Religion and Culture of the Jains

Author(s): D C Sirkar
Publisher: University of Calcutta
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/014007/1

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RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS Edited by D. C. Sircar UNIVERSITY OF CALCUTTA 1973 .

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CENTRE OF ADVANCED STUDY IN ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY AND CULTURE UNIVERSITY OF CALCUTTA LECTURES AND SEMINARS No. VIII-A (SEMINARS) PART II

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RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS Edited by D. C. SIRCAR Carmichael Professor and Head of the Department of Ancient Indian History and Culture, University of Calcutta. UNIVERSITY OF CALCUTTA 1973

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FIRST PUBLISHED...............1973 Price Rs. 12.00. PRINTED IN INDIA PUBLISHED BY SRI SIBENDRANATH KANJILAL SUPERINTENDENT, CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY PRESS, 48, HAZRA ROAD, CALCUTTA-19, AND PRINTED BY SRI A. P. SENGUPTA AT GRANTHA PARIKRAMA PRESS, 30/1B, COLLEGE ROW, CALCUTTA-9.

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CONTENTS .. 11 . Subject Page Proceedings of the Seminar--Second Day 1. The Primitive in Jainism by Dr. L. B. Keny, St. Xaviers College, Bombay University. 2. Jain Cosmography by Sm. Sudha Sengupta, Delhi University. 3. The Conception of Tirthankaras in Jain Mythology by Dr. A. N. Lahiri, Calcutta University. 4. Some Festivals and Fasts of the Jains by Dr. Sm. Kshanika Saha, Calcutta University. 5. A Summary of Jain Philosophy by Sri R. K. Bhattacharya, Calcutta University, 6. Jainism in Early Inscriptions of Mathura by Sm. Kalyani Bajpeyi, Calcutta University. 7. An Unnoticed Jain Cavern near Madurantakam by Dr. Sm. R. Champakalakshmi, Madras University. 8. Jainism in Tondaimandalam by Dr. Sm, R Champakalakshmi, Madras University. 9. Varahamihira and Bhadrabahu by Dr. Ajay Mitra Shastri, Nagpur University. 10. A Jain Historical Tradition by Prof. D. C. Sircar, Calcutta University, ... 96 SUPPLEMENT 11. The Jain Harivarsa by Dr. Asim Kumar Chatterjee, Calcutta University 100 12. Jainism and Jain Relies in Bihar by Dr. S. P. Singh 13. Beliefs and Practices in the Jain Sutras by Sri Ramesh Kumar Billorey, Calcutta University, 132 INDEX PLATES I-Y ... 118 137

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PREFACE The eighth annual series of two days' inter-university seminars was held at our Centre of Advanced Study in February, 1972, on (1) Early Indian Trade and Industry, and (2) Religion and Culture of the Jains. The proceedings of the seminar on the first day were published sometime ago, and those of the second day's seminar on Religion and Culture of the Jains, together with the papers presented on the occasion, are now placed in the hands of the students of ancient Indian history. The proceedings bave been drawn up, as usual, on the basis of notes submitted by the Reporters. The papers, edited without changing the authors' ideas as far as possible, have been roughly arranged on a chronological basis. The editing work had to be done in a hurry because of my impending retirement on the 31st July, 1972 ; but still I have tried to do my best within the short time at my disposal. The index of this volume has been prepared by Dr. Sm. K. Saha, a Research Associate at the Centre. Centre of Advanced Study, Dept. of Ancient Indian History and Culture, Calcutta University, 51/2, HazraRoad, Calcutta-19, 13th July, 1972. D. C. SIRCAR Director

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Proceedings of the Seminar Second Day Date : 25th February, 1972. Time : 10-30 A.M. to 1 P.M. and 2 to 5 P.M. Subject: Religion and Culture of the Jains. Place : Lecture Hall, Department of Ancient Indian History and Culture, Calcutta University. Chairman : PROF. D. C. SIRCAR, Calcutta University. Participants besides the Chairman : 1. DR. L. B. KENY Bombay University 2. DR. SM. R. CHAMPAKALAKSHMI Madras University 3. Dr. G. B. UPRETI Delhi University 4. SM. S. SENGUPTA Do. 5. Dr. O. P. VERMA Nagpur University 6. DR. A. M. SHASTRI Do. 7. DR. B. SRIVASTAVA Banaras Hindu University 8. DR. SM. S. M. DEVI Patna University 9. DR. N. N. ACHARYA Gauhati University 10. DR. P. K. BHATTACHARYA North Bengal University, Raja Rammohanpur 11. DR. SM. B. LAHIRI Jadavpur University 12. Dr. A. N. LAHIRI Calcutta University 13. DR. S. BANDYOPADHYAY Do. 14. SRI R. K. BHATTACHARYA Centre of Advanced Study in AIHC, Calcutta University. 15. DR. SM. K. SAHA Do. 16. DR. A. K. CHATTERJEE Do. 17. Dr. S. P. SINGH 18. SM. K. BAJPEYI and others. Reporters : DR. SM. J. MAITRA SM, K. BAJPEYI Do. Do.

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Morning Session The seminar started at 10-30 A.M. when Dr. A. N. Labiri was invited by the Chairman to read his paper on 'The Conception of Tirthankaras in Jain Literature', in which he endeavoured to show the outward similarity and the fundamental difference between the Tirthankara tradition of the Jains and the Avataravada of the Hindus. He said that Jainism developed in North-Eastern India out of a strong reaction against the caste-oriented and ritualistic Brahmanism. This heterodox religion owed its origin to non-Brahmana religious thinkers. The most important aspect of the Tirthankara legends is the attribution of a long life-span and supernatural powers to them and this differentiates them from the gods of the Hindu pantheon. Prof. D.C.Sircar referred to the part played by imagination in Jain mythology and pointed out how the Jain writers excelled even the Puranic authors in introducing imaginary elements in their cosmographical speculations. He doubted the historicity of the tradition that Parsvanatha flourished exactly 250 years before Mahavira and thought that the former flourished shortly before the lattcr. Dr. Lahiri wanted to know why the Tirtharkaras were regarded as 24 in number. Prof. Sircar considered it difficult to determine though it reminds one of caturvimsa-stoma, caturvimsati-smrti, etc., the conception of the 24 forms of the god Visnu being apparently associated with the Jain tradition regarding 24 Tirthankaras. Dr. A. M. Shastri wanted to know as to which of these two concepts is earlier. Prof. Sircar pointed out the difficulty in determining the antiquity of the Jain tradition and was inclined to assign the Vaisnava tradition to a date not earlier than the Gupta age. Dr. Sm. R. Champakalakshmi observed that the Periya Puranam, written in the 12th or 13th century A. D.. mentions 63 Nayanmars in imitation of the 63 Salakapurusas of the Jains. Dr. Sm. R. Champakalakshmi next read her note on 'An Unnoticed Jain Cavern and Some Pallava Antiquities near

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PROCEEDINGS OF THE SEMINAR-SECOND DAY Madurantakam'. A range of low hills, locally called Paficapandavamalai, lies near Madurantakam in the Chingleput District, Tamilnadu. They contain some natural caverns with chiselled rock beds used by the Jain ascetics for several centuries in the first millennium A. D. On the Karuppankunru rock, there are sculptures representing three Jain Tirthankaras, viz. Adinatha, Parsvanatha and Mahavira. An inscription on the same rock gives the name of the Jain teacher who caused the shrine to be made and was called 'the founder of the 24' (Caturvimsati-sthapaka). Dr. Sm. Champakalakshmi thought that the number 24 was sacred to the Jains and was often used by them to form 'Committees of Twenty-four' for religious and social purposes. Sri R. K. Bhattacharya observed that the Hindus considered the number 24 as auspicious from early times since the Gayatri-mantra consists of 24 syllables. Prof. Sircar, Dr. S. R. Das and others pointed out that there were several numbers regarded as auspicious in our early literature. Sri R. K. Bhattacharya then wanted to know whether there is any tradition connecting the Pancapandavas with the above-mentioned hills. Sm. Champakalakshmi answered in the negative. Dr. L. B. Keny observed that many Buddhist caves were also named after the Pancapandavas perhaps to denote their antiquity. Dr. S. R. Das agreed with Dr. Keny and said that everywhere in India ancient sites are associated with the epic heroes. Prof. Sircar pointed out that the South Indian Kistvaens are called Pandukuli or the Pandavas' mounds. He also pointed out that a locality at Nander to the south of the Godavari is regarded by the local people as the place where Draupadi's marriage took place. Prof. Sircar further observed that on the Kaulesvari hill near Huntergunge in the Hazaribag District in Bihar, Jain Tirthankara images engraved in relief are called the Pandava brothers by the local people. Dr. A. K. Chatterjee then read his paper on 'Jinasena's Harivamsa'. Dr. Chatterjee pointed out that the work is similar to Somadeva's Kathasaritsagara which is the Sanskrit translation of Gundahya's Brhatkatha. Jinasena has described 3

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RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS in greater details the achievements of Krsna-Vasudeva and, in doing so, he has followed the Vaisnava Harivamsa, but deliberately distorted the epic account and has offered a new version. He referred to the ruling dynasties and mentioned the names of contemporary: kings. Of those families, Dr. Chatterjee said, the Khalgas ruled in East Bengal in the 7th century A.D. and the Mallas were probably the Mallas of Mahabodhi mentioned in an inscription of Dharmapala. He further referred to the duration of Gupta rule given by Jinasena as 231 years and the mention of Karnasuvarna by the latter. Dr. S. R. Das wanted to know the date of Jinasena. Dr. Chatterjee answered that the date is given by the author himself in the colophon of the work as Saka 705, corresponding to 783 A. D. As regards the tradition about the duration of Gupta rule for 231 years, Prof. D. C. Sircar observed that the same tradition is mentioned side by side with another giving the duration as 255 years in the Jain work Tiloyapannatti by Jadi Vasaha and pointed out that both of them may be regarded as correct, the first suggesting the collapse of Gupta rule in U. P. about 550 A. D. and the latter pointing to its extirpation in Orissa about 574 A.D. Prof. Sircar further observed that the Mallas might be those of the age of the Buddha and doubted whether the Khadgas were the same as those ruling in Bengal. He did not believe that the Kathasaritsagara is an exact Sanskrit translation of Gunadhya's Byhatkatha since the Vikramaditya section must have been later interpolated. He further pointed out that both the Buddhists and the Jains enjoyed distorting stories found in Brahmanical literature. Dr. A. M. Shastri next read his paper entitled 'Varahamihira and Bhadrabahu' in which he tried to prove that the contemporaneity of Srutakevalin Bhadrabahu and Varahamihira contemplated by Merutunga and Rajasekharasuri must be rejected as it goes against Varahamihira's own work. An examination of the available Bhadrabahusamhita proves that it has nothing to do with any of the personages bearing the name Bhadrabahu and that it is later than Varahamihira's

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PROCEEDINGS OF THE SEMINAR-SECOND DAY Brhatsamhita to which it is greatly indebted. The text, Dr. Shastri said, belongs to the Digambara sect of Jainism, though a critical examination of its contents reveals the fact that, in all probability, it was originally a Brahmanical work and was given a Jain appearance at a later date by adding a few Jain elements here and there. Prof. D. C. Sircar observed that the Jain traditions regarding the contests between Bhadrabahu and Varahamihira remind one of similar traditions about the rivalry between Gunadhya and Sarvavarman as found in the Kathasaritsagara. Prof. Sircar also pointed out how Varahmihira is associated with Vikramaditya in some traditions and with the Nandas in others though there was no king named Vikramaditya before the Gupta age. Dr. Shastri said that the Digambara tradition connects Bhadrabahu with Candragupta Maurya and the Svetambara tradition with the Nandas, so that Varahamihira, mentioned as a contemporary of Bhadrabahu, is placed by them in the same age. Dr. Upreti did not accept the idea that Varahamihira superseded Aryabhata. Dr. Shastri did not consider the point as relevant to his paper. Dr. S. R. Das wanted to know when the Magas came to India, because Varabamihira is referred to by Dr. Shastri as a Maga Brahmana. Prof. Sircar and Dr. Shastri thought that the Magas came to India with the Scythians who entered the Indus Valley from Eastern Iran. Prof. Sircar observed that, in the second century A. D.,' Ptolemy mentions the Maga-Brahmanas settled even in the Far South of India. Sm. S. Sengupta next read her paper on "Jain Cosmography'. She dealt with the Jain theory of the origin and shape of the universe. Jain cosmography, she pointed out, is based on the ideas of the Brahmanical Puranas, but is represented as different from them in certain respects. The Jains criticised the Brahmanical and Buddhist view points, according to which the world is created and destroyed by reason of the combination and disintegration of a number of elements (jada) and consciousness (cetana), which are eternal. Prof. Sircar observed that the Jains exhibited a passion for .

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RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS exaggerating the imaginary details of their cosmography more conspicuously than the Hindus. Dr. Keny wondered whether Sm. Sengupta tried to understand the Jain ideas within the present day knowledge of the subject. Dr. A. N. Lahiri remarked that the ancient people had no scientific basis for their ideas so that their process of thinking was different. Prof. Sircar opined that, in reality, Jain cosmography was an elaboration of the Brahmanical ideas, the details being clothed in excessive imagination. Dr. S. Bandyopadhyay referred to some writings on Jain cosmography, which Sm. Sengupta could have consulted with benefit. Dr. Sm. R. Champakalakshmi then read her paper on Jainism in Tondaimandalam' in which she surveyed the available evidence, both epigraphical and literary, regarding the appearance of Jainism in Tondaimaqdalam. On the basis of a Digambara tradition, she attributed the advent of Jainism in South India to the migration of the Jain community under the Srutakevalin Bhadrabahu to the Mysore region at the beginning of the 3rd century B. C. Prof. Sircar remarked that epigraphical evidence points to the existence of Jainism side by side with Brahmanism and Buddhism in all parts of South India during the early centuries of the Christian era. Sri R. K. Bhattacharya referred to the Jain Brahmanas of Gujarat, and Prof. Sircar remarked that the Brahmanas who worked particularly for the Jain community are called Jain Brahmana. Sri A. K. Chakravarti said that the traditional caste division was accepted by the Jains and the Buddhists. The morning session ended for the lunch interval at 1 p.m. Afternoon Session After resumption of the session in the afternoon, Dr. Sm. K, Saha read her paper on 'Some Festivals and Fasts of the Jains', in which she discussed both Svetambara and Digambara festivals. Prof. Sircar remarked that many of these fasts and festivals, well known to the students of Jainism, were observed

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PROCEEDINGS OF THE SEMINAR-SECOND DAY also by the Buddhists as well as the Brahmanical Hindus. He referred to the division of the year into three seasons (consisting of four months each) which ended on the full-noon days of Phalguna, Asadha and Karttika and said that the month of Caitra was regarded as holy by the Jains. Sri B. P. Mishra wanted to know whether Caitra-purnima was considered sacred by the Hindus. Dr. A. K. Chatterjee remarked that the Caitra festival is referred to by Apastamba. Sri R. K. Bhattacharya next read his note on 'A Summary of Jain Philosophy'. In it he discussed the theory of Cosmography and of Karman and its kinds, etc. Prof. Sircar requested Sri Bhattacharya to explain Syadvada ; but the latter found it difficult to do so. Prof. Sircar observed that the paper is not a clever exposition of the philosophical ideas of the Jains. Dr. S. Bandyopadhyay next read his paper entitled 'Textile Industry described in an Early Jain Text' which was based on the Angavijja. Prof. Sircar remarked that ksauma and dukula are often regarded as synonymous, but sometimes as different so that the real difference between the two names is difficult to determine. Dr. A. K. Chatterjee thought that the paper deals only with some technical terms relating to the textile industry. Dr. K. K. Dasgupta wanted to know whether the technique of textile weaving is referred to in the Angavijja. Dr. Bandyopadhyay answered in the negative. Dr. A. M. Shastri doubted whether Cina and cinapatta can be classed in the mula category. Prof Sircar also thought the expression mulayonigata as ambiguous. Next Dr. L. B. Keny, read his note on "The Primitive in Jainism'. He commented on Mrs. Stevenson's view on certain traditions regarding the Tirthankaras and endeavoured to show that Indian legends are not totally detached from genuine historical traditions. The accounts of the Jains, he held, reflects their ignorance of time and space. The primitive concept of measurement with the help of bow and arrow definitely indicates that they were well known to the people during the time of the Tirthankaras. The bow and arrow, still forming the weapons of a large number of Indian tribes,

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RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS can be associated with a definite civilization. Another interesting traditional description of the Jains relates to the emblems which came to be gradually associated with the 24 Tirthankaras. There seems to be a probability that these indicate tribal marks or totems. Prof. Sircar, whose approach was somewhat different from Dr. Keny's, agreed with Mrs. Stevenson that the high stature attributed to the previous Jain Tirthankaras should be taken with a grain of salt. He referred to Kalhana's Rajatarangini mentioning king Ranaditya who is said to have ruled for 300 years. He further pointed out that dhanus and hasta were both regarded as units of measurement in ancient Indian literature, and that dhanus was not peculiar to the Jains, but was common to the Indians in general. While discussing the symbols associated with the Tirthankaras, Prof. Sircar further remarked that so many of them cannot possibly be regarded as totems connected with a single community. Dr. S. R. Das thought that there may be many totemic groups in a single tribe. Prof. Sircar, however, drew attention to the fact that, while literary evidence represents the Saka tree as intimately associated with the Sakya tribe apparently as a totem, the Buddha is represented by various symbols such as the Bodhi tree, lotus and elephant, but not the saka tree. The Kadambas were likewise associated with the Kadamba tree which was, however, neither their crest nor the emblem on their dhvaja. Dr. K. K. Dasgupta remarked that all the Jain symbols cannot be associated with particular tribes. Sm. K. Bajpeyi next read her paper entitled 'Jainism in the Early Inscriptions of Mathura'. Prof. Sircar laid emphasis on the importance of the inscriptions from Mathura for the reconstruction of the early history of Jainism. The epigraphic references to the Gana, Kula, Sakha, etc., among the Jains, he said, are earlier than most of the early Jain works as they have come down to us. Dr. S. P. Singh then read his paper on 'Jainism and Jain Relics in Bihar'. Prof. Sircar pointed out that there are some

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PROCEEDINGS OF THE SEMINAR-SECOND DAY omissions in Dr. Singh's treatment of the subject. He particularly referred to the Kaulesvari hill under the Hantergunje Police Station in the Hazaribag District, where several images of the Tirthankaras are found. Sri A. K. Jha referred to some Jain temples and an image of Adinatha of about the 4th century A. D. Dr. S. R. Das said that he visited many old Jain temples with the icons of Tirthankaras in the interior of the Singhbhum-Manbhum region. Sri R. K. Bhattacharya read a note on 'the Earliest Form of Jainism'. He did not accept the view that Jainism originated with Parsvanatha, who died 250 years before the death of Vardhamana Mahavira, because the Jain religious texts show that 22 other prophets flourished before Par svanatha one after another, having a considerable period of gap between any two of them. He referred to Rsahha and his ancestors mentioned in the Bhagavata Purana. Prof. Sircar regarded the earlier 22 Jain Tirthankaras as mythical personages and did not attach any importance to the mediaeval Bhagavata Purana legend of Rsabha represented there as an incarnation of Visnu. Prof. D. C. Sircar next read his note entitled 'A Jain Tradition' in which he discussed the Neminahacariu reference to the coins of Calukya Mularaja. Prof. Sircar drew attention to the gold coins bearing the figure of goddess Laksmi and issued by Mularaja as referred to in the colophon of Haribhadra's Neminahacariu composed in the year 1159 A. D. He said that this Mularaja must be Mularaja I of the Calukya or Solanki dynasty of Gujarat who ruled in 961-96 A. D. because Mularaja II of the same family reigned in 1176-78 A. D., i.e. sometime after the composition of the Neminahacariu. Prof. Sircar regarded the said tradition recorded about a century and a half after the death of Mularaja I as genuine, because in ancient and mediaeval, India, coins, once in the market, remained in circulation for centuries. He considered it possible that Haribhadra saw some such coins. As regards the absence of any coin bearing the name of Mularaja, Prof. Sircar suggested that they may have been issued either without the king's name or in a small quantity. Dr. A. M. Shastri agreed 9

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RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS with Prof. Sircar. Dr. S. Bandyopadhyay observed that the reference to Malaraja's coin in the Neminahacariu has already been noticed by U. P. Shah and R. C. Agrawala. The afternoon session of the Seminar ended at 5 p.m. with Prof. D. C. Sircar's hearty thanks to all the participants. He appealed to the representatives of the various universities to forgive the organisers of the Seminars for the inconveniences they might have experienced during their short stay in Calcutta. Dr. L. B. Keny expressed the sense of gratitude of the assembled scholars to Prof. Sircar. Dr. A. M. Shastri, Dr. 0. P. Verma and others paid their tribute to the Chairman and expressed their satisfaction at the success of the Seminars.

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THE PRIMITIVE IN JAINISM L. B. Keny, St. Xavier's College, Bombay University "The genius of the people of India", says Mrs. Sinclair Stevenson, "does not lie in historical research; to them metaphysical thought is the chief end of man, and they are content to leave to western scholars the task of filling in the large gaps of unexplored country in their history." "It is", she continues, "the misfortune of Jainism that so much of its life story falls within these unexplored tracts of time, and though the Jainas have kept historical records of their own, it is very difficult to correlate these records with known facts in the world's history."1 In this paper an attempt is made to challenge as well as to refute the statement of Mrs. Stevenson. The Indian legends are not totally detached from Indian historical traditions. The Jain legends, therefore, contain latent historical facts though they are mixed up with traditions. The Jains respect their twenty-four Tirthankaras, the first being Rsabhadeva and the last Vardhamana. The traditional account of the Jains reflects a miserable ignorance of time and space, though it may be that they indicate their hoary past and therefore refer to the primitive state of their civilization. Referring to the duration of the interval between the different prophets, the Jains start with '50 lakhs of crores of of sagara' of time between Rsabhadeva and Ajitanatha, the second prophet. The later Tirthankaras, however, have considerably a shorter span of interval between them ; c.g., 45 lakhs of years' between the 19th and 20th Tirthankaras. The change from sagara to 'years' it very significant. The change reflects a primitive concept of time to a civilized one. Like the primitive concept of the time factor, the Jain tradition reflects a primitive concept of measurement. It is a 1 The Heart of Jainism, p. 7.

