviddhena viddhah san rudidayakah //. Snellgrove translates: "Behold, O Goddess, this great gem, this body in a darting ring of flames. Useless is a gem uncut, but once cut, it gives forth its brilliance." The Chinese version has: "Take for instance a great gem or a multitude of radiant garlands. He who has perceived it or he who has not yet perceived it and he who is unfit are all happy with it" (p. 117). This strange rendering is due to the fact that Dharmapala clearly confounded viddha "pierced" and vidita "known". On p. 33, n. 1 Willemen remarks that the title of the Sanskrit text is Srihevajradakinijalasamvaramahatantraraja. This title is found in MS. No. 512 and at the end of the first part of the Sanskrit text in Snellgrove's edition: Srihevajradakinijalasamvara-Vajragarbhabhisambodhi-nama prathamah kalparaja samaptah. Dharmapala confuses jala and jvala, cf. p. 40, n.1, and p. 81, n. 1 (here one must correct ojala to ojvala, i.e. wrong rendering of jala). Similar examples could be quoted ad libitum. In some instances Dharmapala is closer to the Sanskrit text than would appear from Willemen's translation. 1.3, 16: smasane kridate natho 'stayoginibhih parivitah / svasatity anaya yuktya smasanety abhidhiyate //. Snellgrove translates: "This Lord plays in the cemetery surrounded by his eight yoginis. 'In the cemetery', we say, because here we have a play on words, for svasiti means 'he breathes' and svavasati means 'resting-place of corpses'." Willemen renders the Chinese version as follows: "While intoning the syllable hum one should mentally produce the Lord in a cemetery surrounded by eight yoginis. As one is called the means, one's body represents the cemetery" (p. 49). A more literal translation is: "One must go to the cemetery, mentally produce the Lord and intone the syllable hum. Eight yoginis surround him. In this way (fang-pien, Skt. yukti) it is said that one's body is the cemetery." The Yogaratnamala explains that svasati stands for savanam vasatih. Dharmapala seems to explain it as meaning svasarira. 1.6,9: bodhibijaniksepena samskytam grh. Snellgrove translates: "Take her then who is now consecrated with the depositing of the seed of enlightenment." Willemen has: "(If you produce him in another family), the knowledge of the seed of bodhi will cause you to still remain in the conditioned" (p. 56). In a note Willemen remarks that if you produce Hevajra in the wrong family, you will not reach the unformed (asamskyta), even though you have knowledge of the seed of bodhi (bodhibija). However, the Sanskrit text makes it clear that samskrta means here "consecrated", cf. also Yogaratnamala: bodhibijaniksepo 'bhisekadis tena samskytam. The Chinese text must be translated accordingly: "(If you produce him in another family), the knowledge of the seed will cause you to be established in the consecration." On p. 58 Willemen translates: "He must not recklessly perform any act which by nature is associated with great compassion, i.e. homa, etc. ....". Willemen has combined two sentences which have to be separated. The first sentence corresponds to Sanskrit 1.6,23cd: sarvabhavasvabhavena (vi) cared yogi mahakrpah. Snellgrove translates: "The yogin wanders, filled with great compassion in his possession of a nature that is common to all beings." A literal translation of the Chinese would be: "All the natures (svabhava), are all acts associated with great compassion." Perhaps this can be translated rather freely as: "All his acts are by nature associated with great compassion". The second sentence corresponds to Skt. 1.6,24a: homatyagatapo'tito. Snellgrove translates: "He has passed beyond oblations, renunciation, and austerities." The Chinese version has: "One should not prepare acts such as homa, etc.". Chapter VIII explains the Five Wisdoms and concludes this section by declaring: akaran bhavayet panca vidhanaih kathitair budhah. "The sage should conceive of these five aspects (akara, i.e. adarsajnana, etc., cf. Yogaratnamala) in the modes here explained." The Chinese version has: "One should visualize these five Wisdoms in due succession in the way explained." Willemen translates: "Visualization is said

