Religious Conditon in SE Rajasthan from early Inscriptions

Author(s): Adris Banerji
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Religious Conditions in S. E. Rajasthan from Early Inscriptions (C. 400 B. C. to 300 A.D.) The real religion of man originated out of two needs. A desire to live a moral, ethical and a disciplined life. The second was fear. Fear and admiration of the violent or peaceful forces of nature : its destructive or the preserving factors. A desire to ally himself with some supernatural power which caused all the unexplained phenomena and would overcome his enemies! Science had not come to his aid to explain the causes of day and night, eclipses and storms. No philosophy had informed the primrtive man that therewas no interrelation between female fertility and that of the earth. They wanted a tangible form for the intangible, a form for the formless. Therefore, there has always been a feature in archaeological discipline to trace the evolution of society, religious beliefs and customs from the evidence of material culture left by early man. As far as man's primitive beliefs have survivedwith tangible trace, they are amenable to archaeological studies, Most helpful in this respect are the graphic arts. Religion is an important trait of human culture, irrespective of caste, race and region and hence the need of study. Our knowledge about the different aspects of religion of S. E. Rajasthan from the very dawn of history is indeed very vague and scanty, Only few picneers have taken active interest in the reconstruction of the social, economic and religious lives of ancient Mewar, since time immemorial. But their object was to interpret the data on an all India basis ; and not the light they throw on the religious life of Rajasthan. But, epigraphy, one of the sources of Indo logy furnishes interesting data. The earliest of these is the Ghosundi Inscription Ghosundi is a viliage, 4 miles from Nagari which itself is 10 miles from Chittorgarh, the head quarters of the district of the same name. Nagari, it would be recalled was ancient Madhyamika, mentioned by Patanjali. It records the erection of a stone railing (Puja-Sila prakara) in the enclosed compound (Vata) or Narayana, dedicated to gods Samkarshara and Vasudeva. In the Nanaghat inscription, the twin gods are ascribed to the lunar family. K. P. Jayaswal, therefore, thought that they were deified heroes, whom the Jatakas, Puranas and Panini knew as historical personages and as belonging to the Vrishni clan. 1. Ep. Incica, Vol. XVI(pp. 26-27).

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Adris Banerji The next inscription, which on palaeographic grounds is ascribed to C, 4th Century A. D,, by D. R. Bhandarkar, records the performance of sacrifice called Vajapeya. Since Bhandarakar, wrote his memoir on Nagari, as a subaltern of the Archaeological Survey, the secretive bosom of Rajasthan has yielded many other records of the instances of Srauta sacrifices. 121 YUPAS The eareiest record is the Nandsa yupa dated in (Krita) Malava-Vikrma year 282 (C. 225-26 A. D.). Nandsa is now 36 miles to the east of Bhilwara and 4 miles to the south of Gangapur railway station, in the Western railway, next to Sawai Madhopur, The pillar containing the inscriptions, because there are actually two, is approximately 12' in height and 51/2' in circumference and is located within a tank. It was set up by (Sri) Soma, leader of the Sogi clan, son of Jayasoma and grandson of Prabbhagra (?) Varddhana, born in Malava Stock, as famous as the royal race of the Ikshvakus. Next comes the first Barnala yupa inscription, dedicated in (Krita) Malava -Vikrama year 284 (C 227-228 A.D.). That is, two years later than that of Nandsa. Barnala is in Jaipur district, a part of ancient Matsya country. The name of the person who put up the pillar and performed the sacrifice is lost, But he has the epithet Rajno and his surname ends with Varddhana. His father was also a king. It recors the erection of seven yupas, indicating that seven sacrifices were performed. The late Dr. A. S. Altekar was inclined to take them as Sapta-some-samstha mentioned in Katyayana Srauta Sutra (X, 9. 27). But Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra differs from this view.* It is 21' 5" in height. Badva is a small village, 5 miles S. W. of Antah railway station on the KotaBina section of the Western Railway, in the present Kota district. In 1936, only three of these yupas were found. The characters belong to C, 3rd Century A. D., not much different, naturally, from those of the Nandsa record. Each record commemorates. the performance of Tri-ratra sacrifice; description of which is to be found in the Taittiriya Samhita (VII.15) and Purva-mimamsa. The performers of the sacrifices were three brothers named Balavardhana, Somadeva and Balasimha, sons of Maukhari Mahasenapati Bala They are dated in 295th year of (Krita) Malava-Vikrama era (s. 238-39 A.D.), Another yupa was found by Dr. Mathuralal Sharma in another part of the same village, later on? It is undated but palaeographically belongs to 3rd Century A.D. Its 2. Memoirs of Archaeological Survey of India, No. 4, p. 120; G. S. Gai Madhayamika in Journal of Oriental Institute, Baroda. Vol. X. p. 180. 3. Indi, Ant., Vol. LVIII, p. 53; EI, Vol. XXVII, pp. 252. ff. 4. EI. Vol. XXVI, p. 120 ff. They are now in Sarasvati Bhandara and museum at Garh Palace, Tipta Kota city. 5. I am indebted for this information to Mm. P. V. Kane thorough L. G. Parab. 6. El Vol. XXIII, p. 46. 7. Ibid, Vol. XXVI. p, 118 ff.