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12 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS. well-known fact that the traditional height of the first Tirthankara is '500 bow-shots' while that of the 22nd is '10 bow-shots'. It is quite interesting to note that the 12th Tirthankara Vasupujya is '70 arrow-shots'. The reference to bows and arrows is not the result of the Jain tradition being involved in a 'metaphysical thought', but it definitely indicates the concept of measurement with the help of the bows and arrows which were well known to the people during the time of these Tirthankaras.* The bow and arrow have a definite history with a definite period of civilization. These weapons are primitive phases of the Jain tradition. The bow and arrow still form the weapons of a large number of Indian tribals. Another interesting tradition of the Jains relate to the various emblems associated with the 24 Tirthankaras. To put them in their chronological sequence they are the Bull, Elephant, Horse, Ape, Goose, Lotus flower, Svastika, Moon, Crocodile (Crab), Srivatsa, Rhinoceros. Buffalo, Boar, Hawk, Thunderbolt, Antelope, Goat, Nandyavartta, Water jar, Tortoise, Asoka tree (Lotus), Conch-shell, Snake and Lion. There seems to be a probability that these emblems indicate tribal marks or totems. The Jain Tirthankaras were not associated with any particular marks in the beginning. Several of them, however, were endowed with the emblems at a later date. The emblems came gradually to be represented on their seats. Some of them, being animals, were converted into their vehicles. But the marks like the moon, water jar, lotus and conch-shell could not be conceived as vehicles since they were not animals. This suggests that the other animals too were originally not vehicles, but totems or tribal marks.2 The 23rd Tirthankara Parsvanatha has the snake as his emblem. It is not an accident that the snake became a symbol in Jainism. Ancient Indian sculpture is replete with pictures of men and women having serpent hood over their heads. They seem to represent people having the snake as their tribal mark. *[Measurement by bow-shot seems to be imaginary; but one bowlength equal to four cubits was well known.-Ed.] ! 2 Cf. Keny, "The Nagas in Magadha', JBORS, Vol. XXVIII, p. 163 note 1. [See p. 8 above.-Ed.]

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L. B. KENY 13 It is quite probable that Parsvanatha belonged to the tribe of the Nagas. The worship of the nagas is popular with a number of Indian tribes like the Bhils and Mundas. Evidences of fights between the Aryans and the Nagas and instances of their marriages with each other are well known in ancient Indian literature. It is also a well-known fact that the Aryans offered the Nagas in sacrifices, burning them alive. It appears that these Nagas were people whose tribal mark was the serpent. 3 Marks like the crab, tortoise, conch-shell, etc.. are associated with various tribes and they reflect the environment of the people from whose tribal groups the Tirtha nkara hailed.* According to the Jain tradition Mahavira was enlightened while seating under the Asoka tree. The association of a tree with a Jain Tirthankara reflects the sanctity of trees among the tribal people like the Oraon, Birhor, Munda and Gond. The worship of funeral structures was an essential part of Jainism.This tradition is pre-Aryan and non- \ryan. To some extent, the worship of the dead and the later practice of the Sraddha offering for the salvation of the souls of ancestors indicate the tribal worship of the dead. Jainism seems to have adopted this primitive custom of the tribals. The philosophy of Jainism gives a due place to the Yaksas or spirits, both wicked and kind. These are characteristics of the cult of primitive tribes. The above evidences indicate the impact of primitive ideas on Jainism.** There is a probability of a better historical assessment of the Jain traditions and legends with the help of anthropologists and archaeologists. 3 Cf. Guseva, Jainism, pp. 35-36. *[Of the Tirtharkaras, Parava and Mahavira are the only two historical figures and, of these two, there are many traditions about the latter. N of them, however, connects the lion, Mahavira's emblem, with the clan to which he belonged.Ed.] 4 Bihar through the Ages, p. 82; cf. Ghurye, The Aborigines so called and their Future. **[None of the old religions is free from such influence.--Ed.]

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RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS The present paper makes no claim to precision, but makes an attempt to project some of the issues in the light of which the Jain traditional accounts need to be re-considered anthropologically and archaeologically. It seeks to suggest that a fruitful line of investigation lies in a combined research in anthropology, archaeology and history, and not each left to itself. The question remains how well this approach works.* *See above, p. 8.--Ed.)

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II JAIN COSMOGRAPHY Sm. Sudha Sengupta, Delhi University The question about the origin and shape of the universe we live in engaged the attention of men from time immemorial and numerous speculations were made by thinkers of all ages. This is evident in the religious literatures. Whereas the question of the origin and eternity or otherwise has been tried to be solved in the Brahmanical literature in various ways, the Buddha dismissed it outright as avyakatu or inexplicable and unnecessary. The Jains also propounded some theories, criticising both the Brahmanical and Buddhist points of view, according to which the world is created and destroyed by reason of the combination and disintegration of a number of elements (jada) and consciousness (cetana), which are eternal. As the component parts are eternal, so, in spite of the apparent changes, the world is also eternal, without primordium or annihilation. For them, therefore, there is no cosmogony. But they have a well-defined cosmography almost on the lines of the Brahmanical Puranas, but at the same time considerably different from them in certain respects, particularly regarding the theory of the heavens and hells. Indian cosmography as a whole is quite interesting and Jain cosmography, which is a part thereof, may be said to be the more interesting. A few of its salient features may be mentioned here. In the first place, the cosmographical details are worked out in an elaborate plane; secondly, the details have close connection with the Jain metaphysical and ethical doctrines; thirdly, the entire range of Jain literature is so much permeated with these details that a clear understanding of them needs a constant reference to standard works on cosmography; and lastly, there is found in them, a good deal of knowledge of contemporary mathematics. For these reasons, the study of 1 Jambudipapannattisargaha (ed. H. L. Jain and A. N. Upadhye. Jain Samskrit Samrakshaka Samgha, Sholapur), Intr., p. 10 (henceforth mentioned as JPS).

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16 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS cosmography seems not only popular, but also an important subject of study for the Jains. Corresponding to the Jambudvipa-varnana of the Brahmanical texts there are a number of texts in Jainism in connection with Jambudvipa, like the sixth Upanga Jambudipapannati and post-canonical works like Umasvati's Jambudipasamasa, Jambudivasamghayam, and Padmanandin's Haribhadra's Jambudivapannattisamgaha (JPS). 2 The shape of the world in the Jain texts is compared to 'a woman with her arms akimbo's or, in older accounts, to the figure of a man. It is also 'compared with a threedimensional figure 8', the upper and lower loops representing the upper and the lower world, while the middle portion, i.e., the junction of the two loops, which may be the waist of 'the man-represents the world we live in and is called Jambudvipa. This Jambudvipa, which is round like the sun and of immense dimension, is at the centre of the horizontal disc and separated from each other by oceans. At the centre of Jambudvipa and therefore of the world, stands the great Mount Meru or Mandara, which is fabulously high. The Jambudvipa has thirteen divisions, of which there are seven ksetras, viz. Bharata, Haimavata, Harivarsa, Videha or Mahavideha, Ramyaka, Hairanyavat and Airavata; and six kulaparvatas, viz. Himavat or Culahimavat, Mahahimavat, Nisadha, Nila, Rupya or Rukmin and Sikharin. Of these, Himavat and Sikharin are made of gold and the others of different precious stones. The great river Ganga flows from the Padmahrd on the Himavat mountain and, flowing for 500 yojanas, enters into a big lake at the foot of the same mountain; in its course, it washes many an image of the Jina." 5 Uttarakuru is regarded as a land of the blessed in Brahmanical literature. In the Jain cosmography, Uttarkuru 2 Loc. cit. 3 ERE, Vol. IV, pp. 160-61. 4 Loc. cit. 5 For the dimension and description of the Meru-parvata, cf. JPS, Ch. IV, 21-40. 6 JPS, p. 33.

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SM. S. SENGUPTA 17 is placed between the Gandhamadana and Malyavat mountains. It is to the east of the Gandhamadana and the west of the Malyavat and to the north of the Meru and the south of the Nila. The texts give a detailed description of the lakes, rivers, mountains and mansions wherein deities live." Another place called Devakuru is placed to the south of the Mandara. The Jain cosmographical accounts mention the Bharata and Airavata regions of Jambudvipa and also two continents besides Jambudvipa, which are separated from it by impassable seas, are exactly like Jambudvipa in all respects and are called Dhatakiknanda and Puskarardha or Puskaradvipa. Both of them have the eastern and western Bharata and Airavata it makes a total of ten regions : Jambudvipa having two and Dhatakikhanda and Puskarardha four each. To each of these regions, is alloted twenty-four past, present and future Tirthankaras. Bharatavarsa, i.e. India, is said to be a small portion in the southern side of Jambudvipa.. The upper and lower worlds, i.e., the heaven and hell, are described in Jain cosmographical works in detail. They start from the bottom, i.e., the hell and proceed upwards to heaven, via the earth which stands at the centre. There are seven lower regions, one below the other, which are named-from top to bottom--Ratnaprabha, Sarkaraprabha, Valukaprabha, Pamkaprabha, Dhumaprabha, Tamahprabha and Mahatamahprabha, each of which contains numerous hells. where people committing different grades of sin are sent to undergo punishment of varying degrees. The lowermost naturally are the worst of all. The periods of stay in these hells also are fixed according to the gravity of the sins committed. These regions are separated from each other by thick layers of vacuum with no inhabitants. Only in the layer between the uppermost nether region and the earth, there lives a class of gods, known 7 Ibid., pp. 100 f. 8 Ibid., p. 108. .9 For a comparative study, refer to the cosmographical sections of the Puranas.

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18 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS as Bhavanavasin, who are the Nagas, Asuras, Suparnas, etc. 10 The series of heavens start above Mount Meru in a number of stages. First, there are three tiers or Vimanas which are the habitats of Vaimanika gods. The first of them is a set of 12 Kalpas, preceded by 9 Graiveyakas, and above them are the 5 Anuttaras. [The name Graiveyaka comes from griva or neck of the cosmic Purusa.] The souls attaining the Anuttara heaven will have no more than two rebirths before complete emancipation. The topmost region of the Anuttara heaven' is called Saryarthasiddha aboye which is the top of the Universe, in the shape of an umbrella of huge dimension, named Isatpragbhara, where emancipated souls have their final rest. 11 (2 The planetary world, i.e., the Sun, Moon and the constellations, revolve round Mount Meru, each having a presiding deity. A peculiar notion of the Jains is that the whole planetary system has a duplicate, each set covering only half of the journey. While one works, the other rests, and when the latter takes over, the former takes rest, so that we can see only one of them whereas in reality they are two. As in the Brahmanical theories, according to Jain mythology also, the wheel of time moves continuously with the rim going up and down alternately. The period designating the downward movement is called Avasarpini and the upward one is known as Utsarpini. These two main periods are again subdivided into six periods according to the degree of happiness or misery, enjoyed or suffered by the people born in them. The physical stature and life-span of men vary according to the influence of these ages. The height and life-span gradually decrease in the Avasarpini era while they increase gradually in the Utsarpini.12 10 Buhler, Indian Sect of the Jains (reprint, 1963), p. 48; JPS, pp. 204ff. JPS, Ch. xi. 11 12 ERE, Vol. IV, pp. 160-61; SBE, Vol. XLV, Ch. XXXVI-Uttarddhyayana Sutra.

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SM. S. SENGUPTA 19 Thus, the Jain account of Jambudvipa agrees more or less with the Epic and Puranic accounts. For want of space, it is not possible to discuss them in detail.1* Though the Jains claim to be very * rational, their cosmography is not less imaginary than that of the Brahmanical thinkers. 13 See Stevenson, Heart of Jainism, pp. 27271.

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III THE CONCEPTION OF TIRTHANKARAS IN JAIN MYTHOLOGY A. N. Lahiri, Calcutta University There is some outward similarity between the Tirthankara myth of the Jains and the Avataravada of the Hindus. The Tirthankaras, numbering twenty-four, play the same role of 'Saviour of the Faith' as their ten avatara counterparts. But there is a fundamental difference between the two. According to the Avataravada, the same divine agent appears again in various forms or incarnations to save the religion from corruption and decay; but, according to the Tirthankara myth, different human agents make their successive appearances avowedly for the same purpose. This is due to a basic difference in the thinking process of the myth-makers of the two religions. Jainism grew in North-Eastern India out of a strong reaction against the caste-oriented and ritualistic Brahmanical religion. People of the region, who were Non-Aryan in origin but were ultimately taken into the Aryan fold, evidently could not adjust their basically different religious ideas with the ritualistic practices of the Brahmanical Hindus and their conception of the inviolability of the Vedas and the eternal existence of divinities. This reaction was all the more pronounced amongst the neo-Ksatriya who could not stand the supremacy of the Brahmanas. It happened in the sixth and fifth centuries B. C., and, as a result, quite a few heterodox religions like Jainism and Buddhism came into being under the leadership of various religious thinkers, all of whom, it is needless to say, were non-Brahmanas.* In the Brahmanical religion, gods, eternal and all-powerful, play an important role, since they have amongst them the *[Some of them like Purana Kasyapa were Brahmanas according to scholars.-Ed.]

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A. N. LAHIRI 21 . 8 ) creator and the 'regulator of the universe. But the reaction that formulated the ideas which went to the making of the Jain religion, dispensed with the notion of the eternal existence of any being, divine or human. Of course, it had ultimately to admit the firmly-rooted Brahmanical divinities in its mythology ; but they were relegated to inferior positions and were considered to be mortals like other living beings. Mahavira, a neo-Ksatriya prince of the jnatska clan of Vaisali, who renounced worldly comforts and ultimately attained sainthood, gave concrete shape to what is known as Jainism. As it appears, he was not, however, the virtual founder of the religion, for he evidently incorporated in its creed some important ideas propounded by an earlier teacher, Parsva by name. It was after the death of Mahavira that his followers codified what Mahavira-or for that matter, both Parsva and Mahavira--preached. To their followers, however, both the teachers were the greatest personalities enjoying supernatural powers. They would have deified them straightway, as is the general tendency amongst the followers of great religious teachers in India ; but the fact that the teachers did not believe in the supermacy of gods dissuaded them from doing so. Nevertheless, they placed them at the highest level of sainthood and applied to them the epithet tirthakara or tirthankara, meaning 'one who makes a tirtha or ford' for crossing the river of worldly sorrows. The Tirthankaras were thus not only the preachers of the faith, but also the redeemers of its followers. The Jains, however, were not at all in favour of calling Parsva and Mahavira the founders of their faith, which, "for the sake of respectability, had to be declared as eternal." But the religion which did not have any beginning or end is bound to be corrupted in course of time and would need the appearance of a number of preachers and redeemers at intervals. Only two teachers, Parsva and Mahavira, who were but mortals, could not perform the task. Myth-makers rose to the occasion and conceived the existence of as many as twenty :11 -

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22 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS four Tirthankaras who appeared one after the other-and of course at intervals-to save the religion from corruption and decay. But this scheme holds good only for the present age or Avasarpini. What about the past and the future ages ? For them also was allotted a band of twenty-four Tirthankaras each. Then, since, according to the Jain cosmology, the universe has ten worlds (or a sort of continents) like Jambudvipa-Bharata where we live, each world was allotted, for its past, present and future eras, three bands, of twenty-four Tirthankaras, which make the total number of Tirthankaras as many as 720 (24x3x10-720). We are provided with the names of all the seven hundred and twenty Tirthankaras; but minute details are given only for the twenty-four beloging to the present age of Jambudvipa-Bharata alone. Le The myth-makers then tried to solve the problem of the vastness of the present era by allotting an ever-increasing life-span to each preceding Tirthankara as well as by gradually extending the time-gap between any particular Tirthankara and his preceding counterpart. Thus, while the twenty-fourth Tirthankara Mahavira lived for 72 years, Parsva who just spreceded him, had a life-span of 100 years; and his two predecessors, Aristanemi and Naminatha, lived for 1000 and 10,000 years respectively. In this way, the first Tirthankara, viz. Rsabha, was thought of as having a fantastic life-span of 8,400,000 purva or great years. Again, while the time-gap between Mahavira and Parsva was of 250 years, that between Parsva and Aristanemi was considerably increased; and, again, the interval between the latter and his predcessor Naminatha was still further extended and in this way, the ultimate interval between the second and first Tirthankaras rose to many millions of years. Besides having ever-increasing life-spans, each earlier Tirthankara was of ever-increasing height. Thus, while the twenty-fourth Tirthankara had a moderate height of seven cubits, his two predecessors Parsva and Aristanemi were res*[This is abnormal.-Ed.]

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A. N. LAHIRI pectively nine cubits and ten poles high. And finally the first Tirthankara Rsabha had a fantastic height of 500 poles or nearly two miles. The Jain myth-makers have handed down to us individual accounts of all the twenty-four Tirthankaras from Rsabha to Mahavira. Besides investing each of them with 'thirty-six superhuman attributes of most extraordinary character', they have furnished us with other necessary particulars in a highly schematised and set pattern, viz. (1) Vimana (heaven from which he descended for incarnation), (2) place of birth as well as consecration (diksa), (3) names of father and mother, (4) complexion, (5) cognizance (cihna or lanchana), (6) height, (7) age, (8) diksa-vsksa, (9) attendant spirits (Yaksa and. Yaksini), (10) first ganadhara (male disciple) and first arya (female disciple). We are also provided with a few. other items of information such as the Tirthankara's family, places of his attainment of enlightment (kevala-jnana) and deliverance in bliss (moksa) or death as well as the posture in which he obtained moksa. This additional information is highly interesting ; for, even though painfully stereotyped, some diversions, apparently arbitrary, have been introduced lest people should think that the information is too schematised to be true. All the Tirthankaras were born in the most renowned Ksatriya royal families--twenty-two in the Iksvaku-kula and two, viz. Munisuvrata and Neminatha, in the Hari-vamsa. All received diksa in the respective places of their birth. All obtained jnana also at the respective places of their birth, except Rsabha, Neminatha and Mahavira. Twenty of them had their moksa on Sametasikhara, except Rsabha, Vasupujya, Neminatha and Mahavira. Kayotsar ga is the posture in which as many as twenty-one Tirthankaras obtained moksa, while Rsabha, Neminatha and Mahavira died in Padmasana. , It is evident that the original scheme of the Tirthankara myth was embellished with painfully boring and schematised details only at a much later date, when Jainism spread to Western India. Many of the anecdotes that find their place

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24 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS in the mythology of the Jains are evidently adopted from the mainstream of India's traditional ideas. The story that Mahavira was originally conceived by a Brahmana woman, but that the embryo was transferred by a god to the womb of a Ksatriya lady is interesting in this respect. That a miracle should happen in connection with the birth of the most renowned and revered Tirthankara was recognised ; so the miraculous transfer of the embryo was conceived apparently on the analogy of the similar miracle associated with the birth of the Hindu avatara Krsna. This conception brings out another significant fact. It shows the bias of the Jains against the Brahmana and their preference for the Ksatriya. A Brahmana mother was not worthy en give birth to a Tirthankara. Then, again, the mother of the was made to dream the stereotyped number of fourteen dreams before his birth. This dream conception has its parallel too in the Buddhist mythology. But the most important aspect of the Tirtharkara myth is the attribution of supernatural powers to the Tirthankara. Though human and mortal, they are not like ordinary men ; they have extraordinary statures and generally have fantastically long life-spans. They have beside them non-human Yaksas and Yaksinis like the Hindu deities and great Buddhist personalities.* Though scrupulously differentiated from the gods of the Hindu pantheon, Jain Tirthankaras were ultimately given attributes of the Hindu gods and are now worshipped like them. *[The Jain conception about such attendants is more uniform and regular than in the case of Hindu deities and Buddhist divinities.Ed.]

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IV SOME FESTIVALS AND FASTS OF THE JAINS Sm. Kshanika Saha, Centre of Advanced Study in AIHC, Calcutta University The Jains have been traditionally divided into four groups, viz. Sadhu, Sadhvi, Sravaka and Sravaki. The same vratas or religious vows are prescribed for the ascetics and the laity with the only difference that the ascetics have to observe them more scrupulously while the laity is allowed to follow them in a less severe manner. Like other communities of India, the Jains have a number of festivals during the year. The festivals and fasts are observed mainly as religious ceremonies. According to the Jains, the religious ceremonies are to be performed at the proper time and place which are determined with the help of astronomers. 1 Paryusana. Among holy seasons, none is regarded by the Jains as more sacred than the closing days of their religious year, when the ascetics and laity observe the solemn fast of Pajjusana. Mahavira, that great religious teacher, decreed that Pajjusana should begin when a month and twenty nights of the rainy season had elapsed, his reason apparently being that the lay people would by that time have prepared their houses to brave the elements; and business, too, being less brisk, they would be at liberty to attend to their religious duties. It is a convenient season also for the ascetics, who during the rains give up for a time their peregrinations, lest they should injure any of the abundant life, animal or vegetable, then springing into being." The Buddhist call it Vassa-vasa. During the fast of Pajjusana, householders are urged to live a monk's life for at least twenty-four hours and to observe Posadha. Pajjusana literally means 'serving with a whole-hearted devotion'. 1 S. R. Das, 'The Jain School of Astronomy', IHQ. Vol. VIII, pp. 35-36. 2 SBE, Vol. XXX, 1884, 296 ff.