Page #20
68 REVIEWS to be like a succession of these five wisdoms" (p. 64). II.9,7: rahasyam paramam vaksye; srnu devi varanane / bhavasya sodhanam ramyam avikalpasiddhidayakam //. Snellgrove translates: "Now listen, fair-faced Goddess, and I will tell you the profoundest secret of the beauteous purifier of existence, who bestows that perfection that is free from all relative thought." Willemen translates: "Further, in our explanation purity is supreme - the most excellent secret" (p. 116), but the meaning is as follows: "Further, that which is to be explained is the pure, supreme and most excellent secret". It is not surprising that in the interpretation of the Chinese version of the Hevajratantra there may be different opinions as to the exact rendering of some passages. However, only in very few cases does Willemen's translation seem to be incorrect. His work is an important and very welcome contribution to the study of Chinese versions of anuttarayoga texts. Particularly welcome are the Chinese-Sanskrit Glossary (pp. 135-184) and the list of Chinese transliterations of Sanskrit syllables in mantras (pp. 185-193) which will be very helpful in the study of other Chinese versions of tantric texts. It is difficult to share Willemen's admiration for Dharmapala's philological abilities, but he has convincingly shown that it will be necessary to pay more attention to the Chinese versions of anuttarayoga texts. NOTES 1 For more information on the work of Acker and other scholars in the University of Gent see Redy Smet and K. Watanabe, "Indology and Buddhist Studies in Gent University, Belgium" (in Japanese), Annual for the Institute for Comprehensive Studies of Buddhism Taisho University 4 (1982), pp. 258-249. 2 IIJ 4 (1960), p. 200. 3 IIT 4 (1960), p. 202. 4 IIJ 4 (1960), p. 202. 5 Snellgrove's translation is wrong, cf. IIJ 4 (1960), p. 201. Inklusivismus. Eine indische Denkform. Herausgegeben von Gerhard Oberhammer (Publications of the de Nobili Research Library, Occasional Papers 2). Wien, 1983. 113 pp. The term "inclusivism" was used by Paul Hacker to indicate a way of thinking which claims for, and thus includes in, one's own religion what really belongs to an alien sect (cf. pp. 35). Gerhard Oberhammer publishes the text of a lecture delivered in 1977 by Paul Hacker in Hamburg and Vienna ("Inklusivismus", pp. 11-28). Hacker writes: "Inklusivismus ist ein Begriff, den ich zur Beschreibung von Daten aus demjenigen Bereich benutze, den wir indische Religionen und speziell indische Religionsphilosophie nennen. Inklusivismus bedeutet, dass man erklart, eine zentrale Vorstellung einer fremden religiosen oder weltanschaulichen Gruppe sei identisch mit dieser oder jener zentralen Vorstellung der Gruppe, zu der man selber gehort. Meistens gehort zum Inklusivismus ausgesprochen oder unausgesprochen die Behauptung, dass das Fremde, das mit dem Eigenen als identisch erklart wird, in irgendeiner Weise ihm untergeordnet oder unterlegen sei. Ferner wird ein-Beweis dafur, dass das Fremde mit dem Eigenen identisch sei, meist nicht unternommen" (p. 12). In his lecture, Hacker quotes examples of inclusivism from the Upanisads, the Bhagavadgita, the Puranas, and Neo-Hindu thinkers. According to Hacker, in all these cases inclusivism implied that one group feels itself weaker than another group. He points to feelings of inferiority in Radhakrishnan, and remarks: "... was wir fur die Vergangenheit nur wahrscheinlich machen konnen, ist in der Gegenwart dokumentarisch gesichert, Der Inklusivismus wachst auf dem Indo-Iranian Journal 29 (1986)

Page #21