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Religious Conditions in S. E. Rajasthan 13 purpose was to record the erect.on of yupa for Aptoryama sacrifice, performed by Dhanatrata, son of Hastin-the Maukhari. It is a variety of one day soma sacrifice, but occupied like the Atiratra, a whole day, extending through next day. It is one of the sapta-soma-samstha. The second Barnala yupa was dedicated on the 15th day of bright fortnight of Jyeshtha of 325 V.S. (=298-99 A. D.), in connection with the performance of Gargatriratra sacrifice, performed by Bhatta in Trita forest. 90 Cows, accompanied by their calves were given as dakhshina. Sacrificial yupas have also been found in the peripheral regions of Rajasthan and even in Antervedi and Vatsa countries. There is an ancient fort called Bijayagarh in the neighbourhood of Bayana. in Bharatpur district. There is a red sandstone pillat standing near the south wall of the fortress. It is inscribed and records that in the (Krita Malava Vikrama year 428 (=371-372 A.D.) expired, Varlika Raja Vishnuvardahana, son of Yasovarddhana, grandson of Vyaghraratas erected the yupa in commemoration of Pundarika sacrifice in Purvamimamsa Sutra (Chap. X Pada 6, Sutras 62 etc.) The next two yupas were found at Isapur in the bed of river Yamuna, each of them measures 19' 19". They were dedicated in the 24th regnal year of Emperor Vasheshka. Allahbad Museum has a yupa collected from the neighbourhood of Kosam, commemorating the performance of sapta-soma-samstha, by one Sivadatta. An evaluation of the various find spots enable us to appreciate, that it was a very close knit area, in which those sacrifices were being performed, at an age, when northern India had suffered repeatedly from alien invasions. Bijayagarh, in Bharatpur district, is about 5 miles south east of Isapur, in Mathura district, Badva is 146 miles south-south-east of Bijayagarh, in Kota district. Nagari, in Chittorgath district, is 90 miles east of Badva. Nandsa, in Sawai Madhopur district, is 40 miles north-east of Nagari, ancient Madhyamika. Yupa is a sacrificial post, a principal element in any sacrifice. They were invariably made of wood. The following classes of trees were permitted to be utilised Palasa, Khadira, Bilva, Rauhitaki. Only in some sacrifices yupa must be of Khadira wood. The trees to be cut must not be half dried but full of foliage, must be straight and growing on a level spot, branches turned upwards and if bent. not in the southern direction. They must be cut in such a way that they did not fall on the south side. The yupa could be of any length from one aratni to 33 aratnis. The portion which remained embedded and was not chiselled was called upara. It would be recalled that portions of Mauryan pillars, which remained under ground were also 8. Corpus Incriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III, p. 252. 9. AR., ASI., 1910-11, pp. 40ff. plate XXIII.