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26 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS According to the Svetambaras, Pajjusana begins with the twelfth of the dark half of Sravana and ends with the fifth of the bright half of Bhadrapada (August-September). It lasts for eight days. On the third day of the Pajjusana, the Svetambaras organise a procession in honour of the Kalpasutra, a religious text which they hold in great reverence. This Sutra principally deals with three subjects, i.e. lives of Tirtharkaras, list of sages, and rules and regulations to be followed by the Jain monks. According to the Digambaras, Pajjusana lasts every year for ten days from the fifth to the 14th day of the bright half of the month of Bhadrapada. On these days, early in the morning, all people assemble in the temple and perform worship in a large scale. After the worship, on every day, one chapter out of the ten chapters of the Tattvarthasutra is read and explained to the people. During this festival, the annual or great Pratikarman or confession called SamvatsaraPratikarman is performed, in order to remove all ill-feelings against all living beings and to ask pardon from all living beings for any act done knowingly or unknowingly in the course of their mutual exchange during the year. At the close of the meeting everyone present asks the forgiveness of his neighbours for any offence he may even unwittingly have given. This means determination to spend the new year in love and charity with their neighbours. Siddhacakra-puja. This is performed only by the Svetambara Jains twice in a year in Caitra and Asvina, and lasts for eight or nine days, beginning on the 7th and ending on the full-moon day. In every Svetambara temple, there is a saint-wheel, or Siddhacakra, which is a little eight-sided plate made either e brass or silver with five tiny figures representing the Five Great ones (Sadhu, Upadhyaya, Acarya, Arhat and Siddha). Between the figures are written the names of the three jewels (right knowledge, right faith and right conduct) and also the word tapa, austerity, which might almost be called the keyword of the whole Jain system. On the last day 'Navapada' 3 Vilas Adinath Sanghve, Jain Community, p. 248.

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SM. K. SAHA 27 puja is performed before the Siddhacakra with singing and offerings and the pouring of pots of 'Pakhal' consisting of water, milk, saffron and clarified butter. Jnana-pancami. Once in a year a fast called Jnanapancami is observed. On this day all Jain sacred books are not only worshipped, but also dusted, freed from insects and rearranged. Mahavira-jayanti. The birthday anniversary of Lord Mahavira falls on the thirteenth day of the bright half of Caitra, and this is celebrated with great pomp and enthusiasm throughout India by all Jains. Virasasana-jayanti. This is celebrated mainly by the Digambara Jains every year on the first day of the dark half of Sravana. The day is important because on this very day Lord Mahavira, after gaining omniscience, delivered his first religious discourse on the Vipula mountain at Rajaglha.: Days of Abstinence. Fasting is considered so important by the Jains that many Svetatmbara Jains observe twelve days in every month as days of abstinence. The Digambaras, however, observe fast on ten days in every month of the year, on the second, fifth, eighth, eleventh and fourteenth days of both the bright and dark halves of the month. Less devout Jains among the Svetambaras observe only five days of abstinence. Moreover, four full-moon days during the year are observed as special fast days by the Svetambara Jains. These full-noon days are those of the months of Karttika, Phalguna, Caitra d Asadha. The Karttika and Caitra full-noon days are considered more important and, on these two days, people try to go on pilgrimage to any sacred place, especially to the hills of Satrunjaya in Kathiawar.? Oli or Ambela. This is the fast of Jain women. It occurs eight days before the Caitra-parnima, and all women who long 4 Nahar and Ghosh, An Epitome of Jainism, pp. 249ff. 5 S. C. Divakar. Jaina-sasana, pp. 257-58. 6 Bombay Gaz., Vol. XXII, p. 118. 7 Stevenson, in ERE, Vol. V, p. 878.

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28 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS for a happy wedded life abstain specially from nice food for twenty-four hours. 8 Bathing of Gomatesvara. Another rare act of Jain worship is the bathing of colossal figures such as that of Gomatesvara at Sravana-Belgola, which takes place every twenty-five years. This is the festival of the Diganibara Jains. The idol of Gomatesvara was made about 983 A.D." Mauna Ekadasi. The Svetambaras once a year keep solemn fast called Mauna Ekadasi or Maunagyarasa on the eleventh day of some month preferably the 11th of the bright half of Margasirsa (November-December). This day is generally spent in fasting with a vow of silence for the whole day, and the worshipper meditates on each of the five stages, viz. Sadhu, Upadhyaya, Acarya, Tirthankara and Siddha.10 Anjanasalaka. Besides the regularly recurring holy days of the year, there are special occasions of rejoicing such as Anjanasalaka (the consecration of a new idol) which is celebrated with great pomp.11 Divali or Dipavali.12 Apart from the festivals and fasts described above which are observed only by the Jains, there are other festivals which are observed by Jains along with the Hindus. Among such festivals, the Divali is the most important as well as sacred. It has, however, been given a Jain sanction by calling it the day on which Mahavira passed to Nirvana ; the celestial and other beings who were present at that time worshipped him and instituted an illumination saying, "Since the light of intelligence is gone, let us make an illumination of material matter."18 From that time, the followers of Mahavira celebrate every year the festival of lamps in honour of his achieving liberation. The Jain era known as Viranirvana Samvat also begins from this date. On this day, 8 Stevension, The Heart of Jainism, p. 263. 9 B. L. Rice, Mysore and Coorg from Inscriptions, p. 47. 10 Nahar and Ghosh, op. cit., p.676. 11 Stevenson, The Heart of Jainism, p. 263. 12 Ibid., pp. 260-61. 13 SBE, Vol. XXII, p. 266.

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SM. K. SAHA early in the morning, the Jains visit the temple and worship the idol of Mahavira known as Nirvana Ladu. On the first day, the Svetambara women polish their jewllery and ornaments in honour of Laksmi ; on the second day they propitiate evil spirits by placing sweetmeats at crossroads, and on the third day (Amasa) all Jains worship their account book (Saradapuja).1. Raksabandhana. This is another great festival which is observed by the Jains, especially by the Digambaras. It teaches the spirit of affection towards co-religionists. The Jains observe it on the full-noon day of Sravana because on this day their ascetic Visnukumara saved, through his own spiritual powers, the lives of seven hundred Jain monks from death from the human-sacrifice organised by Bali, the king of Hastinapura.18 Aksayatltiya. It is observed in connection with the first Tirthankara Adinatha. Besides the above, the Jains follow. a number of Hindu festivals such as Dasera, Makara-sarkranti and Sitalasatama (the festival of the goddess of Small Pox). At Dasera, the Jains eat especially dainty food, and on the Makara-sankranti they fulfil the duty of charity by giving food to cows and clothing to the poor.16 14 Ibid., p. 267. 15 Sanghve, Jain Community, p. 252. 16 Stevenson, The Heart of Jainism, p. 264 ; ERE, Vol. V, p. 878.

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V A SUMMARY OF JAIN PHILOSOPHY R. K. Bhattacharya, Centre of Advanced Study in AIHC, Calcutta University Indian Philosophy may primarily be divided into two different sections, i. e., Astika and Nastika (i. e., Theistic and Atheistic), the former having its faith in the existence of God and latter not having it. Some of the commentators on Panini's Grammar explain the term Astika as denoting those who have their faith in Paraloka or the life after death. The Carvaka philosophy having its faith neither in God nor in the life after death was admitted by all as Nastika. On the other hand, the philosophies of the Buddhists and the Jains having their firm faith in the theory of rebirth (i. e. life after death ) have been denounced by many of the Indian thinkers as Nastika simply for their disbelief in the existence of God, and apparently also for their non-belief in the fruitfulness of the Vedic rituals. As the philosophy of the Buddhists and the Jains believe in rebirth and the fruitfulness of one's action, which fall in line with the thought of the Hindu philosophers, and are contrary to the ideas of the Carvakas, a new name Pakhanda or Pasanda was given to them for distinguishing them from Carvaka philosophy. Virchand R. Gandhi, who represented Jainism in the Parliament of Religions held at Chicago in 1893 and also preached the philosophy of the Jains throughout the world, discussed the essence of Jain philosophy in his celebrated lectures published by the Agamodaya Samiti of Bombay.1 The term Jaina means 'a follower of the Jina' who 'conquered the lower nature, i. e. passion, hatred and the like, and brought into prominence the highest'. The Jains look into the things in two different ways, of which one is called Dravy i V. R. Gandhi, The Jain Philosophy, edited and published by Sri Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay (2nd ed., 1924) 2 Ibid., p. 15.

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R. K. BHATTACHARYA 31 urthikanaya and the other Paryayarthikanaya. According to the jormer the universe is without beginning and end, whereas the latter holds creation and destruction to take place at every moment. 3 The canons of the Jains also may be divided into two parts, viz. Srutadharma (philosophy) and Caritaatharina (ethics). Srutadharma deals with the nature of nine principles consisting of six kinds of living beings and four states of existence. The first of the nine principles is soul, the second non-soul, and so on. Jain philosophers divide the substance into six kinds, namely, (i) sentiment or consciousness, (ii) matter, (iii) dharmastikaya (fulcrum of motion), (iv) adharmastikaya ( fulcrum of stability or rest ), (v) space, and (vi) time. The living beings are generally divided into six classes, viz. earthbody beings, waterbody beings, firebody beings, windbody beings, vegetables, and animals. Amongst these six classes, one to five are said to have only a single organ of sense (that of touch). The animals are again divided into four classes, viz. (i) those having no organs of sense (touch and taste), such as tapeworms leeches, ete. ; (ii) those having three organs of sense (touch, taste and smell), such as ants, lice, etc. ; (iii) those having four organs of sense (the aforesaid three and sight), such as bees, scorpions, etc., and (iv) those having five organs of sense (the above four and hearing). Jain philosophy divides karman or action into eight different kinds, viz. (i) that which is an impediment to the knowledge of truth, (ii) that which is an impediment to the right insight of various sorts, (iii) that which brings in pleasure and pain, (iv) that which produces bewilderment, and the like. The remaining four classes are so minutely divided and subdivided that 'a student of Jain Karma philosophy can trace any effect to a particular kormano According to the J faith, the highest happiness is to be obtained through knowledge and religious observances. Jain philosophy never permits 3 Ibid., p. 1. 4 Loc. cit. 5 Ibid., p. 3. 6 , p. 7.

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32 RELIGION AND CULTURE OE THE JAINS to kill or hurt any living being. It instructs the ascetics to observe the five Mahavratas or great commandments', viz. (i) to protect all lives, (ii) not to lie, (iii) not to take anything which is not offered, (iv) to abstain from sexual intercourse, and (v) to renounce all interest in worldly things, especially to call nothing as one's own.' Jain philosophy teaches that the universe, when considered as 'the totality of realities', is infinite in space and eternal in time, and that when 'considered from the standpoint of the manifestations of the different realities', it is finite in space and non-eternal in time. According to it, there are five gateways of knowledge, each of which is subject to the laws of evolution and karman. These were described by Virchand R. Gandhi in the Parliament of Religions in the following way: In the lowest form of life, there is only one sense, that of touch. In the higher forms of life, there are two, three, four and (as in animals, birds, fish and men) five senses. These, according to the Jains, can unfold only a limited form of knowledge. The second source is study and reading. The third is Avadhi or the psychic faculty through which finer and more subtle things are known. The fourth is mind-knowing, through which one knows the mental activities of others. The fifth is the absolute knowledge which only can remove all the limitations of body and brain.deg The Jains admit that the soul is eternal having neither birth nor death, and that, when this takes its abode is a new body, the process is called rebirth. They also admit the existence of both the spirit and the matter, and as such, do not hesitate to call themselves dualists. In this connection, V. R. Gandhi announced before the Parliament of Religions : "We are dualists. We say, there is spirit and matter, while the positivists and monists in this country say, there is but 7 8 9 Ibid., pp. 7-8. Ibid., p. 20. Ibid., pp. 21-22.

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R. K. BHATTACHARYA 33 one substance. We say, "No ; spirit can never be matter. Matter is known by the senses, spirit only by spirit...... Spirit is that whose attribute or differentia is consciousness." The difference between the soul and the non-soul, according to the Jains, is that the soul is endowed with the power to know, and the non-soul is the reverse of it. The dualism of the Jains was explained before the Religious Parliament in the following words : "The totality of the universe taken as a whole is eternal; but there are so many parts of that collection and so many entities in it, all of which have their different states which occur at different times and each part does not retain the same state at all times. There is change ; there is destruction of any particular form and a new form comes into existence; and therefore, if we look upon the universe from this standpoint, it is non-eternal."10 The idea that the universe originated from nothing, which the Buddhists hold so strongly, has no place in Jain philosophy.11 The Jains do not admit the existence of God; but their views are almost similar to the Sankhya and Vedanta systems of Hindu philsophy; they admit that there exists a Supreme Power or Energy to which they pray for being one or equal with Him. A Jain verse says : "I bow down to that spiritual power or energy which is the cause of leading us to thc path of salvation, which is supreme and omnicient. I bow down to that power ; because I wish to be one with him."12 Jain philosophy classifies the whole cosmos under two heads, viz. Jiva and Ajiva, of which the former stands for the sentient or conscicous, and the latter for insentient or unconscious. The Jiva travels from body to body, which themselves are Ajiva. When this unnecessary contact of Jiva with Ajiva is 9 10 11 12 Ibid., p. 25. Ibid., p. 43. Ibid., p. 47. Ibid., p. 55.

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34 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THF JAINS removed, the former shines forth in its bliss, assuming its real state of final emancipation. 13 In the Jain view, the inanimate world consists of matter, space, and two kinds of ether known as Dharmastikaya and Adharmastikaya. The animate world consists of innumerable kinds of living beings, each being a centre of complex forces. Time may be figuratively called a substance, though really meaning a generalised mode of thought in respect of the activities of beings and things.14 Unlike the Hindus, the Jains hold that the highest thing is a person, and not any characterless, qualityless being like the Brahman of the Vedanta or the like. As regards the process of acquiring knowledge, Jain philosophy describes it in the following way: "First, there is the indefinite cognition as an isolated object or idea. It is the state of the mind prior to analysis. It is that condition of things to which analysis is to be applied. This is what is really meant by unity or identity of the universe with the real which many philosophers proclaim. It makes no difierence whether this unity or identity finds its home in a sensuous ohject or a subjective idea, the process being the same. Next comes analysis the dissolving, separating, or differentiating of the parts, elements, properties, or aspects. Last comes the synthesis, which is putting together the primitive indefinite cognition-synthesis--with the subsequent analysis, so that the primitive cognition shall not be a complete annihilation, or disappearance by the condensation of all difference, and so that, on the other hand, the analysis shall not be an absolute diffusiveness, isolation or abstraction and destruction of all unity, which is not the primitive unity, but the relational unity of a variety of aspects. The analytical method is known in the Jain literature as Nayavada (consideration of aspects). The synthetical method is called Syadvada (doctrine of the inexpugnability of the inextricably combined properties and relations) or Anekantavada (doctrine of non-isolation)."16 13 Ibid., p. 146. 14 Ibid., p. 184. 15 Ibid., pp. 237-38.

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16 Ibid., p. 241. R. K. BHATTACHARYA The Jains hold that water itself is an assemblage of minute animate creatures, and that air, fire, and even lightning have life in them. They admit that the physical substance of clay, water, stone, etc., is a multitude of bodies of living beings, but that, when dried up, they become pure matter, having no life in them. Similarly, according to the Jains, vegetables, trees, fruits, etc., have life in them: but when dried or cooked, this life does not exist any longer. 16 35

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VI JAINISM IN EARLY INSCRIPTIONS OF MATHURA Sm. Kalyani Bajpeyi, Centre of Advanced Study in AIHC, Calcutta University. In Mathura, we come across a large number of small dedicatory inscriptions incised on the images of Jinas as well as on votive tablets, arches, etc. Some of the epigraphs are dated. Most of these come from the Kankali Tila (mound) and show that, in the first and second centuries of the Christian era, Jainism was in a flourishing condition in that region. However, the earliest Jain inscription recording the erection of an ornamental arch of the temple by a layman named Uttaradasaka, the disciple of the ascetic Magharaksita, has been assigned to 150 B.C.2 Another inscriptions of the Kusana period dated in the year 49 of the Kaniska (Saka) era records the establishment of an image of the Arhat Nandyavarta" at the Vodva stupa, built by the gods (Vodve thupe deva-nirmite). The stupa seems to have been so old that it was believed by the people to have been built by the gods. The Tirthakalpa or Rajaprasada of Jinaprabha, a fourteenth-century work based on ancient materials, narrates the construction and repair of the 'stupa, built by the gods'. According to this work, the stupa, originally made of gold and embellished with precious 1 Luders' List, No. 93. 2 Buhler in Academy, Vol. XXXIX, p. 378. 3 Luders' List, No. 47. 4 Arhat Nandyavarta is, as translated by Fuhrer (Progress Report of the Lucknow Museum, 1891, p. 16), 'the Arhat whose mark is the Nandyvarta symbol', that is to say, Aranatha, the 18th Tirtharkara who had the said symbol of cognisance. The reading Nandyavarta is accepted by scholars like Buhler (Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 204), Smith (The Jain Stupa and Other Antiquities of Mathura, 1969, p. 12) and Luders (List. No. 47). K. D. Bajpai (JUPHS, Vols. XXIV-XXV, p 220), reads the word as Manisurvartra referring to the 20th Jina. (Deva-nirmita=built by the king ? --Ed.] 5 Smith, op. cit., p. 15.

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SM. K. BAJPEYI stones, was erected by the goddess Kubera in honour of Suparsvanatha, the 7th Jina. Later on, at the time of Parsvanatha, the 23rd Jina, the golden stupa was surrounded by enclosure made of bricks, and a stone temple was built outside. Smith? holds that the stupa is probably the oldest known building in India'. In this connection, mention may be made of the Vyavahara-bhasya' referring to a jewelled stupa at Mathura. The inscriptions of Mathura indicate the cult of the Jain Tirthankaras. Images of Rsabha, the first of the Tirtharkaras, are mentioned in Kusana and Gupta records and testifies to the popularity of his worship in the age in question. Besides, four other Kusana inscriptions 10 speak of the installation of the statues of the four Tirthankaras, viz. Sambhavanatha rd), Santinatha (16th), Aristanemi (22nd) and Parsvanatha (23rd). Of course Mahavira, the last Jina, was much more popular, and inscriptions referring to the dedication of his image are numerous not only in the Kusana periodii when Jainism was in a prosperous condition at Mathura, but in the preceding age also, 12 Mahavira, more popularly called Vardha mana, was the name given to him at birth. The first twenty-two Tirthankaras are considered to be mythical figures, and only the last two, viz., Parsvanatha and 6 U. P. Shah (Studies in Jain Art, 1969, p. 12 and note) is of the opinion that, since from the beginning of excavations at the Kankali Tila, not a single specimen exposed the name of Suparsvanatha as a popular Jina there, and there is reference to Parsvanatha in an inscription (Luders' List, No. 110) at Mathura, the stupa was originally dedicated not to Suparsvanatha, but probably to Parsvanatha. 7 Smith, loc. cit. 8 V. 27ff. 9 Luders' List, Nos. 56, 69a, 117, 121 ; Luders, Marh, Ins., ed. K. L. Janert, 1961, p. 35. In a Kusapa record (ibid., p. 52), Luders reads the name Maha salbha which he takes to be a mistake for Maharsabha, i.e. Rsabha (loc. cit.). 10 Luders, Math. Ins., p. 45; List., Nos. 26-27, 110. 11 Luders, List, Nos. 18, 28, 31, 34, 39, 50, 74, 76, 102, 112, 115, 11819; Math. Ins., p. 53 ; Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX, p. 67. 12 D. R. Bhandarkar Volume, ed. B. C. Law, 1940, p. 282 ; Luders' List, Nos. 59, 94, 103.

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38 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS Mahavira, are regarded as historical personages. Mahavira is supposed to be the prophet and reformer, but not the origipator of the creed. It is believed that Parsvanatha preached the four vows, viz. ahimsa (non-injury), satya (truth), asteya (abstinence from stealing) and aparigraha (non-attachment to worldly things). To the four, Mahavira added a fifth, i.e. brahmacarya (chastity).* Further, while Parsvanatha's followers used to wear white garment, Mahavira prescribed nudity for his disciples. The adherents of Parsvanatha and Mahavira are known as Svetambara and Digambara respectively.** The difference between the two sects was more in the matter of conduct rather than in doctrine. In several Mathura records, the Jain prophets are addressed as Arhat, Jina, Siddha, Bhagavata,*** all of which tend to show that they conquered their passions and became omniscient. To the Jains, the 24 Tirthankaras, freed from the circles of births and deaths, are superior to all gods and are the highest objects of veneration.18 "When the Venerable one had become an Arhat and Jina, he was a Kevalin, Omniscient and Comprahending all objects ; he knew all conditions of the world, of gods, men and demons."14. It is interesting that the Jains worshipped their prophets neither for the acquisition of some earthly possessions, nor for the spiritual bliss to be conferred by the saints, but only followed them to be purified and sanctified. 16 In this connection, mention may be made of some phrases occurring in the inscriptions, which express the devotion of the Jains to their prophets ; * Essentially aparigraha is 'non-acceptance of anything and brahmacarya, 'celebacy'. The words are used in expanded senses.--Ed.) **[The development of the two communities appears to be later. Nudity was meant for ascetics.--Ed.] ***[Bhagavat seems to be intended.-Ed.] 13 B. C. Bhattacharya, The Jaina Iconography, 1939, pp. 37-38. 14 SBE, Vol. XXII, pp. 201-02. 15 Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. II, p. 187; B. C. Bhat tacharya, op. cit., pp. 19-20.