REVIEWS 69 Boden einer Frustration, eines Unterlegenheitsbewusstseins" (p. 21). In the case of Tulsidas, a Ramait who lived in Sivaitic Benares, Hacker sees an example of the opposite of frustration. Hacker discerns a similar kind of inclusivism in early Buddhism, into which brahmanic concepts are transformed and incorporated: "Der Buddhismus hat mit ungeheurer geistiger Kraft das Wesentliche, das er in den wichtigsten arischen Begriffen vorfand, in sich hineingeholt und dann das ihm Unwesentliche abgestreift" (p. 27). Wilhelm Halbfass's paper bears the title " 'Inklusivismus' und 'Toleranz' im Kontext der indisch-europaischen Begegnung" (pp. 29-60). He begins by giving a survey of Hacker's statements on inclusivism, and points out that since Hacker's first publication on this topic in 1957 his views have become more peremptory. Halbfass makes some important remarks concerning tolerance, and rejects Hacker's later opinion that in India instead of tolerance only inclusivism existed. According to Halbfass one must distinguish between the concept of tolerance and the practice of tolerance. Halbfass writes: "... es kann doch gewiss tolerantes Verhalten und gelebte Toleranz' im Rahmen oder auf der Grundlage 'inklusivistischen' Denkens geben" (p. 46). Two other topics discussed by Halbfass are the necessity to differentiate within the concept inclusivity, and the problem of whether or not it is limited to India as affirmed by Hacker. The first is briefly dealt with by Hacker in the concluding passage of his lecture: "Beim Inklusivismus bleibt meistens das Fremde unverandert bestehen, abgesehen von dem Inklusivismus der Starke, den man, wenn man will, Umdeutung nennen kann. ..." (p. 28). In this context Halbfass pays particular attention to classical Indian philosophy. He disagrees with Hacker's opinion that inclusivism is to be found only in India. Halbfass quotes examples from classical antiquity, early Christianity and Islam, and discusses in some detail Hegel's scheme of "Aufhebung", in which the historical dimension contrasts with the ahistorical nature of Indian cyclical conceptions. Critical discussion of Hacker's concept of inclusivism is continued in Albrecht Wezler's paper ("Bemerkungen zum Inklusivismus-Begriff Paul Hackers", pp. 61-91). Wezler begins by showing that inclusivism also occurs in other religions. He quotes examples from Japanese Buddhism and from a book by Father H. M. Enomiya-Lassalle S. J. (Zen-Buddhismus, Koln, 1966). According to the teachings of the eighth patriarch of the Shinshu school, Rennyo Shonin (1415-1499), the Shinto deities were appearances of the Buddha, and when we call on the name of the Buddha all the Shinto gods are included therein (p. 65). Wezler remarks that "erst der 8. Patriarch - und nur dieser Schule des japanischen Buddhismus - auf die Ides verfallen ist, in dieser Weise zu werben, und nicht auch schon seine Vorganger und die Vertreter anderer Sekten" (p. 67). The idea of the Shinto gods being appearances of the Buddha occurs in Japanese Buddhism long before Rennyo Shonin. This scheme of honji-suijaku is well-known in Japanese Buddhism. According to M. W. de Visser it was already propagated in the beginning of the ninth century by Dengyo Daishi and Kobo Daishi.1 Wezler sees the historical roots of inclusivism in the Vedic practice of identification and substitution (adesa). He explains the attraction of inclusivism to the Indians by the importance attached to tradition, and remarks that "die Haufung inklusivistischer' Argumente gerade im indischen religiosen Denken sehr viel, wenn auch wohl nicht ausschliesslich, mit dem ausgepragt traditionalistisch-konservativen Charakter der indischen Kultur zu tun hat" (p. 87). Finally, Wezler points out that the tension between old and new is not an exclusively spiritual phenomenon and that one must also take into account psychological, social and similar factors. Gerhard Oberhammer's epilogue contains a reflection not only on Hacker's concept of inclusivism but also on the contributions by Halbfass and Wezler. He begins by distinguishing between affirming the identity of foreign ideas with one's own and the actual adopting of foreign ideas. Furthermore, Oberhammer points out that inclusivism does not include the attempt to understand a foreign religious tradition or central idea from the point of view of one's own tradition. According to him, Hacker has not made this distinction, and Bhagavadgita 7,20-23 and 9,23 must be seen not as an example of inclusivism but as a theological

Page #22