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Adris Banerji left undressed or roughly dressed. The upper portion was octagonal, with the remaining portion of the tree, after the yupa was made, a top piece was carved with a mortice hole to fill as a finial, and was known as cha shala. The tenon of the yupa on which cha shala. was fixed, was expected to protrude 2 or 3 angulas beyond the cha shala. After the yupa was made along with the finial, a hole was dug east of the a hayaniya, proportionate to the unchiselled portion of the yupa and excavated earth was thrown to the east. The ritual of setting up the yupas is elaborately described in the Srauta Sutras. To The final noteworthy feature is a girdle which was hung around it called arga. It is clear, therefore, that sacrilicial posts were made of wood only. Paradoxically, all the existing specimens are lithic. What is the explanation of this contradiction in theory and practice ? My personal opinion is that they were commemorative and were erected after the sacrifices were over. Yupas being wooden they were perishable. But the persons who performed them possibly wanted to leave tangible evidences of their piety for posterity, and set up stone yupas, after the rituals were over. It is a pity, that none of the sites have been excavated, otherwise,like Jagatgram, they might have yielded valuable data. Were these sacrifices Vedic, Grihya or Srauta sacrifices ? The available evidence goes to show that they were srauta sacrifices. Keith was of opinion that the conception of a Yajna goes back to Indo-European antiquity. But the Srutis contain very detailed and vivid accounts of these sacrifices. In fact they were the mannuals on which the officiating priests depended, Therefore, any sacrifice that was performed according to them was a sraut sacrifice. It is a common error to suppose, that no sacrifices were held in historical times except Asvamedha. A Pallava grant, refers to the performance of Agnishtoma, 12 Vajapeya and Rajasuya. This is as it should be; since, it was enjoined that those who performed Vajapeya should also perform Rajasuya. In the Chammak Plates of Pravarasena II, the Vakataka emperor is credited with having performed many sacrifices. 1: The srauta sacrifices are generally divisible in two classes (1) haviryanas and (2) seven somasamsthas. Pasubardha or Nirudha-pasubandhas, that is animal sacrifices were also practised. The saptu soma samasthas are Agnishtoma, Ukthya, Shodasin, Vajapeya, Atiratra and Aptyoryama. 14 The yupa records of Rajasthan mention some of these. The first of these is Vajapeva mentioned in the second inscription found by D. R. Bhandarkar at Nagari. 15 For this particular sacritice one may refer to Taittiriya Brahmana (1.342) and Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, (XV I. 4-6). It is a form of Yotishtoma. According to Keith, it preserves 10. A B, Keithi --Religion and Philosophy of the Veds and Upanishads. Vols, I & U. ;P. V. Kank - History of the Dharmasastra. Vol. II. pt. II, 11. Ibid, Vol. I. pp. 257-ff., Vol. II. pp. 625 ff. 12. E. I. Vol. I. pp. 2 and 5. 13. CII. Vol. III. p. 236. 14. For details, of P. V. Cane-History of the Dharma Sastra., Vol. II. Pt. II 1941. 15. MASI, No. 4, p. 120.