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SM. K. BAJPEYI e.g., 'adoration to the Arhats'16 'adoration to the Arhats, the highest ones in the whole world,'17 'adoration to all the Siddhas, to the Arhats',18 'adoration to the Arhat Vardhamana',19 'adoration to the Arhat Mahavira', 20 etc. 39 In the period under review, image-worship was vary popular among the Jains although worship of the Jina image was in vogue as early as the fourth century B. C. According to the Hathigum pha inscription, 21 a Jina statue, which had been carried away from Kalinga to Magadha by some Nanda king, was taken back to Kainga by king Kharavela of the Cedi clan. Besides, a nude torso, 22 supposed to be a Jina figure, found at Lohanipur in Patna, has been assigned to the Maurya period. It has been suggested 23 that the worship of images was borrowed from the Brahmanical Hindus first by the Jains and later on by the Buddhists. However, in addition to a number of Mathura images of the Tirthankaras mentioned above, a few more images, on which the names of the Jinas are not mentioned, were also discovered. The said records, ** except the one 25 dated in the year 113 of the Gupta era, belong to the Kusana period. Besides, some epigraphs of the Kusana age record the dedication of fourfold images (sarvatobhadrika pratima) of the Jinas. The practice of setting up ayagapatas for the worship of Arhats is mentioned in the inscriptions."" The word ayaga is 16 Ep. Ind., Vol. I, pp. 390, 395, 397; Vol. II, pp. 199-200, 207. 17 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 383. 18 D. R. Bhandarkar Volume, pp. 282-83; cf. VOJ, Vol. I, pp. 172-73. 19 Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 396; Vol. II, p. 199; Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIII, p. 152. 20 Ep. Ind., Vol. II. pp. 200, 205; Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIII, p. 108. 21 Sircar, Sel. Ins., Vol. I, 1965, p. 217. 22 JBORS, Vol. XXIII, pp. 130-32. 23 U. P. Shah, op. cit., pp. 39-40. 24 Ibid., Nos. 22, 57, 75. 96; Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 204; JUPHS, Vol. XXIII, p. 49. 25 Bhandarkar's List, No. 1268. 26 Luders' List, Nos. 24-25, 37, 112; Math. Ins., pp. 38-39. 27 Luders' List, Nos. 94, 100, 103, 105-06.

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40 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS supposed to be derived from the Sanskrit word aryaka meaning 'honourable' or 'worthy of reverence.'28 The word has been translated as a 'tablet of homage or worship'.20 It is an ornamental slab with the statue of a Jina or some other venerable object at the centre. The slabs are usually of considerable artistic merit. Besides, the erection of silapatas, ayagasabha, torana, etc., in honour of the Arhats, is mentioned in inscriptions, 80 The words bhagava Nemeso bhaga... (the divine Naigamesa, the divine...)1 in archaic characters are engraved on a sculptural panel representing a seated male figure with goat's head, and a male and some female figures standing, one of the latter with a child in her lap. As suggested by Buhler, Nemesa is mentioned as Harinegamesi in the Kalpasutra, as Naigamesin in the Neminathacarita and as Nejamesa or Naigameya in other works. Sometimes he is figured with the head of a ram or goat or antelope. He is connected with the procreation of children, and his representation in the inscribed panel, according to Buhler, illustrates a legend in the Kalpasutra.93 The story is that Harinegamesi at the command of Indra, king of the gods, transferred the embryo of Mahavira from the womb of Devananda, a Brahmana woman, to that of Trisala, a a Ksatriya lady. An inscription 34 of the time of Mahaksatrapa Sodasa dated in the year 72 (16 A.D.) records that Amohini, a female laydisciple of the Kautsa race, established a statue of an Aryavati for the worship of the Arhats. Aryavati, according to Buhler, 35 was a royal lady who had some importance in Jain legends. 28 See V. S. Agrawala, in JUPHS, Vol. XVI, Pt. I, p. 59. 29 See Buhler, in Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 314. 30 Luders' List, Nos. 93, 102, 108. 31 Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 200. 32 Ibid., pp. 314-18. 33 SBE, Vol. XXII, pp. 218-19. 34 Luders' List, No. 59. 35 Academy, Vol. XXXIX, p. 374.

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SM. K. BAJPEYI U. P, Shah suggests that the lady can be identified with the mother of a Jina, probably Mahavira. Another inscription37 incised on a large statue of an elephant surmounting the bell capital of a pillar records the erection of the image of Nandivisala by Rudradasa, the son of Sivadasa, for the worship of the Arhats. Scholars differ regarding the interpretation of the word Nandivisala. According to Cunningham, ss it refers to the elephant as the great Nandin. Bloch is of the opinion that the word is either a technical term of uncertain meaning or indicates the pillar which was 'as big as Nandin'. Further, he says that the appellation Nandivisala and the donor's and his father's names in the record allude to the fact that 'Jainism apparently already in those early times was as much mixed up with Saivism as its great rival Buddhism'. Luders40 thinks that the word Nandivisala 'is the proper name of the elephant represented in the sculpture' and does not accept Bloch's theory about the mixing up of Buddhism and Jainism with Saivism. In his opinion, Rudradasa was probably a convert from Saivism to Jainism. 41 The Jains pay homage to a class of divinities called Vidyadevi. According to their tradition, these goddesses, headed by Sarasvati, are sixteen in number. An epigraphic record*1 dated in the year 54 of the Kaniska or Saka era records the dedication of a statue of Sarasvati by a Jain lay disciple. This is supposed to be the earliest image of Sarasvati discovered so far.* Jainism, like Buddhism, is a monastic religion and its adherents are divided into ascetics and lay disciples. The 36 Op. cit., p. 11. 37 Luders' List, No. 41. 38 ASIR, Vol. III, pp. 32-33. 39 JASB, Vol. LXVII (1898), Pt. I, p. 276 and note 2. 40 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIII, p. 41; also note 30. 41 Luders' List, No. 54. 42 K. B. Pathak Commemoration Volume, 1934, p. 41; U. P. Shah, op. cit., p. 11.

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42 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS Jains have no specific regulations restricting women from becoming followers of this faith. A good number of names of female ascetics and lay disciples are mentioned in inscriptions. In this connection, mention may be made of the Caturvarna-sangha (community of the four classes, viz. ascetics and lay followers of both sexes) referred to in an inscriptions of the Kusana period dated in the year 62 of the Kaniska or Saka era. The Jain Kulpasutra4 + states that the monastic order was divided and subdivided into several ganas, kulas and sakhas. This is supported by the early inscriptions of Mathura, which mention certain ganas, kulas and sakhas and also sambhogas. The ganas called Kottiya, Varana and Ary Odehikiya are mentioned in several records. Inscriptions of the Kusana age not only contain the earliest reference to the Kottiyagana, 46 but also mention it in a large number of cases. 48 The kulas mentioned as belonging to this group include Brahmadasika, #7 Sthanikiya, 48 Vaccaliya49 and P[r]a[sna]y[a]ha[na]kaco and its different sakhas likewise include Uccenagari,51 Aryaveri, : 2 Vairi,63 . Majhamak 4 and Vidyadhari.56 The sambhogas of 43 Luders' List, No. 57. 44 SBE, Vol. XXII, pp. 286-94. There are altogether nine ganas with there various kulas and sakhas. 45 Luders' List, Nos. 18-19. 46 See Luders' List, Nos. 17-20, 22, 23a, 25, 27-29, 32, 36, 39, 45a, 47, 53-54, 56, 73, 75, 77, 84, 89c, 107f, 121-22, 124. Bhandarkar's List, No. 1268 mentioning this gana belongs to the Gupta period. 47 Luders' List, Nos, 18-20, 23a, 29, 32, 45a, 46, 121-22, 48 Ibid., Nos. 22, 27-28, 36, 39, 53-54, 56, 75, 110, 115 ; Ep. Ind. Vol. X, p. 110 ; JUPHS, Vol. XII (1939), p. 26. 49 Luders' List, Nos. 25, 107f. 50 Ibid., No. 73. 51 Ibid., Nos. 18-20, 23a, 29, 32, 45a, 46, 71, 77, 119, 121-22. 52 Ibid., Nos. 27, 36. 53 Ibid., Nos. 22, 28, 39, 47, 53-54, 56, 75, 89c; Ep. Ind., Vol. X, p. 110; JUPHS, Vols. XXIV-XXV, p. 219, Aryaveri and Vairi are the appellations of Vajrin in the Kalpasutra. 54 Luders' List, No. 73. 55 Bhandarkar's List, No. 1268.

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SM. K. BAJPEYI Kottiyagana, as mentioned in the epigraphs, are Sriglha 58 and Srika.67 The Kottiyagana is found in the Kalpasutra as Kautikagana, 88 the founders of which were Susthita and Supratibuddha. In the Mathura inscriptions of different dates, the following heads of the gana, styled Gamin, are mentioned : Arya Pusila, Arya Pala, Ja-mitra (?), Arya Maghahastin and Arya Kharnna.58 Another gana, called Carana in the Kalpasutra8o and stated to have been founded by Srigupta, is mentioned as Varana in the inscriptions.1 Its kulas, mentioned in inscriptions, are Arya Hattakakiya,82 Nadika, 6 s Petivamika, 8 4 Pusyamitriya,86 Arya Kaniyasika, 6 e Arya Cetiya67 and Arya Bhyista,68 while its sakhas are Vajanagari,69 Haritamalakadhi,70 Sarkasiyari and sambhogas Aryasriki ya,?? Sriya73 and Srigrha.74 According 56 Luders' List, No. 1268. 57 Ibid., Nos. 28, 39, 121. The Kalpasutra does not mention the sambhogas. 58 SBE, Vol. XXII, p. 292. According to the Kalpasutra, this gana was divided into four kulas, viz. Brahmaliptaka, Vat saliya, Vaniya, Prasnavahanaka, and four sakhas, viz., Uccanagari, Vidyadhari, Vajrin and Madhyamika all of which are referred to in the inscriptions of Mathura. 59 Luders' List, Nos. 23a, 29, 53-54, 56. 60 SBE, Vol. XXII, pp. 291-92. 61 Luders' List, Nos. 16, 31, 34, 37, 42, 45, 48, 50, 58, 59a 113, 116-17. Reference to the Varana-gana is found only in the Kusana inscriptions, the earliest of which (ibid., No. 16) is dated in the Kaniska or Saka year 4. 62 Luders' List, Nos. 16, 48, 116. 63 Ibid., No. 117. 64 Ibid., Nos. 31, 45, 107d. 65 Ibid., No. 34. 66 Ibid., No. 113. 67 Ibid., No. 42 68 Ibid., No. 50. Luders thinks it to be a mistake for Arya-Kaniyasika. 69 lbid., Nos. 16, 48, 59a, 107, 116. 70 Ibid., No. 42. 71 Ibid., No. 50. 72 Ibid., No. 116. 73 Ibid., Nos. 48, 59a. 74 Ibid., No. 50. ,

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44 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS to the Kalpasutra, the said gana consisted of seven kulas and four sakhas. Amongst the kulas known from inscriptions, Arya Hattakiya, Petivamika, Pusyamitriya, Arya Kassiyasika and Arya Cetiya correspond respectively to Haridraka, Pritidharmika, Pusyamitrika, Krsnasakha and Arya Cedaya of the Kalpasutra.75 Amongst the sakhas mentioned in the Kalpasutra, except Gavedhuka. three others are known from the Mathura inscriptions. Arya Data, Arya Nandika and Dinara were heads of the Varana-gana at different dates during the Kusana age.76 The gana called Arya Odehikiya, which is the same as Uddeha of the Kalpasutra,77 is mentioned with its' divisions and subdivisions in two Kusana records, 78 dated in the Kaniska-Saka years 7 and 98 respectively. The kulas of this gana are Arya Nagabhutikiya and Paridhasika while its sakha is Petaputrika. According to the Kalpasutra, the gana founded by Ajja Ronana is divided into six kulas and four sakhas. Besides, two other Kusana inscriptions refer to one kula entitled Mehika which, according to the Kalpasutra, belongs to the Vesavadiya gana. 80 Thus the reference to the Mehikakula in the inscriptions points to the existence of the Vesavadiyagana at Mathura. This gana was divided into four kulas and subdivided into four sakhas, its pioneer being Kamarddhi. The division of the church into several ganas, kulas and sakhas and also into sambhogas was a peculiarity of the Jains and was not found among other Indian religious sects. Gana means 'school', kula 'family' and sakha 'branch';81 but the actual meanings of the terms are doubtful.8 2 Jacobi suggests that gana meaning 'school' is derived 'from one teacher', while 75 Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 378; B. N. Puri, India under the Kusanas, 1965, pp. 150-51. 76 Luders' List, Nos. 34, 37, 50, 77 SBE, Vol. XXII, p. 290. 78 Luders' List, Nos. 21, 76. 79 Ibid., Nos. Nos. 24, 70. 80 SBE, Vol. XXII, p. 291. 81 See Buhler, Indian Sects of the Jains, 1963, p. 33. 82 See Jacobi, SBE, Vol. XXII, p. 288, note 2.

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SM. K. BAJPEYI kula indicates 'succession of teachers in one line', and sakha 'the lines which branch off from each teacher'. He further holds that the modern gaccha is the same as the ancient gana. In addition to the Ganins, the inscriptions 88 record the names of several Vacakas (preachers) of the Jain community. That there was perhaps no restriction for a single person to hold the two positions simultaneously, is suggested by two Kusana records mentioning one person as both Ganin and Vacaka.. Thus the Jain church was a well organised community in the early centuries of the Christian era. Inscriptions show that the followers of the Jain creed belonged mostly to the trading class. That the foreigners were sometimes converted to Jainism is evident from two inscriptions, 88 the first of which records the dedication of an image of Mahavira by Okharika, Ujhatika, Okha, Sirika and Sivadina in the year 292 of the Parthian era, while the second mentions the setting up of an image of Vardhamana by Okharika, the daughter of Dimitra. Luders88 has pointed out that the said names are of foreign origin. 83 Luders' List, Nos, 22, 27-30, 42, 45, 47, 50, 53-54, 56-58, 110, 112 ; JUPHS, Vols. XXIV-XXV, p. 219; Luders, Math. Ins., p. 39. 84 Luders' List, No. 50, states that Dinara was a great preacher as well as the head of the Varanagana, while in another record (ibid., No. 29) Ja-mitra (?) was at the same time the preacher and the head of the Koffiyagana. 85 D. R. Bhandarkar Volume, ed. B. C. Law, 1940, p. 282 ; Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX, p. 67. 86 D. R. Bhandarkar Volume, pp. 283-84.

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VII AN UNNOTICED JAIN CAVERN NEAR MADURANTAKAM Sm. R. Champakalakshmi, Madras University About 22 kms. south-east of Madurantakam in the Chingleput District, on the Cheyur Road, lies a range of low hills, locally called Pancapandavamalai, near the village of Onambakkam. Two of them called Karuppankunnu and Usimalai (or Devanurmalai) were once occupied by the Jains. They contain natural caverns (Figs. 1-2) with chiselled rock beds used by Jain ascetics for several centuries in the first millennium A.D. On the Karuppankunnu, which is about 217 feet high, are also found sculptures representing three Jain Tirthankaras, viz. Adinatha, Parsvanatha and Mahavira. Of the three, the bas-reliefs of Adinatha (Fig. 3) and Maha vira are carved on the face of the rock near the path leading to the cavern on the top. The sculpture of Parsvanatha (Fig. 4) is, however, remarkable, for it is carved inside a shrine-like niche in a separate boulder resembling the bas-reliefs of Mamallapuram To the right of this niche, on the same rock, is an inscription in early Grantha and Tamil characters assignable to the 8th century A.D. (Fig. 5), giving the name of the Jain teacher, Vasudeva Siddanta-bbatara, who caused the shrine to be made. The Jain teacher is also called the founder of The Twenty-four Caturvinsati-sthapaka). The 'Twenty-four' may refer to the twenty-four Tirthankaras of the Jains. It may also indicate that the number twenty-four, being sacred to the Jains, was often used by them to form committees of twenty-four for religious and social purposes. Such a committee is mentioned in a Cola inscription of 945 'A. D. dated in the 38th regnal year of Parantaka I, for Vilappak kam in the North Arcot District. The inscription records the sinking of a well by Pattinikkuratti

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Sm. R. CHAMPAKALAKSHMI 47 - adiga!, a female disciple of Aristanemi-pilarar of Tiruppan. malai.' The well and a house were constituted into a nunnery under the supervision of 'the Twenty-four of the place. The twenty-four possibly formed a local Jain committee, which managed the affairs of the pen-palli or nunnery. The Tiruppanmalai or Pancapandavamalai is a hillock near Vilappakkam and contains Jain sculptures and inscriptions of the Pallava and Cola periods, i.e. belonging to dates from the 8th to the 11th century A.D.2 Near the cavern on the top of the Karuppankunnu, brick bats and traces of a brick structure can be seen even now. They indicate that a structural chamber or mandapa was once attached to the cavern. The cavern with beds on the Karuppankuntu is the first of its kind so far known in the Chingleput District. Similar Jain caverns with beds have been found in considerable numbers in other parts of Tondaimandalam (North and South Arcot Districts), where Jain sculptures and inscriptions of the 8th and 9th centuries have been recorded. Brahmi inscriptions, which invariably accompany such caverns with beds in the southern Districts of Tamilnadu, are conspicuous by their absence in this region, the only exception being Mamanqur in the North Arcot District, where, however, no Jain sculptures have been found along with the cavern with beds. The Brahmi inscriptions of the southern Districts of Madurai and Tirunelveli and also the Districts of Tiruchirappalli and Coimbatore belong to the period from the 2nd century B.C. to the 3rd century A.D. Mamandar contains a Brahmi inscription of about 2nd or 3rd century A. D.9 The earliest Jain inscriptions of the Tondaimandalam region belong to the 5th century A.D. as evidenced by the palaeography of the Tirunatharkunru inscriptions in the South Arcot District. 3 The majority of the Jain inscriptions on hills with natural 1 53 of An. Rep. Ep., 1900 ; S. Ind. Ins., Vol. VII, No. 56. 2 Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, pp. 136if. 3 I. Mahadevan, Corpus of the Tamil Brahmi Inscriptions, App. 1, Seminar on Inscriptions, 1966, ed. R. Nagaswamy, p. 69.

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48 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS caverns or rock-cut caves in this region belong to a period from about the 7th or 8th to the 10th or 11th century A.D. They point to the later period as the most flourishing one for the Jain religion in this region. Literary evidences from the Tevaram hymns of about the 7th to the 9th century A.D. and the Periya Puranam of the 12th century A.D., however, would show that the Jains were very numerous all over Tamilnadu before the period of the Nayanmars (the exponents of bhakti) and the crusade waged against the Jains by them brought about the downfall of the Jains in many inportant centres including Kancipuram and Madurai, the Pallava and Pandya capitals respectively. Illustrations Fig. 3. Adinatha.--This figure represents a Jain Tirthankara, probably, the first Tirthankra Adinatha, seated with legs crossed and the open palms of the hand placed one over the other in the dhyana (meditation) posture. There is a triple umbrella (mukkulai) above the figure, which is a characteristic feature of all Tirthankara icons. Two attendants holding flywhisks are represented on either side. The style of carving is typical of the Pallava period and hence the sculpture may roughly be assigned to the 7th or 8th century A.D. Fig. 4. Parsvanatha.--Carved within a fairly deep niche is the figure of the 23rd Tirthankara Parsvanatha 'standing in what is known as the kayotsarga posture under a five-hooded snake canopy. The serpent's hood is a special iconographic feature of this Tirthankara. as also of another called Suparsva. The niche in which the image is carved is surmounted by a sikhara resembling the four-sided sikharas on niches in many reliefs of Mamallapuram, which are styled by K. R. Srinivasan as sama-caturasra-kutas with nagara-sikharas representing ekalavimanas.* The carving of this image is also similar 4 'Pallava Architecture of South India', Ancient India, No. 14, . 129, Pl. XVII A-B.

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Fig. 1. Rock beds- Usimalai. PLATE I

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PLATE II Fig. 2. Rock-cut Bed-Karuppankunru.

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Fig. 3. Adinatha-Karuppankunru. PLATE III

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PLATE IV Fig. 4. Parsvanatha-Karuppankunru.

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Fig. 5. vt Wilf? 225111 Lida 2710 PLATE V The Karuppankunru Inscription.

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SM. R. CHAMPAKALAKSHMI 49 to that of the sculptures of Mamallapuram. There is little doubt that the sculptures on this hill were executed sometime during the 7th and 8th centuries A.D. Fig. 5. Text of the inscription mentioning Vasudeva Siddhanta-bhatara-- 1. Sri-Caturvin2. sati-sthava(pa)ka-Va3. sudeva Siddha. 4. nta-bhatarar 5. seyvitta 6. devaram (11)

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VIII JAINISM IN TONDAIMANDALAM Sm. R. Champakalakshmi, Madras University The advent of Jainism in South India is attributed, on the basis of a Digambara tradition, to the migration of the Jain community under the Srutakevalin Bhadhabahu to the Mysore region in the beginning of the 3rd century B.C. Its further movement into the Tamil country can be traced through the Kongu region southwards to the southernmost Districts of Tamilnadu, where we come across the earliest Brahmi inscriptions associated with the Jains.? The provenance of the early Brahmi records indicates their probable movement from Mysore through the Kongu country to the Madurai-Tirunelveli regions, a few Jains trickling into some of the adjoining areas like Tiruchirappalli. This view is strengthened by the same Digambara tradition, according to which Bhadrabahu perceiving his end when he reached Sravana Belgola, sent his disciples under one Visakhacarya to the Cola and Pandya countries. Subsequently, the religion may have spread into Tondaimandalam, where the earliest Brahmi record comes from Mamandar in the North Arcot District 4 with, however, no definite Jain associations. The Tirunatharkunru epitaphs of two Jain teachers, Candranandi-acarya and Ilaiyapalarar, are of primary importance for fixing the beginning of the history of the Jain religion in Tondaimandalam about the 1 P. B. Desai, Jainism in South India, pp. 1, 25; K. R. Venkatarama Ayyar, 'South Indian Jainism', Transactions of the Archaeological Society of South India, 1957-58, p. 24. 2 I. Mahadevan, 'Corpus of Tamil Brahmi Inscriptions', Seminar on Inscriptions, ed. R. Nagaswamy, Madras, 1966. 3 Ep. Carn., Vol. II, pp. 38-39. 4. A. R. Ep., 1939-40, No. 171 ; Mahadevan, op. cit., No. XVIII, 5 - A. R. Ep., 1904, Nos, 238-39.