70 REVIEWS explanation of the efficacy of foreign rites according to the religious tradition of the believers in Krsna/Bhagavan. Oberhammer explains Hacker's interpretation of these two passages of the Bhagavadgita on the basis of his theological view that inclusivism is characteristic for Indian religious traditions, but is totally and fundamentally excluded and impossible in the Christian tradition. According to Hacker, the Fathers adopted the practice of utilization (chresis, usus iustus), in which elements of foreign traditions are adopted only after having been transformed and reoriented. Oberhammer points out that inclusivism is typical for the growth of the "Offenbarungskorpora" of Hinduistic traditions. Characteristic in this context is the relativist attitude which manifests itself in the process of incorporating foreign elements in one's own tradition. According to Oberhammer the possibility of inclusivistic forms of thought depends on the specific nature of the experience of transcendence. He writes: "Die religiosen Traditionen des Hinduismus bleiben grundsatzlich offen fur die Aufnahme neuer, heilsvermittelnder Mythisierungen der Transzendenz, wobei dieser grundsatzlichen Offenheit als charakteristische 'Denkform' das Phanomen des Inklusivismus entspricht" (p. 113). This little booklet is a beautiful tribute to the inspiring force of Hacker's ideas. It would be tempting to continue the discussion of his ideas on inclusivism and usus iustus. For instance, much attention has been paid by the contributors to the problem of whether or not inclusivism is exclusive to the Indian tradition. One could also put the question as to whether or not usus iustus is exclusive to the Christian tradition. What Hacker writes about early Buddhism (see above p. 000) corresponds exactly to his definition of usus iustus. Oberhammer refers to the fact that Hacker's inclusivism allows for the transformation of foreign elements in the case of "Inklusivismus der Starke" (p. 105). It then becomes very difficult to draw a line between inclusivism and usus iustus. NOTES 1 Ancient Buddhism in Japan, vol. I (Leiden, 1935), pp. 224-225. See also Masaharu Anesaki, History of Japanese Religion (London, 1930), p. 137; Sir Charles Eliot, Japanese Buddhism (London, 1935), p. 242; William R. LaFleur, The Karma of Words (Berkeley, 1983), p. 12. The honji-suijaku doctrine is studied in the following monographs: Alicia Matsunaga, The Buddhist Philosophy of Assimilation; The Historical Development of the Honji-suijaku Theory (Tokyo, 1969); Maruyama Shuichi, Honji-suijaku (in Japanese) (Tokyo, 1974). According to Alicia Matsunaga, "by the early part of the twelfth century or near the end of the Fujiwara period, the systematized relationships of honji-suijaku were set forth" (op. cit., p. 231). John S. Strong, The Legend of King Asoka. A Study and Translation of the Asokavadana. Princeton, N. J., Princeton University Press, 1983. xii, 336 pp. $37.50. In the first part of his book John S. Strong presents an exegesis of the Asoka legend in five chapters: 1. The Legend and Its Background; 2. Dirt and Dharma: Kingship in the Aso kavadana; 3. King and Layman: Asoka's Relationship to the Buddhist Community; 4. Asoka and the Buddha; 5. Asoka: Master of Good Means and Merit Maker. In his study of the Asoka legend, Jean Przyluski examined the growth of the legend and its relation to local Buddhist communities. Przyluski made a great use of Chinese sources and translated in its entirety the A-yu-wang chuan (Taisho no. 2042). 1 In 1979 Gen'ichi Yamazaki published a very detailed study of the Asoka legend, making use of Chinese, Indian and Tibetan sources, and the studies of Japanese and Western scholars.2 Yamazaki's work seems to have remained completely Indo-Iranian Journal 29 (1986)

Page #23