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Religious Conditions in S. E. Rajasthan 15 many traces of very popular origin, possibly an autumnal festival. The numeral 17 is very significant. There are 17 stotras, 17 Sastras, 17 animal sacrifices for Prajapati, 17 objects were distributed, there were 17 yupas of 17 aratnis in height. At the time of enveloping the yupa with a girdle 17 pieces of cloth were employed (Apastambha. XVIII. 1.12). It lasted for 17 days and has 17 dikshas. There were 17 horses which were yoked to chariots and ran, 17 drums placed on the northern sroni were beaten. 17 cups of Sura and 17 cups of soma. It was performed by those who were desirous of temporal power (adhipatya) or prosperity or Svarajya Only bramhins and kshattriyas could perform it and not a Vaisya. Besides, the three animals for Agni and Indra (Rams), a barren cow for Maruts, an ewe for Sarasvati, 17 hornless young goats of one colour for Prajapati, were offered in this sacrifice. Asvalayana (IX 9. 19) says, that after performing Vajapeya, a king should perform Rajasuya and a bramhin should perform Brihaspatisya. In a previous para, we had occassion to refer to the differences of opinion between late Dr. AS. Altekar and Dr. B. Dh. Chhabra over the interpretation of the word sattako in the first yupa pillar found at Barnala, dated 384 V.S. (=227-28 A.D.)T6 Dr. Altekar wanted to read the word as saptakam qualifying yupa and thus inferring the performance of seven soma sacrifices. Dr. Chhabbra wanted to read sattrako correcting the reading as yapa sattrikah, meaning the pillar connected with the sacrifice. Since the language of these epigraphs is not always pure classical Sanskrit, I am in agreement with Dr. Chhabra in thinking that sattako stands for sattrako. In Jaimiuiya (X. 6., 6-61) word sattrako bas been explained along with ahina (i. e. sacrifices which last for more than 17 days). The sattras differ from other forms soma sacrifices. During sattra the presiding priests can not take part in any other rite. The ideal sattra was dvadasaha, which is both ahinra and saitra. 17 The word also occurs in the Isapur yupa Inscription now in the Mathura Museum. Isapur yupas commemotate a dvadasaha sacrifice. 18 All rites of more than 12 days are sattras, while ahina sacrifices are those which last from 2 to 12 days and which always ended with a tiratra. Generally they commenced on a Purnima day. There are groups of rites amongst them eg. Garg-Triratra, which lasted for three days; there are others which lasted for four or five days or more, like pancha-ratras. Saradiya, Shada has etc., Dvadasaha itself has sub-varieties, such as Bharata-dvadasaha. According to Mm. P. V. Kane, the differences between ahina and sattra types of dvadasaha are that (1) the latter can only be performed by bramhanas: while an ahina can be performed by any one of the first three varnas. (21 A sattra may extend over a long period, but an ahina could not, (3) In an ahina only the last day is atiratra, but in a Sattra both the first and last days are atiratra. 16. EP. Ind., Vol. XXVI. p. 120 fn 10. 17. A, B, Keith op. cit., pp. 349 ff., P. V. Kanr-Hist. of Dharmasastras vol. II. Pt. II. pp. 1213 ff. 18. AR., Asl, 1910-11, p. 41 ff.

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Adris Banerji Dhanufrafa, son of Hasti, belonging to the Maukhari tribe set up the fourth yupa at Badva for Aptroyama sacrifice.19 According to Kane this rite is similar to Atiratta, of which it appears to have been an amplification.30 It was performed for long life to cattle and for selecting cattle of good breed. Kosam (Now Allahabad Museum) yupa was made to commemorate ehe performance of the sapta soma-samstha. The details of Pundarika sacrifices, one of the ahina sacrifices, to commemorate which, Bijayagarh yupa, in Bharatpur district was erected, required more than one day, but less than 12 days, are to be found in Purva-mimamsa, The amount of dakshina was 10,000 cows or 100 horses (Purva-mimamsa) (Chap. X Pada 6. sutras 62 etc.) 1 16 The yupa inscriptions, commemorative in character, supply us with invaluable data about religious practices in S. E. Rajasthan or old Mewar. That is srauta sacrifices were actually performed when the whole of northern India had been overrun by Greeks, Sakas, Pahlavas and Turki-Kusnanas. Indeed, many of them were either Buddhists or patrons of Bramhinical faith like Saka Usahavadate or Mahokshatrapa Rudradaman or Menander the Greek. Nevertheless, the cultured and the more responsible elements felt, that society and spiritual life was deteriorating, It is mentioned in the Puranas. The later Indian religion which the western scholars have designated Bramhinism was broad based upon Vedic thought and speculations; but, possibly underwent gradual changes, not due to lack of any immutable factors, but due to geographical, historical and evolutionary laws. Vedic thought was a system by which a nomadic people, with an admittedly rural culture sought to obtain not the goods of the material world, but salvation of the soul. A numerically inferior people, seeking patronage of superantural powers by efficacy of words, increase in progeny, protection against natural cataclysms, decease and a powerful enemy. The mythology inherited from a Pre-Indian past was an accummulation dealing with cosmic forces. In India, these ideas apart from gradual changes that natural laws brought about, came into contact with, ideas and ideal, philosophies and beliefs, political and social organizations, which they tried to avoid but incourse of time many aspects of which they assimilated, absorbed and adopted. The new spirit made meditation. 3 more efficacious than the rite itself. The logical result was, that divorced from its background, but claiming its sanction, it became a veritable mannual of dogmas, cults, rituals and magic. By 5th Century A.D., this transformation had taken place. The Bramhanas (the manual for sacrifices) Aranyakas (or Forest books-for hermits living in the forests) leading to the philosophy of the Upanishads were compiled. They were followed 19. EI, vol. XXIU. p, 253. 20. Kane-op. cit, p. 206, 21. I am indebted for this reference to Mr. P. V. Kane through. L. G. Perb, 22. Origins of Jaina Practice-Journal of Oriental Institutes, Baroda Vol. I., No. 4.