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SM. R. CHAMPAKALAKSHMI Sth century A.D. Tamil literature of the pre-Tevaram period is not of much help in fixing the beginnings of Jain history in this region. The Sangam works have hardly any notable reference to this faith in the Tamil country, though the two epics, Silappadikaram and Manimekalai, contain numerous accounts relating to the Jains. However, the date of the epics is a matter of controversy, some scholars assigning them to the 2nd century A.D. and others to the post-Sangam period, i.e. after the 3rd century A.D. In addition, their references relate more directly to the Cola, Pandya and Cera countries. The Padinenkiskanukku works, of which the greater number including the Kural are probably of Jain authorship, appear to be works of the post-Sangam period and would hardly serve our purpose in discussing Jain history in the northern parts of Tamilnadu, except that Valluvar, the author of the Kura! is said to be a native of Mayilappur (Mylapore in Madras). Further more, the Kalabhras, who are believed to have been followers of Jainism and Buddhism and to have created a political and cultural vacuum in Tamilnadu after the Sangam age, are known to have occupied some parts of the Pandya and Cola countries and not directly any part of Tondaimandalam. The revival of Pandya power, together with 'the old order of things, is assigned to Kadungon's line in Madurai, i.e. from about the close of the 6th century A.D. Much is made of Pallava Simhavisnu's role in the extirpation of the Kalabhras,while, in reality, the Pallava claims regarding his achievements probably adopted the usual mode of listing a number of the then known powerful ruling families. There is no question of a revival of Pallava power in Tondaimandalam. For all available evidences point to their more or less continuous occupation of this region from the time of Visnugopa (c. 350 A.D.) to the 9th century A.D.' The Lokavibhaga datum supports our view by supplying the saka 6 The Kasakkuli plates mention the Kalabhras among those vanquished by Simhavisnu (S. Ind. Ins., Vol. II, p. 356, verse 20). 7 See T. V. Mahalingam, Kancipuram in Early South Indian History, Chapters II ff.

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52 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS equivalent of the 22nd regnal year of a Simhavarman as 380= 458 A.D. It also lends additional support in fixing the beginnings of Jain history (the only literary evidence before the Tevaram) in about the 5th century A.D.,' for it was copied by one Sarvanandin, a Jain, teacher in Patalika (Patalipura or Tiruppadirippuliyur near Cuddalore in the South Arcot District) where a Jain monastery existed at least from the middle of the 5th century till probably the first half of the 7th, the period of Appar or Tirunavukkarasar, one of the Tevaram trio. 10 The above survey of evidences available from epigraphy and literature regarding the initial appearance of Jainism in Tondaimandalam has been necessary to establish (1) that the religion spread there much later than in the southernmost districts, probably after the 4th century A.D., and (2) that the religion could not have spread in the area through Andhradesa as suggested by Dr. P. B. Desai.11 More than all this, the Jain epigraphs in this region become more numerous only after the 7th century and, curiously enough, belong to that period, i.e. 8th and 9th centuries (and also later under the Colas in the 10th, 11th and 12th centuries), which followed the oft-quoted conversion of the royal benefactor, Mahendravarman I (c. 600-30 A,D.), from Jainism to Saivism, inspired by the conversion of Appar to Saivism, as one of the causes for the decline of the Jain faith. The religious conflict between the exponents of the Bhakti cult and the so-called 'heterodox' Buddhists and Jains is said to have raged between the 7th and 9th centuries A.D.* and, if 8 Ibid., p. 43. 9 R. Gopalan, History of the Pallavas of Kanci, p. 12. 10 P. B. Desai says that the Dravida-sangha existed at Patalipura as early as the 1st century B. C. (op. cit., p. 49). This is not acceptable. 11 Desai, op. cit., pp. 25, 32. *[From about the beginning of the 5th century, the Pallava kings claim to have been Kali-yuga-dos-avasanna-dharm-oddharana-nitya-sannaddha which apparently refers to Brahmanical success against Buddhism and Jainism. Cf. Sircar, Suc. Sat., pp. 196-97.-Ed.].

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SM. R. CHAMPAKALAKSHMI the Jain inscriptions are any proof, the admitted success of the Saiva and Vaisnava saints (such as Appar and Sambandar and Tirumalisai, Tondaradippodi and Tirumangai) failed ---paradoxically- to root out the heresy against which they spearheaded their activities. The course of events appear to be quite different and may be outlined briefly as follows. Jainism spread in Tondaimandalam from about the 4th century A. D. and acquired numerous votaries by the 7th century incurring the hostility of the adherents of the Saiva and Vaisnava faiths. A Jain monastery of cosiderable importance flourished in Patalika from the 5th century A.D. and even attracted Appar who, as Dharmasena, became its Abbot in the 7th century. 12 Appar or Tirunavukkarasar, later turned to Saivism and lamented his past associations with the Jains whom he accuses in his hymns of having persecuted him.18 The Periya Puranam, a later work and a well-known Saiva hagiological text, highlights these events in the Tirunavukkarasar Puranam and brings in a Kadava who, inspired by Appar, turned to the Saiva faith and destroyed the monastery at Patalipura to erect a Siva temple at Tiruvadigai (South Arcot District) called Gunadaraviccuram.14 Gunadhara is equated with Gunabhara and hence identified with Pallava Mahendravarman I. Mahendravarman's predilection to Jainism need not be disputed when one considers the Jain leanings of some of his predecessors, including the mother of Simhavisnu, i.e. the queen of Simhavarman.16 In his sixth regnal year (i.e. before 550 A.D.) Simhavarman issued the Pallankoil copper-plate grant, 16 donating lands to a Jain teacher Vajranandin for conducting worship in the Vardhamana temple at Paruttikunru, the same as Tirupparuttikunru or Jina-Kanci which contains 12 Periya Puranam, Tirunavukkarasar Puranam, vv. 37-40. 13 Appar, Tevaram. 14 Tirunavukkarasar Puranam. 15 See the Hosakote plates, Mys. Arch. Rep., 1938, pp. 22-23. 16 T. N. Subramanian, 'Pallankovil Jaina Copper Plate Grant', Trans. Arch, Soc. S. Ind., 1958-59, pp. 42ff.

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54 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS an old temple of Mahavira, renovated subsequently under the Cola and Vijayanagar rulers. This Jain centre near Kancipuram was the pontifical seat of the Jains before it was superseded by Cittamur, the present headquarters of the Pontiff of the Tamil Jains, probably after the 15th century A. D. The close relations that existed between the Pallavas and Gaigas in the 6th century also account for the popularity of Jainism. Mahendravarman's leanings to Jainism are also believed to be implied in the absence of any reference to the Jains in his well-known satire in Sanskrit, the Mattavilasaprahasana. 17 His conversion to saivism is likewise read into the words of the famous Tiruchirappalli cave inscription, viz., vipaksa-vstte" paravsttam (turned from hostile conduct, etc., to the worship of the linga) found in the LalitankuraPallavesvaragpha. 18 However, the controversy over theinterpretation of this record has not yet been set at rest. If the Periya Puranam reference to a Kadava is to Mahendravarman (Gunabhara), then his conversion led to serious consequences for the Jains, who lost an important monastic centre at Patalika. At Tiruvadigai, there is a much dilapidated brick shrine, containing even to-day a huge Dhara-linga of the Pallava style, which goes by the name of Gunadaraviccuram. The area contains a few Jain vestiges, and the saint convert Appar is said to have realised the superiority of the Saiva religion at this Virattanam or Siva temple. The religious activities of Mahendravarman's successors would in no way indicate a complete annihilation of the Jains. after the 7th century. Most of them personally favoured the Saiva and Vaisnava faiths, but, as true statesmen, did not 17 C. V. Narayana Ayyar, Origin and Early History of Saivism in South India, pp. 303-04. According to K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, the Jains. are criticised, but not vehemently. See 'The Mattavilasaprahasana of Mahendravarman', in Prof. P. Sundaram Pillai Comm. Vol., 1957, pp. 85-90. 18 Gunabhara-namni rajani anena lingena lingini jnanam prathatam ciraya loke vipaksa-yrtteh paravrttam[/ (S. Ind. Ins., Vol. I, p. 29):

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SM. R. CHAMPAKALAKSHMI 55 . neglect the protagonists of the other faiths. They even patro- nised Jain centres, institutions and temples by extending their largesses liberally. Hiuen-tsang, who visited India in the 7th century A. D. and was at Kanci about 643 A.D., declares that the Jains were very numerous in his days and that Buddhism and Brahmanism were almost on a par. 19 Rajasimha, a pious Saiva, built the Candraprabha temple at Jina-Kanci.20 Under Nandivarman II, Jain monasteries and nunneries flourished at Vedal, Tiruppanmalai and Sattamangalam in the North Arcot District. In many of these places, the Colas took up the work of the Pallavas in patronising Jain institutions such as those at Velal, Tiruppanmalai and Tirumalai Following the Colas, the Kadavarayas, Pandyas and Vijayanagar rulers continued to favour the Jain institutions, though not with the same zeal that characterised their activities relating to the other faiths, particularly their personal faiths. Thus from about the 5th to the 13th century A. D., the Jains enjoyed patronage under the Pallavas and Calas, in spite of the Bhakti movement. However, the Cola period, which is the golden age of the Saiva religion, witnessed the decline of some Jain centres after the age of Rajaraja I. Contact with Karnataka probably kept alive some of the Jain institutions such as those of Tirumalai, Cittamus and JinaKanci and further south in the Pudukkottai, Madurai, Ramanathpuram and Tirunelveli areas. By virtue of their rich contribution to Tamil literature, the Jains retained their importance and position unimpaired in the intellectual world. Most of their works, e.g., the major kavyas like the Jivakacintamani, and Valaiyapati, minor kavyas like the Nilakesi and Perunkathai and works on grammar, prosody and lexicography like the Nannul, the three Nigandus and 19 R. Sewell, List of Antiquarian Remains in the Madras Presidency, Vol. I, pp. 176-77. 20 T. N. Ramachandran, Tirupparuttik unram and its Temples, pp. 12-13. It was not built by Mahendravarman. See P. B. Desai, op. cit., .34.

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56 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS Yapparungalam and its Karigai (ccmmentary) were produced in this period, i. e. between the 9th and 12th centuries A. D. The Jains of the Tamil country, including Tondaimandalam, looked upon Sravana Belgola as the principal seat of their religion. The hills of Sravana-Belgola are full of later epigraphs recording the visits of monks and lay worshippers from the south. The fortunes of Jainism in Tamilnadu were closely linked with the history of the faith in Karnataka. The activities of some of the celebrated Jain teachers and their achievements in the field of religion and philosophy, not to speak of literature, brought the Tamil land into close touch with Karnataka. 21 The most celebrated names of Jain teachers who were responsible for the diffusion of Jainism in the Tamil country were Saman tabhadra, Pujyapada and Akalanka. The necessary resources for the spread of the Jain faith thus seems to have come from Karnataka. Of the above three, Samantabhadra and Akalanka were more closely connected with Tondaimandalam, particularly Kanci. Kundakundacarya, who is said to be the first in almost all the genealogies of the southern Jains (as the founder of the Mula Sangha)22 is also associated with the spread and dissemination of Jain ideals in the Tamil country. He is said to have lived in the beginning of the Christian era and is believed to have become the Pontiff of the Jains about 8 B. C. with his seat at Pataliputra (same as Patalipura in the South Arcot District), written several works in Prakrit for the benefit of his royal disciple of the Pallava dynasty, Sivakumara, and made successful journeys to the Pandya, Cola and Cera kingdoms as a missionary spreading the Jina-dharma and converting people.28 Jain tradition further says that he also bore the name Elacarya (or Helacarya), composed the Kural and gave it to his disciple Tiruvalluvar who introduced it to the 21 See B. A. Saletore, Medieval Jainism with special reference to Vijayanagar, Bombay, 1938, pp. 223-24. 22 Ep. Carn., Vol. II, No. 66; also T. N. Ramachandran, op. cit., p. 4. 23 M. V. Krishna Rao, Jainism in Gangavadi' in Quart. Journ. Myth. Soc., Vol. XXIV, p. 53.

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SM. R. CHAMPAKALAKSHMI Sangam at Madurai.24 The above traditions have no basis, and there are more than one Jain teacher who bore the name Elacarya.25 There is hardly any proof that Kundakunda visited the Tamil country or that he became the Pontiff at Patalipura. It is also significant that the palm-leaf manuscrit (without heading) from the Vardhamana temple at Tirupparuttikkunram giving a list of the principal propagators of dharma in the fifth age (dusama) as Mukhya-PancamakalaDharma-pravartakas mentions Kundakunda and Helacarya as distinct from each other and places them as the sixth and fifth respectively in the line of propagators.26 Intimate association of the Jain gurus of Karnataka with the Tamil country seems to have begun only after Samantabhadra. He is generally accepted to have lived in the earlier part of the 2nd century A.D.27 But inscriptions mentioning him and recording his activities belong to a much later period, ranging from the beginning of the 12th century to the 15th century. In some of them, he is placed as Pontiff immediately after Kundakunda and, in others, his place is next to Balaka pincca, a disciple of Kunda kunda ; but he was not the immediate disciple of Balakapincca.28 The palmleaf manuscript from Jina-Kanci, mentioned above, speaks of Samantabhadra as the twentyfourth in the line of principal propagators, i.e., he is separated from Kundakunda by eighteen other Jain teachers. Samantabhadra is known to have visited Kancipura. A Sravana Belgola record of 1129 A.D.29 gives a graphic description of his career, stating that he visited several important cities including Pataliputra (probably Patna as it is 24 B. A. Saletore, op. cit., p. 53. 25 An Elacarya is mentioned in a late inscription of Saka 1655 (1733 A.D.) from Ponnur in the North Arcot District (A. R. Ep., 1928-29, No. 416). 26 T. N. Ramachandran, op. cit., pp. 215-16. 27 B. A. Saletore, op. cit., p. 225.. 28 Ep. Carn., Vol. II, Nos. 64, 66-67 and 258. 29 Ibid., No. 67.

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58 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS followed by other northern countries) and Kancipura. The inscription does not say what he did at Kancipura; but the mention of 'the beating of drum' suggests that he went there with the intention of challenging and inviting religious disputants. Another interesting feature of his activities is the conversion of a king called Sivakoti to Jainism and, according to the Jain tradition as recorded in the Rajavalikathe of Devacandra, Sivakoti was a king of Kanci. The king, on perceiving the miracle performed by the Jain teacher, is said to have abdicated, taken diksa and come to be called Sivakoti Acarya.30 It may be noted that the palm-leaf manuscript from Jina-Kanci mentions one Sivakoti as the 25th propagator, after Samantabhadra and before Pujyapada, The identity of the kings Sivakumara and Sivakoti and the periods of their rule over Kanci are matters on which nothing can be said. There is, however, little reason to doubt that Samantabhadra's activities accentuated the spread of the Jain faith in the Tamil country, particularly at Kanci and the surrounding regions. Not a mere 'promulgator' of the Jain doctrine, this famous teacher was also a great writer and his advent in South India marks an important epoch in the annals of the Digambara tradition. Pujyapada is the next important name in the promulgation of the Jain faith in the Tamil country, as mentioned in the Jina-Kanci manuscript. A Pujyapada is said to have been the preceptor of Vajranandin who founded the Dravida Sangha in Madurai in c. 470 A.D.81 Jain tradition speaks of a Pujyapada who practised yoga, acquired psychic powers, travelled throughout South India, encountered disputants and vanquished them in open debate. He made valuable contributions to Jain philosophy, logic and grammar through his writings. 32 30 A. Narasimhachar, Kavicarite, Vol. I, pp. 2-4; Ep. Carn., Vol. II, Intro.,p. 83, note 4. 31 Journ. Bomb. Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. XVII, p. 74; Upadhye, Pravacanasara, Intro., p. xxi. 32 M. V. Krishna Rao, op. cit., p. 55; B. A. Saletore, op. cit., pp. 20-21; Kavicarite, Vol. I, pp. 164-65; Ep.Carn., Vol. II, No. 64.

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SM. R. CHAMPAKALAKSHMI 5995 His date is a matter of controversy, B. L. Rice placing hima about the first half of the 7th century as the spiritual preceptor of the Ganga king Durvinita and Narasimhachar assigning him: to the latter half of the 5th and the beginning of the 6th century A.D.98 If the latter date is the correct one, then he may have been the same as Vajranandin's preceptor. Akalanka was the next Jain teacher, whose activities at Kanci are said to have resulted in the complete annihilation of the Buddhists about the close of the 8th century A.D. He is said to have defeated the Buddhists in disputation at the court of king Himasitala and procured their expulsion from South India.34 Numerous epigraphs from Karnataka refer to this.. victory of Akalanka ; but the identity of king Himasitala remains a matter of uncertainty. Akalanka is believed to have been a contemporary of the Rastrakuta monarch Dantidurga and hence is assigned to the latter part of the 8th century A.D.85 According to one of the Mackenzie Manuscripts, Himasitala was a king of Kanci. Akalanka, it is said, was partly educated in the Buddhists' college at Pontagai, disputed with them in the presence of the last Buddhist prince Himasitala and defeated them. The prince became a Jain and the Buddhists were banished to Kandi.36 The Buddhist college is. said to have existed at Alipalaitangi, a Buddhist settlement between Jina-Kanci and Arcot (?). The two Jain students, Akalanka and Niskalanka, who had come to study there, quarrelled with the Buddhist teachers and left the school. A kalanka went to Sravana Belgola and studied Jain philosophy, became a monk and returned to the east. He defeated the Buddhist teachers in a learned assembly presided over by the king. 57 Karandai or Tiruppasambur, about twelve miles from 33 B. A. Saletore, op. cit., pp. 19, 22. 34 M. S. Ramaswamy Ayyangar, Studies in South Indian Jainism, p. 31. 35 Ibid., p. 33. 36 Mackenzie Manuscripts, Vol. I, ed. T. V. Mahalingam, Madras, 1972. 37 Loc. cit.; W. Taylor, Catalogue Raisonne of the Mackenzie Collecom tion, pp. 423-24.

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-60 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS Jina-Kanci, is said to have been the seat of Akaalnka. The Jina-Kanci manuscript, cited earlier, also gives the names of Akalanka and Niskalakna after Pujyapada, as the principal propagators of the Jain faith.88 K. R. Subramaniam identifies Himasitala with HiranyavaIman, father of Nandivaraman Pallavamalla.89 In 718 A.D., the ruler of Kanci was Nandivaraman Pallavamalla himself. Curiously enough, this king is said to have persecuted the Jains, and evidence for it is supposed to exist among the historical sculptures of the Vaikuntha Perumal temple at Kancipuram.40 Again, in the Udayendiram copper-plates of his period, the king is said to have confiscated the lands of those whose observances were not in accordance with the law (dharma) and granted them to Brahmanas with all exemptions.41 This is taken to be a reference to the Jains and the confiscation of their lands by the king. But Jain inscriptions of Nandivarman's time are quite numerous and indicate that he was in no way a persecutor of the Jains. An account of the Jain centres in Tondaimandalam under the Pallavas and other ruling families is furnished below. Under the Pallavas. In the time of Nandivarman II, several Jain centres seem to have flourished, particularly in the hilly regions of the North Arcot District. One of them was Velal which had a monastery (Vidar-palli) and also a nunnery.4 2 It continued to be an important centre under the Cola king Aditya I, who supplanted Pallava power in Tondaimandalam. 48 Agalur, near Vedal, had a Jain institution, to which a grant was made in the 50th year of Nandivarman II (780-81 A.D.). 4 4 38 T. N. Ramachandran, op. cit., pp. 19, 216. 39 The Origin of Saivism and its History in the Tamil Land, p.41. 40 M. Rajamanickam, Periya Purana Araicci, pp. 271-72. 41 S. Ind. Ins., Vol. 11, p. 372, lines 74-75. 42 A. R. Ep., 1908, No. 82. 43 Ibid., Nos. 83-84. 44 M. D. Sampath, 'Jain Inscriptions of Sattamangalam', in Seminar on Inscriptions, p. 161.

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SM. R. CHAMPAKALAKSHMI 61 Not far from Velal is a hill called Pancapandavamalai (also known as Tiruppanmalai) on which the sculpture of Ponniyakkiyar (Siddhayika), attended by a Jain teacher, Naganandin, was caused to be engraved by a private individual in the 50thyear of the same ruler. 45 Naganandin was a pupil of the Jain preceptor Simhanandikkuravadigal of Ananur. This hill continued to flourish as a Jain stronghold under the Cola kings Parantaka I and Rajaraja 1.4 EUR Sattamangalam is another village in the same region, where a Jain temple with a monastery, existed in the periods of Nandivarman II and Kampavarman and also under the Colas, Inscriptions of Nandivarman II dated in his 14th (744-45 A.D.) and 56th (786-87 A.D.) regnal years record gifts for feeding ascetics in the local temple. The gifts were made by the Jain teachers, Ilayarappanandi and Jinadiyar.47 Under Kampavarman about (875-76 A.D.), the Jain temple was renovated, a mukhamandapa was added, a shrine for Yaksa Bhattari was built and gifts were made by Mandavi. wife of Kadagatiyanayar. 46 An inscription (995 A.D.) of Rajaraja calls this temple 'Vimala-Sriyarya-Tirtha-palli'.4 Nandivarman II also seems to have made grants to the Jain temple at Perumandur in the South Arcot District. The inscription, which records the gift, mentions the name of the king as Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman, originally regarded as a Ganga-Pallava.50 Thus the period of Nandivarman II represents an important epoch for the Jain faith in Tondaimandalam. Most of the Jain centres of this period belong to the North Arcot District and the discovery of Karuppankunru adds one more in the Chingleput District. Quite a few Jain centres seem to have flourished under the Pallavas in the South Arcot District 45 Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 136 ; SII, Vol. II, p. 251. 46 Ep. Ind., IV, pp. 137ff. ; SII, Vol. VII, No. 56. 47 M. D. Sampath, op. cit., pp. 157ff. 48 Loc. cit. 49 Loc. cit. 50 A. R. Fp., 1902. No. 220 ; SII, Vol. VII. No. 847.