REVIEWS 71 unknown to Strong and it is therefore perhaps not superfluous to quote the following passage from the English summary: "My first object of this study is to make clear the political and religious realities of the Asokan Age through a critical study of the legends, with my second object being to show one'aspect of the spread of Indian culture by clarifying the acceptance and modification of Asoka legends in the countries surrounding India" (p. I). Strong's study is mainly based upon the Sanskrit text of the Aso kavadana and does not quote any of the important Chinese sources at first hand. He quotes a great number of books and articles (cf. Bibliography, pp. 313-327) but important publications have escaped his notice, and those which are mentioned in the bibliography he does not seem to have always studied carefully. Moreover, his use of the existing literature is not very critical. To mention only a few examples: Strong writes that in India the concept of the cakravartin goes back to the tenth century B.C. (p. 48), referring in a note to a book by Charles Drekmeier;3 it is of course completely impossible to adduce any proof in support of this statement. On the interpretation of the epithet "Beloved of the Gods" (devanampriya), Strong refers to publications by Louis de La Vallee Poussin, Sylvain Levi and F. Kielhorn (p. 11, n. 29), but completely ignores a recent article by Minoru Hara. On p. 13 Strong quotes from Rock Edict VIII the phrase: "(he) left for Sambodhi (complete enlightenment}" without pointing out that this interpretation is not accepted by the majority of scholars. Strong attributes the Sutralamkara to Asvaghosa and states that Kumaralata's Kalpanamanditika is in both style and contents closely akin to it (pp. 31-32). Although Strong quotes in a note Luders' Bruchstucke der Kalpanamanditika, he does not seem aware of the fact that Luders showed both works to be one and the same. Strong, who is more interested in the interpretation of the legend than in a critical study of the legend and its background, likes to make sweeping statements. For instance, he writes that, according to Max Weber, early Buddhism was a classic example of other-worldly mysticism divorced from any real involvement in political rule or in worldly economic activities (p. 38). Strong adds that, today, this Weberian viewpoint has been fundamentally undermined, and in a note he refers for one aspect of this discrediting of Weber to a book by Heinz Bechert. However, Strong does not mention an important article by Bechert, in which he discussed Weber's interpretation in much greater depth. In his English summary Bechert writes: "Weber's opinions about the character of early Buddhism can be considered correct even today to a great degree, in spite of some misconceptions in Weber's book. Original Buddhism has been conceived as a way to final salvation, not as a social movement. The followers of the Buddha's teachings tried to evade implications of their religious movement in political and social matters as far as possible" (p. 294). Strong clearly prefers the "pulsating galactic or mandala model" of Buddhist kingship as described by Stanley Tambiah! Strong criticises de La Vallee Poussin for translating pratyudyana in the Abhidharmakosa by "spontaneous surrender" (reddition spontanee) which, according to him, hardly does justice to the sense of "meeting" or "encounter" implicit in the term (p. 52, n. 37). Strong refers to de La Vallee Poussin's translation of karika III, 96 of the Abhidharmakosa.7 If Strong had taken the trouble to find out how de La Vallee Poussin arrived at his interpretation, he would have found the answer on p. 202, where de La Vallee Poussin translates a passage of the Abhidharmakosabhasya: "Le souverain a la roue d'or triomphe par pratyudyana. Les petits rois viennent vers lui, disant: 'Les districts riches, florissants, abondants en vivres, pleins d'hommes et d'hommes sages, daigne Sa Majeste (devadhideva) les gouverner! Nous-memes nous sommes a ses ordres'." De La Vallee Poussin's translation is fully confirmed by the Sanskrit text published in 1967: yasya sauvarnam cakram bhavati tam kotarajanah svayam pratyudgacchanti...8 It is rather surprising to see Strong in the same note characterise the Mahavyutpatti as a great encyclopaedia of Buddhism. In his chapter on Asoka and the Buddha, Strong studies several versions of Asoka's attempts to obtain Buddha's relics from the nagas (pp. 111-116). However, no mention is made at all of Przyluski's article on the division of the relics of the Buddha, although it is listed in the bibliography. Strong refers to a very late work, the Thupavamsa, but does not pay any