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Relegious Conditions in S. E. Rajasthan by Vedangas, Srutis etc., containing rules for sacrifices and Grihya sutra governing the sacraments had also received final redaction. With these two, we are concerned in this paper. The Dharmas Sastras were the corpus of conduct, morals, religious and social manners. A syneretic type was developed by incorporation of alien dogmas, cults and philosophies The best proof of this syncreticism are the great encyclopidae the Mahabharata and the new message of the Upanishads. The contradiction to the theory that sacrifice became less and less important in the Upanishads is furnished by the yupa inscriptions of Rajasthan. The asceticism of Yoga known to Patanjali and his predecessorsand traces of which are found on Harappa and Mohenjodaro seals and sealings, claimed that the knowledge of the absolute could be obtained by following its discipline; and it was this dogma that created ultimately the gods: Siva, Bramha and Vishnu, and finally the ten avataras of the latter and and triune aspects: sattva, tamas and rajas of the first named, in the conception of Mabesamurti. The Ghosundi stone inscription with its revised reading23 the text of the Hathivada inscription (being three inscriptions but copies of one and the same text) testify to a different type of religious practices in ancient Rajasthan. Ghosundi text now informs us that it commemorates the erection of a puja-sila-prakara for the (temple of) SamkarshanaVasadeva at Narayanavata (in Madhyamika) by King Sarvatrata, a performer of Asvamedha who belonged to Gajayana gotra, and a son of Parasara. According to the Matsya Purana the Gaja yana gotra belonged to the Kanva sakha. The cult of Vasudeva-Samkarshana is of great antiquity, not merely that, but heralds the dawn of later Vaishnavism. It is called Bhagavatism. Many scholars feel rightly or wrongly, that Bhagavata cult was then natural reaction of Vedic practices. But the evidence of yupa inscriptions are not in favour of this hypothesis, Secondly, the Ghosundi inscription clearly shows that in C. 3rd Century B.C., 24 Vasudevaism had not then merged with Bhagavatism or to be more correct Samkarshana worship, under the influence of vyuha doctrine. Panini, who lived about C. 5th Century B. C., states that along with bhakti (IV. 3. 95), the affix vun is used in the sense of "this is the object of bhakti" after the words Vasudeva and Arjuna (XIX. 3. 98). Therefore, cults of Vasudeva and Arjuna originated somewhere before C. 5th Century B. C., whose deeds were to be celebrated in the Mahabharata. Dr. H. C. Ray Chandhury, concluded that in C. 4th Century B. C., Mathura was a stronghold of Vasudeva worship. The conclusion is based upon the evidence of Megasthenes. 25 But the Ghosundi and Besnagar pillar inscriptions prove that this cult had gained a firm foothold in Mewar and Central India (i. e. Malwa). 23. EI., Vol. XXII, pp. 204-.05 24. Ibid. 25. Materials for the Study of Early History of Vaishnava Sect. 1920. pp. 55-56

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Adris Banerji What is more, the Besnagar Pillar inscription supplies objective evidence, that the cult had influenced the imagination of Greeks to such an extent, that Heliodrus, a member of the diplomatic corps, had embraced it at the expense of Hellenic paganism. This is but one instance, which has survived. Whether there were other instances like the evidence about Buddhism, furnished by the western Indian caves cannot be proved now. The present writer feels that the Ghosni and Besnagar inscriptions do not merely prove the existence of the Bhagavata cult in 3rd or 2nd centuries B. C., but their possible existence in the preceeding centuries too. 18 That the Bhagavata religion was very old, is proved by reference to it by Panini Panini does not treat the name Vasudeva as that of a divinity but as a proper name. But the attachment of the term bhakti to his name shows that by his times he was already about to attain divine ranks. The founder's name was Krishna-Vasudeva-it was monotheistic. Possibly he was a pupil of Ghora-Angirasa, mentioned in Chhandogya Upa wishad (111. 