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62 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS also, such as Tirunarungondai, Perumandur, Cittamur, Solavandipuram, Tondur Olakkur and Pallicandal. Yet, in these centres, no Pallava inscriptions have come to light, while epigraphs from thc early Cola period are numerous. * Under the Colas. Under Aditya I, a nunnery headed by Kanakavirakuratti existed at Velal in the Noth Arcot District.51 The same nunnery (pen-palli) probably finds mention in an inscription (945 A.D.) from Vilappakkain, dated in the reign of Parantaka I, which records the sinking of a well by Pattinikkurattiadigal, a female disciple of one Arista nemipinarar of the Tiruppanmalai, the latter hill being not far from Vedal. The well and a house were constituted into a nunnery under the supervision of the 'twenty-four of the place. 5 2 Parantaka I made a gift of gold to Vardhamanapperiyadigal of Jinagirippalli, an important Jain monastery at Anandamangalam in the Chingleput District in the 10th century A.D.53 Anandamanglam contains a hillock with Jain sculptures on a big boulder representing Neminatha and his Yaksi Dharmadevi, and Mahavira and his Yaksi Siddhayika. Parantaka I also made endowments to the Jain temples at Tirumalai in the North Arcot District, and Palliccandal in the South Arcot District. 5 4 Early Cola records from solavandipuram in the South Arcot District speak of the endowments made to the local Jain institution by a Milalu chief under the Cola king Gandaraditya in the latter part of the 10th century A.D.5 5 The grants were made for the maintenance of ascetics and entrusted to Gunavirabhatara of Kurandi. At Solavandipuram, rock-cut beds and sculptures of Jain deities are found on the hill. Similar rock-cut beds are found also at Tondur in the same District, where two Cola inscriptions refer to a Jain monastery (?) known as Valuvamolipperumpalli, to 51 SII, Vol. IX, No. 2. 52 Ibid., Vol. VII, No. 56. 53 A. R. Ep., 1902, No. 430. 54 SII, Vol. I, No. 94 ; No. 446 of 1937-38. -35 A, R. Ep., 1936-37, No. 252.

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SM. R. CHAMPAKALAKSHMI 63 which grants of palsivilagam and palliccandam were made by a local chief.68 A Gandaradittapperumpalli existed at Palliccandal (Jambai) in the South Arcot District.67 Tirakkol in the North Arcot District, which contains a big boulder with Jain sculptures, was another Jain centre of the early Cola period. Three inscriptions of a Parakesarivarman record gifts to the local Jain temple of Vardhamana, which was known as Gangasurapperum palli. 58 This village is also situated not far from Velal. Among the Colas the most well-known benefactors of the Jains were Rajaraja ( and his elder sister Kundavai. The latter rebuilt the Jain temple at Tirumalai, which dates from much earlier times, and hence it came to be called Kundavai Jinalaya.59 She built another Jain temple, also called Kundavai Jinalaya, at Dadapuram in the South Arcot District and made costly endowments to it.60 She was also the author of the Jain temple at Tirumalavadi in the Tiruchirappalli District.61 As mentioned earlier, Tiruppanmalai in the North Arcot District received the patronage of Lataraja Vira Cala 1993 A.D.), a feudatory of Rajaraja 1.6 2 The Jain temple of Appandar at Tirunarungondai in the South Arcot District also received the benefactions of Rajaraja I, and Kundavai seems to have caused a tank to be dug in the same place. 6S Rajendra figures as the donor of the above temple 6 4 and the one at Tirumalai. A Virakeralaperumpalli existed at Salukki in the North Arcot District during his time. 6 5 56 Ibid., 1934-35, No. 84 ; Part II, para. 11. 57 Ibid., 1937-38, Nos. 446, 448. 58 Ibid., 1916, No. 277. 59 SII, Vol. I, No. 94. Tirumalai is called 'Tundirahvaya Mandalarha Sugiri' in an 11th century inscription (Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, pp. 331ff.). 60 No. 8 of 1919. 61 SII, Vol. I, Nos. 67-68. 62 Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, pp. 137ff, 63 No. 385 of 1902. 64 No. 300 of 1939.40. 65 No. 474 of 1920.

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64 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS The Colas were great patrons of the Jain temple at Karandai or Tirupparambur in the North Arcot District. This temple is called Virarajendrapperumpalli after the Cola king Virarajendra and consists of two shrines, one for Kunth unatha and the other for Vardhamana, the latter being called Tirukkattampalli Alvar in the inscriptions.66 Virarajendra, Kulottunga I and Rajaraja III made liberal endowments to this temple.87 Kulottunga I and his son Vikramacala also patronised the Jain temple of Tirupparuttikunram. Arambhanandi, an eminent Jain teacher, belonged to this centre, which had a Rsi-samudaya to manage the temple affairs. 68 Renovations and additions to the Vardhamana temple were made in the time of Kulottunga III, in the form of shrines and mandapas.89 Eminent teachers like Candrakirtti, 'the acarya of Kottaiyur', and his disciple Anantavirya Vamana added to the importance and prestige of this Trikuta-basti or three-shrined temple under the Colas70 The Calas were also the greatest patrons of the temple and matha at Cittamur in the South Arcot District, which continues to be the headquarters of the Pontiff of the Tamil Jains even today. Kattampalli or Tiruvurampalli, as this temple is known in the Cola inscriptions, became an important centre for the worship of Parsvanatha.71 In the 12th century, the Sambhuvaraya feudatories of Rajaraja II patronised the Jain temple called Iravikulasundarapperumpalli at Perumandur in the South Arcot District." One of them, by name Viravira, appears to have been the builder of a Jain temple named after him as Viravira Jinalaya 66 No. 135 of 1939-40. 67 Nos. 129, 132, 135 and 141 of 1939-40. 68 Nos. 381-382 of 1928-29. 69 T. N. Ramchandran, op. cit., pp. 25-26, 34. 70 SII, Vol. II, App. VI, 461 ; T, N. Ramachandran, op. cit., Inscrip tions Nos. 3, 18 and 22. 71 SII, Vol. VII, Nos. 828-29. 72 Ibid., Nos. 846, 848.

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SM. R. CHAMPAKALAKSHMI at Pundi in the North Arcot District.78 It is now known as the Ponninatha temple. Under a later Sambhuvaraya chieftain of the middle of the 14th century, a private individual provided for a metal image of the deity to be made at Tirumalai.74 The Cedirayas and Kadavarayas, feudatories under the Colas in the 12th-13th centuries, made liberal endowments to the Appandar temple at Tiruarunngondai. This temple, which contains two shrines dedicated to Candraprabha and Parsvanatha, is called Narpattennayirapperumpalli probably after a merchant corporation of the Cola period. 78 Kopperunjinga, the greatest of the Kadavaraya rulers, seems to have been a great patron of the Jain faith in the 13th century A.D. His inscriptions show that he endowed several Jain institutions in Tondaimandalam with gifts. Tirupparuttikunram received his benefactions in the form of additions to the temple, apart from other grants.76 The Kun thunatha temple at Karandai was the recipient of his largesses.". This 'Pallavar Kon' or 'Alagiya Pallavan' was also the patron of the Vardhamana temple at Tirakkol in the North Arcot District.78 Under the Pandyas. The Pandyas of the second empire did not withhold their patronage from the Jain institutions of Tondajmandalam. Two centres in the North Arcot District received their endowments. The temple of Nayanar Aniyadaligiyai (Bahubali ?) at Odalavadi was one of the recipients of land grants made about 1271 A.D. 'under Tribhuvanacakravartin Kulasekharadeva (I).7. Similarly, the temple of 73 Ibid., No. 62. 74 Ibid., Vol. 1, No. 70. 75 Nos. 299, 301, 310-11, 313, 317 and 319 of 1939-40; SII, Vol. VII, No. 1311. 76 No. 383 of 1928-29; SII, Vol. VII, No. 399; T. N. Ramachandran, op. cit., p. 47, Ins. No. 17. 77 Nos, 140, 142 and 143 of 1939-40. 78 T. N. Subramanian, South Indian Temple Inscriptions, Vol. I, No. 124, pp. 134-35. 79 A. R. Ep., 1939-40 to 1942-43, Part II, para. 53.

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66 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS Adinatha at Ponnur received endowments in the time of Maravarman Vikramapandya about 1289 A.D.80 Under the Gungas and Rastrakutas. The Gangas, whose kingdom was founded probably with the help of the Jains, also find mention in some important records of Tondaimandalam.8 1 Attimalla (Hastimalla) alias Kannaradeva Psthvigangaraiyan, a Ganga ruler, set up an image of Rsabhadeva and provided for its offerings by making a gift of the village of Korramangalam. This tenth century inscription is engraved on a pillar, which originally belonged to a Jain temple, but is now found built into the Draupadi temple at Padiyampattu in the North Arcot District. 8 % Under Rajamalla, another Ganga ruler of the 10th century, Vallimalai in the North Arcot District was an important Jain centre.88 The local hill contains sculptures of four Jain preceptors, two of which were caused to be made by one Ajjanandi who was perhaps the greatest of the Jain teachers living in the 9th and 10th centuries A.D. and was famous all over Tamilnadu as evidenced by inscriptions mentioning him at places like Anaimalai, Aivarmalai, Uttamapalaiyam, Karungalakkuli and Kongar Puliyangulam in the Madurai District and Eruvadi in the Tirunelveli District. 84 An inscription of a later period, also from Vallimalai mentions Bhavanandi who may be identified with the author of the Nannul, a work on Tamil Grammar. He is believed to have been patronised by a Ganga ruler named Amarabharanan Siyagangan who was a contemporary of the Cola king Kulottunga III (12th-13th century A.D.).86 Under Kssna III, the Rastrakuta ruler of the 10th century, a gift of lamp was made at Tirumalai by a servant of 80 No. 415 of 1928-29. 81 B. A. Saletore, op. cit., pp. 8-13. 82 No. 140 of 1941-42. 83 Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, pp. 140ff. 84 Nos. 692 and 729 of 1905 ; No. 54 of 1910; No. 562 of 1911, 85 Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, pp. 140ff.

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SM. R. CHAMPAKALAKSHMI Gangamadevi Gangamadevi, the queen of that monarch.se was evidently a Ganga princess, and it is well known that the Gangas were ardent followers of the Jain faith. The prestige and importance of Tirumalai as a Jain settlement from very early times are established by the fact that the religious heads of Sravana Belgola were often chosen from the Jains of Tirumalai.87 67 Armamalai in the North Arcot District has a Jain cave with some mutilated paintings assignable to the Rastrakutas of the 10th century A.D. Under the Vijayanagar Kings. From the 14th century onwards, the Jain centres of Tamilnadu shared with the other institutions the generous endowments of the enlightened rulers of Vijayanagar. At Tirupparuttikunram, Irugappa, a Vijayanagar general, built the Sangita-mandapa in the Vardhamana temple about 1387 A.D. at the instance of his spiritual guru Puspasena.98 He granted the village of Mahendramangalam to the god Trailokyanatha (Vardhamana) for the merit of prince Bukkaraya, son of Harihara 11.99 Mallisena Vamana and his disciple Puspasena were two important preceptors of this period. The former was the author of several works in Sanskrit and Tamil and won the title Ubhayabhasakavicakravartin for his learning. Puspasena, who is called a Munipungava and Paravadimalla, constructed the gopura of the temple. 1 Paintings representing the life stories of the Tirthankaras and their attendant deities were executed in the mandapas of this temple during the Vijayanagar and subsequent periods. Under Bukkaraya, the Jains made a representation to the king against some injustices alleged to have been done to them 86 No. 65 of 1907. 87 T. A. Gopinatha Rao, Jaina Centres in South India', Malabar Quarterly Review, IV. 88 No. 42 of 1890; T. N. Ramachandran, op. cit., p. 57. 89 No. 41 of 1890; Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, p. 115. 90 Nos. 98 and 100 of 1923; T. N. Ramachandran, op. cit., p. 24. 91 No. 98 of 1923.

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68 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS by the Vaisnavas. The emperor brought about a compromise between the Jains and Vaisnavas by his famous delcaration that the two sects must not be viewed as different and that the Vaisnavas should protect the Jain sect. This proclamation involved the Jains and Srivaisnavas of the Tamil country. 9 2 In the time of Devaraya II, a Jain temple was erected for Rsabhanatha in Kunrai or Kunnattur in the North Arcot District in Saka 1363 (1441 A.D.) 3 The Vardhamana temple at Tacambadi in the same District was also constructed during his period. + Saluva Narasimha appears to have patronised the Jain temple of Adinatha at Ponnur in the North Arcot District. This village was a centre of the Jvalamalini cult popularised by one Helacarya who probably belonged to the period before 900 A.D.96 Ktsnadevaraya, the greatest of the Vijayanagar rulers, made endowments to the Trailokyanatha temple at JinaKanci."7 The same monarch patronised the Virarajendrapperumpalli at Karandai. 8 The Appandar temple at Tirunarungondai was the recipient of endowments under the Vijayanagar rulers in the 14th and 15th centuries A.D.99 Gunabhadra, a Jain sage, who established the Virasangha (Virasanghapratisthacarya) lived at this centre about the 14th ceutury A.D. He is said to be the guru of Mandalapurusa, the famous lexicographer (author of the Culamaninigandu), who was a native of Perumandur and flourished in the time of Krsnadevaraya.100 Acyutaraya ordered the remittance of taxes for offerings and worship in the Jain temple of Vijaya-nayakar at Jambai 92 Ep. Carn., Vol. II, No. 334. 93 No. 144 of 1941-42. 94 A. R. Ep., 1941-42, No 155. 95 No. 417 of 1928-29. 96 A. R. Ep., 1928-29, Part II, para. 74. 97 SU, Vol. IV, No. 368; Vol. VII, No. 398. 98 No. 144 of 1939-40. 99 No. 304 of 1939-40. 100 No. 303 of 1939-40; M. Raghava Iyengar, 'Mandalapurusa and his Age', Quart. Journ. Myth. Soc., Vol. XIII, p. 487.

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SM. R. CHAMPAKALAKSHMI 69 near Palliccandal in the South Arcot District.101 The same king also made liberal endowments to the Jain temple called Tiruvakkianda-Tambiranar at Velar at the request of his subordinate Bomma-nayaka.102 Other Centres. There are a few more important centres in the Chingleput District, where Jain inscriptions, sculptures and temples exist. In Siruvakkam, there was a Jain temple called Srikaranapperumpalli in the 9th and 10th centuries A.D.108 Uttiramerur Perunagar, Arpakkam, Aryaperumpakkam, Visar and Kunnattur also possess Jain vestiges. Magaral has a dilapidated temple dedicated to Adinatha. 104 Tradition attributes the decline of Jainism in this region to Tirujnanasambandar whose activities were directed mainly against the Jains of Madurai. Kirappakkam in the same district formerly contained a Jain temple known as Desavallabha-jinalaya, which was constructed about in the 9th century by one Amaramudalguru of the Yapaniya-sangha and Kumiligana.105 The inscription which records this event proves beyond doubt that the Yapaniyas existed in the Tamil country also and that the sect was not confined to Karnataka, as held by P. B. Desai.106 Sedarampattu in the North Arcot District contains rockbeds with a triple umbrella carved on one of them on a hill locally called Pancapandavartippa. Since there are no inscriptions or Jain sculptures here, its date cannot be determined. 107 Cakramallur108 and Brahmadesam 109 in the North Arcot District and Koliyanur110 and Singanikkuppam in the South 101 No. 449 of 1937-38 ; Part II, paras. 22 and 70. 102 Nos. 122-23 of 1919. 103 No. 64 of 1923. 104 A. R. Bp., 1923, Part I, para, 8. 105 No. 22 of 1934-35. 106 P. B. Desai, op. cit., pp. 164, 166. 107 A. R. Ep., 1939-40 to 1942-43, 19 Part II, para. 158. 108 Nos. 25, 33, 37 and 41 of 1940-41. 109 No. 221 of 1915. 110 SII, Vol. IV, No. 64; Vol. VI, No. 65.

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70 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS Arcot District are the other important Jain centres, most of which flourished during the Cola period. Pudukkalani near Amur in the South Arcot District contains a boulder with Jain sculptures, one of which represents Parsvanatha and is assignable to the 9th century A.D. 111 At Pulal near Madras there is a temple for Rsabhadeva, which probably owes its origin to the Colas. The temple now goes by the name of Emmankoyil. According to one of the Mackenzie manuscripts, there was a Jain temple dedicated to Neminatha at Vamanathapura (Mylapore, Madras), which fell into ruins due to sea erosion. However, the image of Neminatha is said to have been removed to Cittamur for safety. 112 111 112 A. R. Ep., 1910-11, Part I, para. 3; 1939-40 to 1942-43, Part I. W. Taylor, op. cit., p. 372.

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IX VARAHAMIHIRA AND BHADRABAHU Ajay Mitra Shastri, Nagpur University Varahamihira is justly reckoned as a doyen of the astronomers and astrologers of ancient India. He surpassed all other fellow-workers in the field by composing standard works, both copious and abridged, on all the three branches of Jyotisa, viz., (i) tantra (mathematical astronomy), (ii) hora (horoscopy), and (iii) sakha or samhita (natural astrology). Several of his writings have come down to us. Unfortunately we possess very meagre information regarding his life and times. From what he himself tells us we know that he was the son as well as a pupil of one Adityadasa and a resident of Avanti and obtained a boon from the Sun-god at a place called Kapitthaka.2 His Pancasiddhantika (1.8) specifies the Saka year 427 (505 A. D.) which evidently has reference to the date of the composition of the work. We also have some evidence to indicate that he was a Sun-worshipping Maga Brahmana. His son Psthuyasas was also an astrologer and his work, Satpancasika, is still extant. ' Some late Jain writers narrate stories which seek to establish some relationship between Varahamihira and Bhadrabahu. Thus, the Prabandhacintamani tells us that in the city of Pataliputra, there lived a Brahmana boy named Varaha who was, ever since his birth, devoted to the study of astrology. . But because of poverty he had to subsist by tending 1 These include the Brhatsamhita, Brhajjataka, Laghujataka, Yogayatra, Tikanikayatra, Brhadyatra, Pancasiddhantika and Vivahapafala. Of these, the Brhadyatra and Vivahapatala still remain unpublished. For collection of the available fragments of the Samasasamhita, vide my paper in Bhar. Vid., Vol. XXIII, pp. 23-39. 2 Brhajjataka, XXVIII.9. 3 For a full discussion of Varahamihira's life, date and works, see A. M. Shastri, India as seen in the Brhatsamhita of Varahamihira, Delhi, 1969, Ch. I.

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/ 122 72 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS cattle. Once he drew a horoscope (lagna) on the surface of a rock, but forgot to efface it before returning home in the evening. On remembering it he went back to the spot in the night only to find a lion sitting over it; but he effaced the drawing fearlessly by putting his hand under the lion's belly. The lion gave up his animal mask and appeared as the Sungod and told him to ask a boon. Varaha requested him to show him the entire circle of stars and planets whereupon the god had him seated in his transport and enabled him to examine closely the movements of all the heavenly bodies. When he returned after a year he became famous as Varahamihira in allusion to the favour of the Sun-god (Mihira), was patronised by king Nanda and composed a treatise on astrology called Varahi Samhita. Once when a son was born to him, he closely examined the moment and from his intimate personal knowledge of the planets prophesied a hundred-year life for the nowborn babe. All but his younger full-brother, the Jain teacher Bhadrabahu, came to him with presents and participated in the festivities marking the occassion. Varaha complained to the Jain minister Sakatala about it. On being told about it, Bhadrabahu said that he had not attended the function as, according to his calculation, the child would meet death from a cat on the 20th day. And notwithstanding all the effors to prevent the calamity the prediction came out true, and the child expired in the night as an iron chain bearing an engraved figure of a cat fell on his head. Varaha mihira was utterly disappointed and was about to consign all the books to fire when Bhadrabahu came to console him and prevented him from doing so. But being envious of Bhadrabahu, Varahamihira took recourse to black magic and caused trouble to some and death to some others of his (Bhadrabahu's) lay followers whereupon Bhadrabahu composed a new hymn (stotra) called Uvasaggaharapasa with the object of averting these disturbances.* The same episode, with some minor differences and elaboration of details, is related by Rajasekharasuri in his 4 Prabandhacintamani, ed. Jinavijaya Muni, Singhi Jaina Series, No. 1, Santiniketan, 1939, Prakasa V, pp. 118-19.