Page #24
72 REVIEWS attention to the very interesting account found in the Lokapainatti, which was studied by Eugene Denis, 10 although the bibliography lists both this article by Denis and his edition and translation of the Lokapanfatti. 11 As an example of Strong's exegetical methods, we refer to the pages he devotes to "The Doctrine of Essence" (pp. 148-155). Strong translates a passage from the Divyavadana, from which we quote the following verse: "Once one has enjoyed curds, ghee, fresh butter, and buttermilk, the best part of the milk - its essence - is gone. If the jar is then accidentally broken, it is hardly something to get upset about. So too there should be no sorrow at death if one has already extracted from one's body, its essence - good conduct" (pp. 149-150). Strong's translation is based upon Mukhopadhyaya's edition: dadhighrtanavanitaksiratakropayogad varam apahrtasaro mandakumbhovabhagnah / na bhavati bahusocyam yadvad evam sariram sucaritahrtasaram naiti soko 'ntakale // (p. 74.5-8). Needless to say, Strong's translation has only a remote relation to the Sanskrit text which, as edited by Mukhopadhyaya, is not comprehensible. If Strong had not only quoted Luders' Bruchstucke der Kalpanamanditika but also read it, he would have found on p. 147 Luders' emendations which establish an acceptable sense for this verse: dadhighrtanavanitaksiratakropayogat param apahrtasare. mandakumbhe 'vabhagne / na bhavati bahu socyam yadvad evam sarire sucaritahrta sare nasti soko intakale //. According to Strong the similes used in the passage translated by him intriguingly recall those used by the Sarvastivadin teacher, Dharmatra ta, to explain how an element, although it changes as it moves through the three times, nonetheless remains the same. 12 The similes used by Dharmatrata relate to the unchangeableness of colour (varna) in a golden pot which is broken, or in milk which is transformed into curd, Cf. Abhidharmakosabhasya, p. 296.10--12: yatha suvarnabhajanasya bhittva 'nyatha kriyamanasya samsthananyathatvam bhavati na varnanyathatvam / yatha ca ksiram dadhitvena parinamad rasaviryavipakan parityajati na varnam. In the Divyavadana the simile relates to the fact that once the essence has been taken out of the pot, it does not matter when the pot is broken. It is difficult to see how this simile intriguingly recalls those used by Dharmatrata. Strong's translation of the Asokavadana is based upon Mukhopadhyaya's edition, which is not a very good choice. As already shown above, Mukhopadhyaya does not know the work done by scholars such as Luders who have suggested many excellent emendations. Moreover, Mukhopadhyaya freely changes the readings of his text to make them agree with Przyluski's translation of the A-yu-wang-chuan. 13 It would have been much better to translate the editio princeps by Cowell and Neil, also referring to the emendations proposed since its publication. Strong mentions Burnouf's translation and remarks that there are a number of mistakes in his work (p. 171). It seems therefore appropriate to compare Strong's renderings of several passages with those found in Burnouf's Introduction a l'histoire du buddhisme indien (Paris, 1844). The meaning of iryapatha seems to be unknown to Strong, who translates it by various ascetic performances" (p. 175) and by the practices of a religious mendicant" (p. 181). Iryapatha signifies "the deportment" or "the four bodily attitudes", and there is no ground for attributing to it the meaning of 'heretical practices" as done by Edgerton with reference to Divyavadana 350.7 (Mukhopadhyaya 4.3). Burnouf correctly translates prasanteneryapathena (Divyavadana 354.4; Mukhopadhyaya 10.13) by "avec une demarche recueillie" (p. 147). Strong translates lokalokavara (Divyavadana 423.28; Mukhopadhyaya 62.11) by "the best in this world and beyond" (p. 227). Burnouf has la premiere des lumieres du monde" (p. 420). Asoka advises his brother Vitasoka to exercise himself in begging: bhaikse tavad abhyasah kriyatam (Divyavadana 4 24.16; Mukhopadhyaya 63.9). Strong translates: "why don't you do your begging near at hand?" (p. 228). Burnouf has: "commence ici ton apprentissage de mendiant" (p. 4 20). Sthavira Upagupta thinks that when Asoka goes to see him, Upagupta, there will be injury to a great number of people and to the country: yadi rajagamisyati mahajanakayasya pida bhavisyati gocarasya ca (Divyavadana 386.6-7; Mukhopadhyaya 77.4-5). Strong translates: "If the king did come, it would be difficult to find provisions for the large number of men in his escort" (p. 240). Burnouf has: "Si le roi vient ici, il en