17. 6). Grierson was of opinion that long afterwards, his proper name Krishna received the same honour. Other names given to the Supreme in later times were "Purusha," or the Male (probably borrowed from Samkhva Yoga Narayana and so forth, but, the oldest and original name was, as has been said, "Bhagavat," In Panini's time they were also called Vasudevakas and Arjunakas. The supreme deity was infinite, eternal, prasada (full of grace). At a later date, we find that Kautalya was acquainted with the cult of Samkarshana. In course of time, they absorbed the message of the Upanishads loosely, never weaving it securely in their doctrine. This later form of Bhagavata cult is best illustrated by the Narayaniya section of the Santis Parvan of the Maha bharata. It alludes to the doctrine as Bhagavata or Pancharatras. The creed being bhakti, as illustrated by the story of Ambarisha and Vishnu. Mahabharata (S. Parva) states that Samkarshana is Jiva, while Vasudeva is paramatman. The creed defined the one God, Bhagavat, Narayana Purusha or Vasudeva, who was Ananta achvuta and avinasin Siva etc. according to Sainkhya, prakriti, pradhana and avaykta. He created Bramha, They believed in the immortality of the soul. The principles of creation resemble that of Samkhya but the spiritual supreme is not brought in connexion with matter. The Santi Parvan of the Mahabharata is divided into several sections the later half of which is called Mokshadharma Parvan and portion of this is called Narayaniya, which gives, a graphic account of the development of Panchar atra and Vyuha doctrines while purporting to discuss Samkhya-Yoga, The joint mention. of Vasudeva and Samkarshana in Ghosundi inscription. proves that in C. 3rd Century B. C, during the formative period of the Bhagavata cult and Vyuha doctrine S. E.. Rajasthan or Mewar played an important part. The late Sir George Grierson defined Vyuha doctrine as follows; Vasudeva in the act of creation not only produced prakriti the indiscrete (avayakta) primal matter of Samkhya, but also a vyha or phase of conditioned 26. Grierson-The Narayaniya and the Bhagauitas-Ind. Antiq. vol, XXVIII (0908) p. 253.

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Relegious Conditions In S. E. Rajasthan 19 spirit, called Samkarshana. Froni the combination of Samkarshana with prakriti was born a second phase of conditioned spirit, called manas, or Pradyumna. From the association of Pradyumna with manas sprang, Samkhya ahamkara or consciousness, a phase of third conditioned spirit, known as Aniruddha, From the association of Aniruddha with ahamkara sprang Samkhya mahamanas or elements and also Bramha.27 That vyuha doctrine influenced the religious life of Rajasthan even in Rajput period, is proved by the finds of images ot Vaikuntha-Narayana at Bijholya, Jhalarpatan, Ahar, Nagda (Sas-Bohu Temples) and Eklingaji. 2 8 These inscriptions throw, therefore, valuable sidelights on religious conditions of S. E. Ra jasthan in the centuries before the birth of Christ, demonstrating that many streams met to create modern Bramhinism in its formative period. The particular point to be borne in mind is that Rajasthan worshipped two Kshattriva heroes: Vasudeva and Sankarshana, who by C. 150 B.C., when Patanjali compiled his Mahadhashya, were no longer human beings but divinitties. This ultimately merged with Vishnu-Narayan and Krishna cults. 27. Ind. Anti, Vol. XXVIII, p. 261. 28. Cf, my forthcoming paper 'Insteresting Images from S. E. Rajasthan in Lalit Kala Nos, 11-12