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A. M. SHASTRI 73 Prabandhakosa, also known as Caturvimsatiprabandha. It may be summarised as follows. Two poor but intelligent Brahmana boys named Bhadrabahu and Varaha lived at Pratisthanapura in Daksinapatha. Once the Jain patriarch Yasobhadra, who knew the fourteen Purvas, came over there. Bhadrabahu and Varaha heard his sermon and became Jain monks. Bhadrabahu acquired the knowledge of the fourteen Purvas and possessed thirty-six qualities: He attained great fame as the composer of the niryuktis (commentaries) on the ten canonical works, to wit, Dasavaikalikasutra, Uttaradhyayanusutra, Dasasrutuskandha, Kalpasutra, Vyavaharasutra, Avasyakasutra, Suryaprajnapti, Sutrakstanga, Acarangasutra and Rsibhasita, and also composed a work called Bhadrabahavi Samhita. After the passing away of Yosobhadrasuri, both Bhadrabahu and Sambhutivijaya (who also possessed the knowledge of the fourteen Purvas) lived amicably and wandered independently. Varaba, who too was a scholar, wanted his brother Bhadrabahu to confer on him the status of suri. Bhadrabahu declined the request as Varaha, though learned, was puffed up with pride. Thereupon Varaha gave up the vow and again lived the life of a Brahmana. On the basis of his study of the sciences when he was a Jain monk, he composed a number of new works including the Varanasamhita and circulated the rumour of his acquisition of the knowledge of astrology by the favour of the Sun-god as narrated in the above story from the Prabandhacintamani and thereby attained great celebrity. Pleased with his learning, Sati ujit, king of Pratisthanapura, appointed him his priest. Varaha hurled abuses on the Svetambaras who were upset and sent for Bhadrabahu. In the mean time, Varahamihira was blessed with a son for whom he predicted a full 100 years' life, and the occasion was fittingly celebrated. Varahamihira complained that Bhadrabahu, although he was his full-brother, did not participate in the festivities. On hearing it, Bhadrabahu explained away his action by predicting the child's death from a cat on the seventh day. The incident took place and Bhadrabahu consoled his brother

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74 RELIGION AND CULTURE OE THE JAINS exactly as narrated in the Prabandhacintamani. But a Jain layman, reminded of the earlier insult of his faith by Varahamihira, condemned the latter in the harshest possible words. On knowing the whole episode and being introduced to Bhadrabahu, the king, who had come to console Varahamihira, embraced Jainism. Thereupon Varahamihira began to hate Jainism and caused a lot of troubles to the Jain laity. To avert this calamity Bhadrabahu compiled from earlier works a prayer entitled Uvasaggaharapasa comprising five stanzas. The story ends with the statement that Bhadrabahu's successor, Sthulabhadra, who also had the knowledge of the fourteen Purvas, destroyed other faiths. This story with minor changes is narrated in some other works also. Thus, in the Sukhabodhini commentary on the Kalpasutra, the same anecdote as found in the Prabandhacintamani is related with the only difference that here the episode centres round the son of Varahamihira's royal patron, and not round Varahamihira's own son. A comparative analysis will reveal that there are some minor differences between the versions of the story as found in the Prabandhacintamani and the Prabandhakosa. In the * former, the venue of the episode is located at Patliputra, while the latter places it at Pratisthana. While the former makes out the episode as occurring during the reign of king Nanda, the latter gives the name of the king as Satrujit. Merutunga does not mention, like Rajasekharasuri, the anecdote of Varahamihira's first becoming a Jain ascetic and then reverting to the life of a Brahmana out of jealousy of his brother Bhadrabahu and leaves the impression that, while Bhadrabahu became a Jain monk, Varahamihira throughout led the life of a Brahmana astrologer. Again, whereas the Prabandhakosa speaks of Bhadrabahu as a pupil of Yasobhadra, a contemporary of Sambhutivijaya, and as the teacher of 5 Prabandhakoja, ed. Jinavijaya Muni, Singhi Jaina Series, No. 6, Santiniketan, 1935, Prabandha I (Bhadrabahu-Varaha-prabandha), pp. 2-4. 6 Tribhuvandas L. Shah, Ancient India, Vol. IV, Baroda, 1941, pp. 338-39. On the basis of Jain evidence, Shah avers that the Varakasamhita was composed 156 years after Mahavira's nirvana (ibid., p. 339).

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A. M. SHASTRI 75 Sthulabhadra, no such statement is found in the Prabandhacintamani. Likewise, while the Prabandhakosa describes Yasobhadra, Bhadrabahu, Sambhutivijaya and Sthulabhadra as possessing the knowledge of the fourteen Purvas (caturdasapurvin), the Prabandhacintamani does not make any such explicit statement. And lastly, the death of Varahamihira's son according to Bhadrabahu's prediction took place on the 20th day according to the Prabandhacintamani, while this event is placed on the 7th day by the other work which further adds that, as a result of this incident, Varahamihira's royal patron got himself converted to Jainism. Obviously the Prabandhakosa version, although composed only fortyfour years after the Prabandhacintamani,' marks a great elaboration of the original story and overplays the rivalry between Varahamihira and Bhadrabahu in particular and between Jainism and Brahmanical Hinduism in general. But fundamentally, there is no difference between these versions. By placing the incident during the reign of king Nanda, Merutunga also identifies Bhadrabahu, the central figure of his story, with the homonymous caturdasa-purvin Jain patriarch. If any historical value were to be attached to the above story, Varahamihira will have to be regarded as a contemporary, nay even brother, of Bhadrabahu who, according to the Jain tradition, was the last of the frutakevalins and flourished a few centuries before Christ. There is no unanimity among the Jains about the date of the srutakevalin Bhadrabahu. The Digambara tradition as incorporated in the Tiloyapannatti, Dhavala, Jayadhavala and other works unanimously gives 162 years as the total period of the pontificate of the three kevalins and five srutakevalins after Mahavira's nirvana.8 According to the Svetambara tradition 7 The Prabandhacintamani, as stated in its colophon (p. 125), was completed in Vikrama 1361 expired corresponding to 1306 A.D., while Rajasekharasuri finished his Prabandhakosa in Vikrama 1405 (p. 131) or 1349 A.D. 8 For a full discussion, see Kailash Chandra Sastri, Jaina Sahitya ka Hihasa : Purvapithika, Varanasi, pp. 337-39.

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76 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS recorded in Hemacandra's Parisistaparvan and other works, on the other hand, Bhadrabahu passed away when 170 years had elapsed since Mahavira's nirvana. Although some Jain works place the end of the rule of the Nanda dynasty, which coincided with the close of the pontificate of Sthulabhadra, 215 years after the nirvana of Mahavira and thereby make Bhadrabahu flourish in the Nanda period which is said to have lasted for 155 years, the tradition recorded by Hemacandra which places Candragupta Maurya's accession 155 years after Mahavira's death and the evidence of some Jain writers10 and inscriptions from Mysore11 whieh make out a case for the contemporaneity of Bhadrabahu and Candragupta Maurya appear more trustworthy.1 2 And what is most pertinent in the present context is, while the Digambara and Svetambara traditions considerably differ between themselves as regards the order and names of the spiritual successors of Mahavira and the exact length of the period covered by their pontificate, is the date they assign to the srutake valin Bhadrabahu falls in the fourth century B.C. Thus he lived over eight centuries before Varahamihira who, as we have seen above, can be definitely assigned to the sixth century A. D. on the basis of the internal evidence of his own writings. 14 In view of the above chronological position of the caturdasa-purvin Bhadrabahu and Varahamihira, the tradition recorded by Merutunga and Rajasekherasuri which represents 9 Ibid., pp. 339f. ; also M. Winternitz, A History of Indian Literature, Vol. II, Calcutta, 1933, pp. 462, 476. 10 Cf. Harisena's Brhatkathakosa (Singhi Jain Series, Bombay, 1943), pp. 317-19. 11 B. Lewis Rice, Mysore and Coorg from Inscriptions (London, 1919), pp. 3-4. 12 For a discussion of the whole question, vide Kailash Chandra Shastri. op. cit., pp. 342-46 ; also V. A. Smith, Early History of India (Oxford, 1957), p. 151; Oxford History of India (Oxford, 1923), pp. 75-76; H. C. Raychaudhuri. Political History of Ancient India (6th ed., Calcutta, 1953), pp. 294-95. 13 Kailash Chandra Shastri op. cit., pp. 339-40. 14 For a detailed discussion of Varahamihira's date, see A. M. Shastri, op. cit., pp. 4-18.

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A. M. SHASTRI 16 them as contemporaries must be set aside. It must be pointed out in this connection that, while there may be a substratum of truth in some of the near contemporary episodes related by these two Jain writers of the fourteenth century A.D.,15 they evince an utter lack of historical sens as regards the earlier period. Not to speak of very cift Heath Of Mahavira time stories narrated by Merutunga about described as the pupi king of Malwa, who flourished in the elevatury A are an amalgum of incredible legends and suffer from anachronism.. To cite only a few examples, he would have us believe that the celebrated poets Bana and Mayura, who are known to have lived in the first half of the seventh century A.D. and enjoyed the patronage of the Pusyabhuti king Harsavardhana, actually adorned the court of Bhoja of Malwa. ; likewise, he relates an amusing story about the friendship of the poet Magha, who in known on independent grounds to have flourished in the latter half of the same century, and king Bhoja. 17 Then again he speaks of a place called Kalyanakataka as the capital town (rajadhani-nagara) of the country of Kanyakubja which is said to have comprised thirty-six lakhs of villages.18 This statement is very curious inasmuch as Kanyakubja itself enjoyed the status of the imperial capital first of the Maukharis and Harsavardhana and then of the Ayudhas and the imperial Pratiharas and no town named Kalyanakataka is known from any other source to have existed in the proximity of Kanauj. Similar is the case with the Prabandhakosa. It refers to king Satavahana as the founder of an era (samvatsara),19 evidently the so-called SalivahanaSaka which actually owes its origin to the Sakas after whom it was known for a long lime. 20 Then again it attributes the 77 15 The stories concerning the Caulukyas come under this category. 16 Prabandhacintamani, Prakasa 2, pp. 44-45. 17 Ibid., Prakasa 2, pp. 34-36. 18 Ibid., Prakasa 1, p. 11. 19 Prabandha 15, p. 68. 20 G. H. Ojha, Bharatiya Pracina Lipimala (Delhi, Vikrama 2016), pp. 170-73; D. C. Sircar, Indian Epigraphy (Delhi, 1965), pp. 258-67. [The era is often regarded as the reckoning of Kaniska I of the Kusana clan. -Ed.].

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78 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS same king21 whereas a more Sarasvatavyakarana to the popular tradition assigns it to Sarvavarman. Likewise, it mentions Meghacandra as the son and successor of Jayantacandra (i. e., Jaccandra) who himself is represented as the DA successo Govindacandra, king of Varanasi, 215 years alter the Bhadrabahu flourish A- " hadavala ruler of that name. 22 This the most flagrant distortion of near conteniporary history, for we learn from numerous Gahadavala inscriptions that after Govindacandra came his son Vijayacandra and after the latter his son Jayaccandra who was followed by his son Hariscandra.29 These examples picked up at random would suffice to show that even as regards near contemporary events no great historical value attaches to the statements of these two authors, not to speak of episodes said to have taken place several centuries before their own time. It would, therefore, not be surprising if the story concerning Bhadrabahu and Varahamihira is totally unhistorical and baseless. It is, however, pertinent to note in this connection that the available evidence indicates the existence of more than one Jain teacher named Bhadrabahu who were separated from one another by a few centuries. The srutakevalin Bhadrabahu, who, as shown above, flourished in the second century after the passing away of the last Jain Tirthankara, may be conveniently referred to as Bhadrabahu I. As he lived prior to the division of the Jain church between the Svetambara and Digambara sects, he was honoured by the followers of both the sects and is consequently mentioned in the literary traditions of both of them. As the later teachers of this name belonged only to one or the other of the two main sects, they are referred to in the literary works emanating only from the followers of the concerned sect.24 Thus, the Digambara 21 Prabandhakosa, Prabandha 15, p. 72. 22 Ibid., Prabandha 11, p. 54. 23 The Struggle for Empire, ed. R. C. Majumdar and A. D. Pusalker, (Bombay, 1966), pp. 54-55. 24 This reminds one of the Buddhist councils, only the first two of which are known to the undivided Buddhist church whereas the subsequent ones, being of sectarian nature, are mentioned only in the works of the respective sects.

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A. M. SHASTRI Pattavalis belonging to the Nandi-sangha and the Sarasvatigaccha mention two Bhadrabahus, the first of whom was the last srutake valin and is said to have been the disciple of the fourth srutakevalin, Govardhana, and expired 162 years after Mahavira's nirvana.25 The second Bhadrabahu is spoken of as having flourished 492 years after the death of Mahavira, that is, in Vikrama 22 or 35 B.C. and is described as the pupil of Yasobhadra. His pontificate is said to have covered twentythree years, i.e., 35-12 B.C. The Pattavali of the Nandi Amnaya of the Sarasvati-gaccha begins with him.26 It must be pointed out in this connection that the famous Digambara author Kundakunda describes himself in his Chappahuda (Satprabhrrta) as a pupil of Bhadrabahu 27 who is generally identified with the second teacher of this name known to the Digambara tradition. 28 There is, however, a serious difficulty in accepting this identification. This Bhadrabahu is spoken of as well-versed in the twelve Angas and fourteen Purvas, 29 a description applicable only to the first Bhadrabahu. It is also noteworthy that Kundakunda refers to Bhadrabahu as a gamaya-guru (gamaka-guru) or traditional teacher, and not as an ordinary teacher. Kundakunda had, thus, nothing to do with Bhadrabahu II. 25 As stated above, the Svetambaras place his death 170 years after Mahavira's passing away. 26 H. Jacobi, The Kalpasutra of Bhadrabahu, intro., pp. 10ff.; Ind. Ant., Vol. II, p. 245; Vol. XXI, pp. 57ff. This Bhadrabahu is mentioned only in the Pattavalis, other texts remaining reticent about him. According to some scholars, the episode of the migration of the Jain community to South India recorded in literature and some late inscriptions from Mysore was connected with Bhadrabahu II. See J. F. Fleet in Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, pp. 156ff.; Kailash Chandra Shastri, op. cit., pp. 350-351. The suggestion is, however, not satisfactory. 27 Satprabhrta (by Surajbhan Vakil, Varanasi, 1910), Bodha-pada, verse 62. 28 M. Winterniz, A History of Indian Literature, Vol. II, pp. 476-77, 577. 29 Barasa-Anga-viyanam cauddasa-Puvvanga-viula-vittharanam Suyanani Bhaddabahu gamaya-guru bhayavao jayai|| 79

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SO RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS As shown above, a late Svetambara tradition recorded by authors of the fourteenth and subsequent centuries of the Christian era mentions a certain Bhadrabahu who is spoken of as a brother and rival of the astronomer-astrologer Varahamihira.30 Although he is represented as a catur dasa-purvin, his alleged contemporaneity with Varahamihira, whose date is known from his own works, seems to point to the existence of yet another Bhadrabahu who lived in the sixth century A.D. We may call him Bhadrabahu III. This Bhadrabahu is credited with the authorship of a number of works including niryuktis on ten works of the Jain canon, an astrological treatise entitled Bhadrabahavi Samhita and a stotra consisting of five verses called Uvasaggaharapasa. It is pertinent to note here that much earlier unanimous Svetambara tradition recorded in the niryukis, 31 bhasyas 32 and curnis 8 of the Jain canon attributes the authorship of the Cheda-sutras 84 to the caturdasa-purva-dhara Bhadrabahu. A critical analysis of the above data would reveal that, from fairly early times, some confusion prevailed about the personages bearing the name Bhadrabahu and that the activities of one Bhadrabahu were often attributed to another bearer of this name. Thus, while both the Digambara and Svetam 30 Prabandhacintamani, Prakasa 5, pp 118-19; Prabandhakosa, Prabandha 1, pp. 2-4. 31 The niryukti on the Dasasrutaskandhasutra mentions Bhadrabahu as the author of the Dasasrutaskandha, Kalpa and Vyavahara. For the text of the verse, see Brhaf-Kalpasutra with the niryukri, a bhasya by Sanghadasagani Ksamasramana and a commentary by Malayagiri, edited by Muni Caturvijaya and Muni Punyavijaya, Vol. VI (Bhavnagar, 1942), Gujarati intro., p. 1. 32 The author of the Pancakalpamahabhasya also refers to Bhadrabahu as the composer of the Dasa, Kalpa and Vyavahara and repeatedly calls him suttakara. For the original text, cf, ibid., p. 2. 33 The churni on the Pancakalpabhasya gives Bhadrabahu the credit of composing the Acaraprakalpa or Nisithasutra, Dasa, Kalpa and Vyavahara. For the text, see ibid., p. 3. 34 The Dasasrutaskandha, Kalpa, Vyavahara, Nisitha, Mahanisitha and Pancakalpa are known as Cheda-sutras.

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A. M. SHASTRI 81 bara traditions are unanimous in representing Bhadrabahu of the fourth century B.C. as the possessor of the knowledge of the twelve Angas and fourteen Purvas, the Digambara Pattavalis alone clearly distinguish him from Bhadrabahu II who was separated from the former by an interval of about three centucies. Again, the Digambaras do not give to either of these Bhadrabahus the credit of composing either the nir yuktis or the Bhadrabahavi Samhita. On the other hand, the Svetambaras clearly mention only one Bhadrabahu, the srutakevalin who is said to have passed away 170 years after Mahavira's nirvana. But while the earlier tradition speaks of him as the author of the Cheda-sutras only, some late writers credit him with the authorship of the nir yuktis, the Bhadrabahavi Samhita and the Uvasaggaharapasa also. The earliest writer to represent him as the author of the niryuktis is Silanka who lived in the eighth century A. D. and speaks of him both as niryuktikara and as caturdasa-purva-dhara in one and the same breath.5.5 The same belief is re-iterated by some later writers like Santisuri, Dronacarya, Maladhari-Hemacandra, Malayagiri and Ksemakirti.36 But they do not utter a single word about Bhadrabahu's mastery over astrology. It was left to some late authors of the fourteenth and following centuries to lay stress on this aspect. Nay, we may even aver that an excessive emphasis on this aspect relegates his other religious and literary activities to the background. Thus was brought into being the fully developed personality of Bhadrabahu which is an article of faith with the generality of the Svetambaras today. But this belief involves serious anachronism. The overwhelming internal evidence of the niryuktis themselves leaves no room for doubt that they were composed much later than the fourth century B.C. when the srutakevalin Bhadrabahu is reputed to have flourished. To cite only a few illustrations. 35 Anuyoga-dayinah Sudharmasvami-prabhrtayah yavad=asya bhagavato niryukti-karasya Bhadr abahusvaminas=caturdasa-purva-dharasy=acaryo tas=tan sarvan=iti (Silanka's commentary on the Acarangasutra, quoted ibid., p. 4). 36 For citations, see ibid., pp. 4-5..

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RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS The Avasyakaniryukti refers to later Jain acaryas like Bhadragupta, Arya Simhagiri, Vajrasvamin. Tosaliputra, Aryaraksita, Phalguraksita, Arya Suhastin, etc., by name and alludes to events connected with them.37 The Uttaradhyayanasutraniryukti not only mentions Sthulabhadra with respect (he is styled Bhagavat), but also narrates the story of Kalakacarya who is well known in connection with the legends centering round Vikramaditya and thus assignable to the first century B.C.88 The Pindaniryukti names Padalipta and Vajrasvamin's maternal uncle Samita and relates the ordination of the Tapasas of Brahmadvipa and the origin of the Brahmadvipika-sakha.se And lastly, the Oghaniryukti represents its author as paying obeisance not only to saints possessing the knowledge of the fourteen Purvas, but also to those versed in ten Purvas and eleven Angas, 40 which can refer only to the post srutakevalin period and would be anachronistic if the niryuktis were to be regarded as composed by the caturdasa-purvin Bhadrabahu.41 Not that the commentators of the niryuktis were not aware of these anachronisms; but the pressure of tradition weighed so heavily that they attempted to explain away these anachronistic trends by resorting to some ingenious devices. Thus, Santisuri in his gloss on the Uttaradhyayanasutra observes that the presence, in the niryuktis, of illustrations alluding to later events should not lead one to suppose that they were composed by some other person, for that illustrious srutakevalin possessing the knowledge of fourteen Purvas was capable of perceiving anything relating to the past, present and future. 42 Likewise, referring to the obeisance of the 37 Ibid., pp. 5-8. 38 For the original text, see ibid., pp. 7-8. (The Vikramaditya tradition is really much later. -Ed.] 39 lbid., p. 7. 40 Ar ahamte varditta caudasa-puvvi rah=eva dasa-puvvi/ Ekkaras-arga-suttattha-dharae savva-sahu ya (quoted from loc, cit.) 41 For some other anachronisms, see ibid., pp. 5-14. 42 Na ca kesancid-ih=odaharananam niryukti-kalad=arvak-kalabhavira it y any-oktatvam=asarkaniyam, sa hi bhagavams caturdasaparva-vit sruta-kevali kala-fraya-visayam vastu pasyatyseveri karham anya-kytary-dsarka iti (ibid., p. 4).

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A. M. SHASTRI 83 author of the niryuktis to those knowing the ten Purvas, etc., Dronacarya in his commentary on the Oghaniryukti states that there is no harm in Bhadrabahu saluting them, for though inferior to him in point of knowledge, they possessed more virtues.48 But such explanations can hardly succeed to bring a modern reader round the traditional view that the niryuktis emanate from the srutakevalin Bhadrabahu. And then the niryukti on the Dasasrutaskandha commences with a salutation to Bhadrabahu himself, described as the author of the Dasa, Kalpa and Vyavahara, 44 which should more than suffice to dismiss the belief as a fiction. The only solution which can satisfactorily explain all the relevant facts is that the niryuktis were composed by a later Bhadrabahu who was, as pointed out by Muni Punyavijaya, 46 confused with his frutakevalin predecessor bearing the same name because of the identity of name. When did this Bhadrabahu flourish? We have stated above that the Digambaras know of a second Bhadrabahu who is assigned to the latter half of the first century B.C. The Svetambara tradition, which appears to have no knowledge of a Bhadrabahu in the first century B.C., mentions another Bhadrabahu who from his alleged contemporaneity with Varahamihira seems to have flourished in the sixth century A. D. It should be noted, however, that there is considerable similarity between the details of persor --rated in connection with these personages. Thus ns pupils of Yasobhadra and their knor emphasised. These similarities 1 43 Gun-adhikasya vandana uktan--gun-ahie vamdanayan; dharat vad dasa-purva-dhar-adinam asau karoti iti ; atr=ocyate gun-a ato na dosa iti (ibid., p. 4). 44 Vamdami Bhaddabahur Suttassa karagam=isin 45 Ibid., pp. 1-17.