Page #25
REVIEWS 73 resultera du tort pour une grande foule de peuple et pour le pays" (p. 379). For the relics of the Buddha, Asoka gives eighty-four thousand urns and eighty-four thousand pieces of cloth or silk (patta) to the yaksas (Divyavadana 381.3; Mukhopadhyaya 54.1). Strong interprets patta as an 'inscription plate' (p. 219). Burnouf has 'bandelette' (p. 373). Strong's translation is absurd as he could easily have discovered by reading Przyluski's translation of the A-yu-wang-chuan: "84.000 bandelettes de soie de diverses couleurs" (op. cit., p. 243). In all these cases mentioned above Burnouf's translation (published in 1844!) is to be preferred to Strong's interpretation. Of course, Burnouf has also made some mistakes and it would have been helpful if Strong had corrected them. However, when Burnouf makes a mistake Strong does the same. Asoka offered only one kakani to the stupa of Vatkula because "he had so few desires that he did not act as others did for the benefit of all mankind" (Strong, p. 255). The Sanskrit text continues as follows: sa pratyahata tasyaiva rajnah padamule nipatitayavad amatya vismita ucuh / aho tasya mahatmano Ipecchata / babhuvanayapy anarthi (Divyavadana 396.13-15; Mukhopadhyaya 91.8-9): "It [the kakani], being rejected, fell at Asoka's feet. Amazed the ministers said: 'Ah! How few desires has this magnanimous being. He does not want even this [kakani. Strong translates: "The ministers were amazed. They fell at Asoka's feet and said in awe: "Aho! Although this magnanimous being lacked desires, he unfortunately also lacked purpose" (p. 255). Burnouf has: "A ces mots les ministres furent frappes d'etonnement, et tombant aux pieds du roi, ils s'ecrierent: Ah! la moderation des desirs de ce sage magnanime a ete inutile, puisqu'il n'a pas rencontre de difficultes" (p. 392). In the index of Strong's book one finds gatis instead of gatis (p. 331). Alas, this is not a simple printing error because it occurs persistently throughout the book (pp. 137, 144, 145, 146, 160 and 331). Strong remarks patronizingly that Burnouf's translation was a remarkable achievement notwithstanding the mistakes which are to be found in his work. It is an even more remarkable achievement to produce so many mistakes in 1983, 139 years after the publication of the Introduction a l'etude du buddhisme indien. NOTES 1 La legende de l'empereur Acoka dans les textes indiens et chinois. Paris, 1923. 2 Yamazaki Gen'ichi, Ashoka-o densetsu no kenkyu [The legend of Asoka. A Critical Study]. Tokyo, Shunjusha, 1979. 3 Kingship and Community in Early India, Stanford, 1962, p. 203. 4 A Note on the Sanskrit Phrase devanam priya', Indian Linguistics 30, 1969, pp. 13-26. 5 Cf. The Eastern Buddhist, N.S., Vol. XV No. 1 (1982), pp. 149-150; Gustav Roth, 'Notes on Inscriptions of Asoka', Prajna-Bharati 2 (Patna, 1982), pp. 37-38; Yamazaki, op. cit., pp. 93-94 and 99-100. 6 'Einige Fragen der Religionssoziologie und Struktur des sudasiatischen Buddhismus', Beitrage zur religionssoziologischen Forschung 4, 1968, pp. 251-295. 7 L'Abhidharmakosa de Vasubandhu, troisieme chapitre, Paris-Louvain, 1926, p. 197. 8 Abhidharmakosabhasya, ed. by P. Pradhan, Patna, 1967, pp. 185.24-186.2. 9 'Le partage des reliques du Buddha', Melanges chinois et bouddhiques 4, 1936, pp. 341-367. 10 'La Lokapannatti et la legende birmane d'Asoka', JA 1976, pp. 97-116. 11 See also Yamazaki, op. cit., pp. 75-77 and 87-88. 12 Cf. p. 150, n. 1, in which Strong refers to Surendranath Dasgupta, A History of Indian Philosophy, vol. 1, p. 115. 13 See our review, IIJ 12 (1969-1970), pp. 269-274. On p. 270, line 21, read Memyo for Mamyo. On p. 271, line 20, read 382.4-384.23 for 382.4-383.23.

Page #26
74 REVIEWS The Writings of Professor Bruno Petzold (1873-1949). Buddhist Research Information Numbers 4-8. October 1980-October 1982. 237 pp. $12.00. In 1908 Bruno Petzold went to Tientsin and from there he moved to Tokyo in 1910. He spent the rest of his life in Japan teaching German language and literature and studying Buddhism and especially Tendai. The bibliography compiled by his son Arnulf Petzold in 1982 is now published as numbers 4-8 of the Buddhist Research Information. During his life Petzold published a number of articles, several of which have been reprinted in Tendai Buddhism: Collection of the Writings by Bruno Petzold (Yokohama, 1979). Bruno Petzold left some very extensive manuscripts, one of which was recently published: Die Quintessenz der Tien-t'ai- (Tendai-) Lehre. Eine komparative Untersuchung. Herausgegeben von Horst Hammitzsch (Wiesbaden, 1982). The other manuscripts deal with the following topics: Die Tendai Lehre (1165 pp. typescript); Sho Shikwan (Die kleine Meditation) by Chisha Daishi (402 pp. typescript); Die Biographie uber Dengyo Daishi (607 pp. typescript); Shittan (204 pp. typescript); The Classification of Buddhism (1047 pp. typescript). Both his published and unpublished writings are catalogued in great detail. One wonders why some items are listed three times. For instance, in the Buddhist Yearbook 1933 Petzold published an article entitled 'Japan at the Time of her Greatest Distress and MAHAYANA BUDDHISM'. The same article is moreover mentioned twice as a monograph (!), with the same pagination (pp. 16-23) as the article in the Buddhist Yearbook (cf. p. 83). The section 'Book reviews' mentions two book reviews and several notices in the Bibliographie bouddhique. The information given is incorrect in several instances: p. 114, sub 147 pw: read page 49 a for 49b; sub 148 pw: read Ta tche tou louen for Ta che tou lun; sub 150 pw: read 683 for 684. Part II of the bibliography (pp. 128-170) contains reprints of various articles, introductions, etc. by Bruno Petzold, and of 'In Memory of Prof. Bruno Petzold' by Arnulf H. Petzold reproduced from Petzold's book on the Buddhist Prophet Nichiren - A Lotus in the Sun (Tokyo, 1978). Part III (pp. 169-237) is a composite index. The publication of Petzold's posthumous manuscripts will make it possible to form an opinion about his contribution to Buddhist studies. Petzold studied under the guidance of Japanese scholars who must have greatly assisted him in his studies.1 It seems that Petzold could not read Chinese or Japanese himself, although he lived in China and Japan for more than forty years. Whether Petzold's work is important enough to warrant the publication of such a detailed bibliography, is a question which can only be answered after the publication of his major works. In any case, the editor has edited this work with great care, although errors such as Indo-Iranian Journal 29 (1986)

Page #27
REVIEWS 75 the ones pointed out above show that the information given by Arnulf Petzold does not seem to have been checked. We must also point out that the Sanskrit equivalent of kesa is not kasaya or kasaya (see pp. 3, 139, 140) but kasaya. Probably the editor found kasaya in Ui Hakuju's Bukkyo jiten (p. 225b). To the two reviews listed on p. 112, one must add a review by R. Schmidt of Petzold's 'Goethe und der Mahayana-Buddhismus', cf. OLZ 40, 1937, Sp. 703-704. Australian National University J. W. DE JONG NOTES 1 The most important are Shimaji Daito (up to 1927) and Hanayama Shinso (after 1927). 2 See Hanayama's reminiscences about Mr. Bruno Petzold, Tendai Buddhism (Yokohama, 1979), p. 425.