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84 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS as as incidental. We also know that the late Svetambara tradition, which speaks of Bhadrabahu and Varahamihira contemporaries, does not distinguish him from the srutakevalin Bhadrabahu and is full of many other anachronisms. Thus, in spite of the alleged association with Varahamihira, we would not be quite unjustified if we conclude that the niryuktikara and astrologer Bhadrabahu of the Svetambara authors is probably no other than Bhadrabahu II of the Digambara tradition. 46 But if any value is to be attached to the reported association of Bhadrabahu with Varahamihira described by late Svetambara writers, he will have to be regarded as Bhadrabahu III. Some scholars accord the credit of composing the niryuktis to Bhadrabahu II47 and others to Bhadrabahu III.48 Both these suggestions are equally probable. And according as we accept one or the other of these views, the composition of the niryuktis will have to be placed in the first century B.C. or sixth century A.D. Muni Punyavijayaji goes a step further and suggests that the same Bhadrabahu who composed the niryuktis about the sixth century A.D. was also responsible for the composition of the astrological treatise known as Bhadrabahavi Samhita after his own name and the Upasargaharastotra.48a As regards the latter work, we have nothing to say. But it is difficult to accept his suggestion about the authorship of the former 46 It must be remembered in this connection that a late tradition met with in the Jyotirvidabharana makes Varahamihira one of the nine gems of the court of Vikramaditya who is credited with the institution of the Vikrama era of 57 B. C. In case it is held that Merutunga and Rajasekharasuri followed this tradition which was quite popular in their time, the identification of the two Bhadrabahus will have to be regarded as a certainty. 47 A Comprehensive History of India, Vol. II, ed. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri alcutta, 1957), p. 662. 8 Punyavijaya, op. cit., intro., pp. 1-17.. Sa., pp. 15-17. In support of his proficiency in astrology, Punyavaya inves attention to some statements with astrological implications fontein the yuktis and to the fact that the Suryaprajnapti was one of theters chosen by Bhadrabahu for writing his niryuktis.

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A. M. SHASTRI 85 work, some manuscripts whereof have come down to us and form the basis of the published editions.49 A cursory examination of the relevant evidence would not be out of context. In the colophons of its various chapters, the work is variously called Bhadrabahukaniinitta, Bhadrabahunimittasastra, Bhadrabahukanaimitta, Bhadrabahu-viracita-nimittasastra, Bhadrabahu-viracita-Mahanisor nai)mittasastra and Bhadrubahusamhita. Taken at their face value, these names will lead one to the conclusion that it emanates from Bhadrabahu which is quite in conformity with the late Jain tradition. But this claim is belied by the internal evidence of the work itself. It begins in the Pauranic fashion and we are told that once upon a time when Bhadrabahu, the possessor of the knowledge of the twelve Angas, was seated on the Pandugiri hill near Rajaglha in Magadha during the reign of king Senajit, he was requested by his pupils to impart in brief the knowledge of astrological phenomena for the benefit of kings, lay followers and particularly asectics. Bhadrabahu thereupon agreed to explain to them everything both in brief and in detail.50 This statement is vitiated by some grave anachronisms. It is well known that during the time of Bhadrabahu, well-versed in the twelve Angas, Candragupta Maurya was the ruler of practically the whole of India including Magadha whereas no ruler of Magadha named Senajit is known from any other source.51. Then again, Pataliputra, not Rajagpha, was the 49. A Gujarati translation by Pandit Hiralal Hamsaraj was published from Bombay in Vikrama 1959 and the text was published a few years later by the same Pandit from Jamnagar. The text critically edited from four manuscripts and with an enlightening indroduction by Amritlal S. Gopani and a foreword by Muni Jinavijaya was published in the Singhi Jain Series, No. 26, Bombay, 1949. Later, Nemichandra Shastri edited it from two manuscripts with an introduction and Hindi translation (Varanasi, 1959). Gopani's edition contains twenty-six chapters and that of Shastri twentyseven chapters and an additional chapter called Parisist-adhyaya. Unless otherwise stated, references in the present piper periain to Gopani's edition. 50 Bhadrabahusarhita, 1.1-20 ; 11.1-2, 51 Unless, of course, he is ideatified with Sepiya Bimbisara. Prasenajit of Kosala is out of question.

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86 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS capital of Magadha during the reign of Bhadrabahu's royal patron, Candragupta Maurya ; Rajagaha had long ceased to occupy this position. Evidently, in his eagerness to give a halo of antiquity to the work, its compiler lost sight of all laistorical facts. This introductory portion, wherein Bhadrabahu is styled mahatman and bhagavat, clearly indicates that the work could not have emanated from any Bhadrabahu, neither the srutakevalin nor any of his later namesakes. This conclusion is also supported by some other considerations. Thus at one place we are told that an intelligent person should decide the prospects of rainfall after hearing the words of Bhadrabahu (XI.52). At another place it is stated that Bhadrabahu described the prospects of fluctuation of prices after observing the auspicious and inauspicious yogas of the planets and stars (XXV.50). Then again, the expression these are the words of Bhadrabahu' (Bhadrabahu-vaco yatha) is met with repeatedly throughout the work.52 Secondly, the Chedasutras attributable to Bhadrabahu I and the niryuktis and the Uvasaggaharapasa of a later Bhadrabahu are all in Prakrit, and it is reasonable to assume that even if any of these Bhadrabahus really composed a Samhita it sliould also have been in the same language, whereas the extant Bhadrabahu-- samhita is in Sanskrit. Thirdly, Merutunga and Rajasekharasuri represent Bhadrabahu as a superior rival of Varahamihira, and we shall not be unjustified in expecting Bhadra bahu's Samhita, intended to compete with his rival Varahamihira's Bshatsamhita,68 to excel the latter work in point of contents. and presentation. The case is, however, just the opposite. The Bhadrabahusamhita lacks unity of composition. A majority of chapters begin with a verse stating that the author would delineate such and such a subject.64 No such statement is, 52 Ibid., III.31, 64; VI.17; VII.19; IX.26, 62; X.16,44 ; XI.26, 30; XII.37 ; XIII.74, 100, 178 ; XIV.54, 136; XV.36, 72,,127, 145, 166, 178 ; XVIII.24 ; XX.14; XXIII.28; XXIV.23 ; XXVI.42. 53 Called Varahi Sarhita in the Prabandhacintamani and Prabandhakosa. 54 In some cases, the concluding verse of a chapter mentions the sub. ject dealt with in the following chapter,

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A. M. SHASTRI 87 however, found at the commencement of some chapters.5 6 In the introductory portion, the author promises to deal with every topic in brief (samasatah) as well as in detail (vyasatah) ;but he keeps this promise only in a few cases. 57 Then, at the beginning of the Svapn-adhyaya (Ch. XXVI), there is a fresh mangal-acarana' 8 which shows that originally it did not form a part of the work and was added to it in later times, probably because the topic is mentioned in the list of contents given in the opening chapter (I. 17). The same is the case with Ch. XXX called Parisist-adhyaya.5sa The chapters are pot arranged in a scientific manner. Thus no intelligible system is adopted in the delineation of planetary movements (graha-cara) which form the subject matter of Chs. XVXXIII. The movements of Venus, which receive the most elaborate treatment, claim the first place (Ch. XV) and are followed by those of Saturn (Ch. XVI). One would naturally expect it to be followed by the treatment of the remaining planets from Sun to Jupiter in their fixed serial order. But such is not the case, and an arbitrary order is adopted. After Saturn comes Jupiter (Ch. XVII) to be followed by Mercury, Mars, Rahu, Ketu, the Sun and the Moon (Chs. XVIII-XXIII). The case is not very different regarding the arrangement of other chapters.69 In some cases, part of one topic is dealt with in one chapter while another part of the same subject is reserved for treatment in a stanza of a 55 Cf. Chs. III, XIX, XXII, XXIII, XXV, XXVII. 56 Bhadrabahusarhita, II.2. 57 Thus, ulka is described in brief in Ch. II and in detail in Ch. III. This practice is not followed in respect of other topics. 58 Namaskrtya Mahaviram sur-asura-janair=nutam/ Svapn-adhyayar pravaksyami subh-asubha-samiritam (XXVI.1) 58a Srimad=Vira-jinam natva Bharatin=ca Pulindinim/ smrtva nimittani vaksye sv-atmanah karya-siddhaye (Parisista, v. 2) 59 Clouds, rainfall and connected matters are dealt with in four chapters (VI, VIII, X, XII) which are separated from one another by chapters dealing with other topics like twilight (VII), winds (IX) and gandharva-nagara (XI).

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RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THB JAINS subsequent chapter intervened by a large number of verses. To cite only one example, the quantum of the effects of two of the five kinds of ulka, viz., Tara and Dhisnya, is described in verse 9 of Ch. II, while that of the three remaining kinds, viz., Asani, Vidyut and Ulka, is specified in verse 12 of the following chapter. Then there are numerous repetitions not only of ideas but even of words, sometimes in one and the same chapter. Verse 7 of Chapter XIII is, for instance, repeated once again after an interval of just sixteen verses (XIII. 23).80 Although minor defects of language, metre and grammar are not uncommon in texts dealing with technical subjects like astrology, astronomy, medicine and philosophy, the Bhadrabahusamhita is vitiated by these defects in an unprecedentedly serious proportion which many a time hamper a proper understanding of the text.61 As against this, the Bshatsamhita is distinguished by well-knit chapters arranged scientifically, succinct but self-sufficient delineation of relevant topics, variety of metres skilfully used, clarity of expression, general correctness of language which varies according to the requirements of the topics dealt with, originality and poetic talent, qualities conspicuous by their absence in the work allegedly composed by Bhadrabahu. The Bhadrabahusamhita cannot thus stand comparison with Varahamihira's work, not to speak of surpassing it which was the avowed purpose of composing it. But this is not all. Many statements of Varahamihira are repeated in the Bhadrabahusamhita, sometimes with the only difference that, while the former employs only a few words, the latter says the same thing in so many words. To mention only a few examples, Ch. XXXIII of the Brhatsamhita and Chs. II-III of the Bhadrabahusamhita deal with ulka. Varahamihira defines ulka and names its five varieties in XXXIII. 1 which is reiterated in so many words in the Bhadrabahusaihita, II. 5-6. The quantum of the effects of the five kinds of ulka is described in a single stanza by Varahamihira (XXXIII. 3) and the same is repeated by 60 This has reference to Nemichandra Shastri's ed. 61 For some such defects, see Gopani, op. cit., intro., pp. 19-20.

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A. M. SHASTRI 89 Bhadrabahu in two verses (II. 9; III. 12) in somewhat similar words. There is a surprising degree of similarity of words and ideas between the two works in many other places. 11 The Bhadrabahusamhita, XXVII. 1 is adapted from the Bshatsamhita, IX. 38, and XXVII. 2-3 of the former are literally the the same as IX. 39 and V. 97 of the latter. 8 2 Then again. verses 183-95 of the Parisist-adhyaya of the Bhadrabahusamhita are borrowed ad verbatim from the BIhatsamhita, LXX. 1-7, 9-13, 8. We shall, therefore, not be unjustified in concluding that not only is the Bhadrabahusamhita inferior to the Varahi Samhita, but is also indebted to it for many ideas and verses and is consequently later than it." Although the extant Bhadrabahusamhita is thus later than the Brhatsamhita of Varahamihira, it is not possible to ascertain its date precisely in the present state of insufficient information. In the absence of definite evidence on the point, scholars have naturally offered diverse suggestions. The oldest available manuscript of the text was copied on Tuesday, the 5th of the bright half of Caitra in (Vikrama) Samvat 1504 or in c. 1447 A.D.64 But Muni Jinavijaya opines that the work is probably a Sanskritised version of Bhadrabahu's work which was composed in Prakrit and then even the Sanskrit version is at least as old as the 11th or 12th century of the Vikrama era.6 4a A.S. Gopani says at one place 61a Cf. Brhatsamhita, XXXIII.4, 8, and Bhadrabahusamhita, II.8-9; Brhatsamhita, XXXIII.9-10, 12, 15-16, 18-19, and Bhadrabahusamhita, III.5, 9, 16, 18-19. For a detailed comparison between the two works, see Bhadrabahusamhita, ed. Gopani, intro., pp. 6-19, 22-32. 62 As pointed out above, Ch. XXVII is found only in Nemichandra Shastri's ed. 63 Nemichandra Shastri's view that the first twenty-five (particularly, fifteen) chapters, were probably composed earlier than Varahamihira (intro., pp. 55-56) is contradicted by his own statement that the work may have been compiled in the 8th-9th century A.D. (ibid., p. 55). As pointed out by him, the mention of Durga's work on ristas in the Bhadrabahusarhita, Parisist-adhyaya, verse 10, clearly shows that at least this chapter is later than 1032 A.D. (ibid., p. 54). 64 See the puspika in Gopani's ed., p. 70. 64a Ibid., Jinavijaya's foreword, pp. 3-4.

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90 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS that the above-mentioned dated manuscript shows that the work cannot be later than the 16th century of Vikramas while later he avers that it was composed after the 15th century of Vikrama.86 It is difficult to accept either of these views. While we need not deny that Bhadrabahu did really compose a work on astrology, the internal evidence of the extant work, discussed above, clearly proves that it is neither based on nor is a Sanskrit version of Bhadrabahu's work. So also the 11th-12th century date suggested by Jinavijayaji can at best be regarded as a pure surmise. The dated manuscript indicates that the work must have been in existence for some time prior to the date of its copying, Vikrama 1504. This rules. out Gopani's suggestion that it came into existence after the 15th century of Vikrama. It is not impossible that the episode of Bhadrababu and Varahamihira found in the Prabandhacintamani and Prabandhakosa has an important bearing on the question. Although the former work is fully aware of Bhadrabahu's mastery over astrology, it does not contain any allusion to the Bhadrabahusamhita which is first mentioned in the latter work. There is, of course, no reason to doubt that the Bhadrabahavi Samhita known to Rajasekharasuri was the same as the extant Bhadrabahusamhita. Can we, on this basis, conclude that the available Bhadrabahusamhita came into existencc sometime during the gap between the dates of these two works, i.e., between Vikrama 1361 and 1405 ? It will be clear from the foregoing discussion that the work now known as Bhadrabahusamhita has nothing to do with any of the Bhadrabahus and is quite a recent compilation, and an unintelligent one at that, dating from about the middle of the present millennium. Its compiler, who was a man of ordinary calibre, ascribed it to Bhadrabahu, evidently with the object of giving it sanctity, popularity and authoritativeness. His knowledge of Bhadrabahu's traditional mastery of * 65 66 Ibid., author's intro., p. 6. Ibid., p. 20.

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A. M. SHASTRI 91 astrology(r) 7 must have emboldened him to do so. This was. not uncommon in ancient India as a number of comparatively late texts ascribed to traditionally reputed astrologers and astronomers are known to exist even now.88 The extant Bhadrabahusamhita is thus a very late compilation forged in the name of the renowned Jain patriarch.89 The text of the Bhadrabahusamhita as it has come down to us bears the appearance of a Jain work of the Digambara school. It begins with a salutation to Jina Vira, i. e., Mahavira,?and, we have seen above, is represented to have been composed by Bhadrabahu in response to the request of his pupils. The object of its composition among other things, was to enable the Jain monks to know in advance the places to be visited by calamities and take refuge in other prosperous countries (1.11). Bhadrabahu is styled Nirgrantha (I. 6) and described as sky-clad (Dig-vasas, II. 1). The work is said to have been based on the words of Sarvajna (I. 11, 14) or Jina (II. 2), and a statement found in it is represented to be from the Nirgranthasasana or the sayings of the Nirgranthas (IV. 28).71 In the colophons of individual chapters, the title of the work, 67 Nemittio (Naimittika) is known to have been employed as one of the synonyms used for Bhadrabahu. See Punyavijaya, op. cit., p. 15, note 3. 68 Such are, for example, the works attributed to Brahman, Vasistha, Surya, Maya, Garga, Kasyapa, etc. Similar works exist in the field of Dharmasastra, Ayurveda and Silpasastra also. 69 As an analogy we may mention the fact that, as works supposed to have been composed by the ganadharas were regarded as more authoritative than those composed by others, in later times the tendency to attribute even late works to them came into existence. Thus, some of the Chedasutras and even some Puranas came to be ascribed to the ganadharas. (Dalsukh Malvania, Ganadharavada ki Prastavana, pp. 8-12 ; Nisitha : Eka. Adhyayana, pp. 18-20). 70 This verse is found only in Shastri's ed. The opening verse of Ch. XXVI also pays obeisance to Mahavira. 71 According to XX.1, the movement of Rahu dealt with in Ch. XX is. also based on the teachings of the Nirgranthas well versed in the twelve Aogas. Likewise, XIII.42 (Shastri's ed.) proclaims that the nimittas dealt with in the chapter are actually those spoken by the Jina (Jina-bhasita).

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92 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS i. e., Bhadrabahukanimitta or Bhadrabahunimittasastra, is generally qualified by the adjective Nairgrantha, i. e., belonging to the Nirgranthas.72 Then again at the end of some of the chapters the monks are advised to leave one country and seek shelter in another if the former was to be afflicted by certain disasters (XU. 38; XIV. 181 ; XV. 230 ; XXV. 49).18 But a close examination of the contents reveals a number of Brahmanical elements which tell us a quite different tale. Thus, speaking of the importance of the nimittas while undertaking a milltary expedition, it is said that even the gods had taken the nimittas into account (XIII. 23). We are further told in the same vein that neither the Vedas nor the Angas (i. e., Vedangas) nor the sciences (vidyas), taken individually, can meet those requirements which are met with by a well-told nimitta.74 One would normally expect a Jain text to enumerate the various branches of learning beginning with the canon and not with the Vedas which were an object of reverence only for the followers of Brahmanical Hinduism. It cannot be argued that the word anga may have reference to the Jain canon comprising twelve Angas, for, as the word is preceded by reference to the Vedas, it can denote only the Vedangas. Considerable space is devoted to the description of portents taken from fire while performing homa (offerings to fire) on the eve of a military march (XIII. 52-60). The Brahmanical practice of regarding the naksatras as presided over by various gods and referring to them by the names of i respective divinities is also followed (III. 38-39; XIII. 96-27). As a means of warding off certain evil portents, the author recommends the worship of gods, Brahmanas initiated for the performance of Vedic sacrifices (diksita), elderly people and Brahmacarins, for the sins of the kings are extinguished by 72 Occasionally we find the use of the word Nirgrantha which is evidently an error for Nairgrantha. [It may not be regarded as an error.--Ed.) 73 Also cf. XIV.182 ; XXI.58; XXIII.58 ; XXIV.43. 74 Na Veda n=api c=argani na vidyas=ca prthak prthak/ prasadhayanti tan =arthan nimittam yat subhasitam (XIII.38)

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A. M. SHASTRI 93. their penance (XIII. 116). Referring to the duties of a king. after the conquest of a new territory, the work recommends that he should worship the gods, elderly people, Brahmanical ascetics or Brahmacarins (lingastha), Brahmanas and teachers and make revenue-free land grants (XIII.181).74a No mention is made in this connection of Jain monks which would be reasonably expected of a Jain author. Again, while dealing with the ut patas relating to divine images, the author first names Brahmanical gods and goddesses like Vaisravana, Candra, Varuna, Rudra, Indra, Baladeva, 76 Vasudeva, 76 Pradyumna, Surya, Sri, Visvakarman, Bhadrakali,77 Indrani, Dhanvantari, Jamadagnya Rama (Parasurama) and Sulasa (XIV. 62-81), and it is only while summarising the whole thing again that mention is made of the images of the Arhats (XIV. 82). One would be justified in expecting a Jain author to accord the Tirtharkara images a place of honour and others a secondary place. The case is, however, just the opposite. And lastly, the author is not only familiar with, but gives great importance to the Brahmanical system of the four Varnas. Thus, while describing the effects of astrological phenomena on worldly life, he generally begins with the mention of the four castes in the prescribed order. He also appears to believe in the traditional association of colours and castes and freqently refers to white, red, yellow and black phenomena as particularly affecting the Brahmanas, Ksatriyas, Vaisyas and 74a Cf. XX1.54 which recommends the worship, among others, of those initiated for the performance of Vedic sacrifices, manes and Brahmanas for warding of the effects of the appearance of evil comets. 75 The reading in the relevant verse is balandeve (XIV.68) and there is also a variant, bale kascin, which gives no sense. The correct reading, particularly as Vasudeva is mentioned in the following stanza, must be Baladeve, which has been corrupted to balandeve in the interest of the metre. 76 The mention of Vasudeva after Baladeva points to the earlier period when Vira-worship was popular. The verse in question (XIV.69), as well as the preceding one, therefore, appears to have been taken from some carly text. 77 Gopani's ed. gives the reading bhadrastali (XIV.75) which is , obviously a mistake for Bhadrakali as given by Shastri.

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94 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS Sudras respectively.78 These few instances picked up at "random appear to reveal that the extant Bhadrabahusamhita probably originated out of a Brahmanical text which was later converted to a Jain one by introducing a few changes and additions such as the introductory portion associating the work with Bhadrabahu, the concluding stanzas at the end of some chapters referring to the utility of the predictions for Jain monks and occasional references to the worship of Jina images and such other kindred elements.?' But the garb is transparent enough to reveal its original character which is quite eloquent. Did then Bhadrabahu not compose any work on astrology? As we have noted above, he was traditionally reputed to have been well-versed in astrology (nimittas), and it is quite possible that he may have composed some work on the subject. But if he really did so, unfortunately 'We know neither its title nor the exact nature and extent of its contents. It was probably not known as Bhadrabahusamhita, for this name is not met with in the extensive Jain literature prior to about the middle of the fourteenth century A.D. The title was obvioulsy imitated from Varahamihira's Samhita which, in addition to the name Brhat samhita, was also called Varahi Samhita after the author's name, with the motive of highlighting the alleged competition of Varahamihira and Bhadrabahu, which was a creation of wild imagination on the part of some Jain authors.. And just as the statement of the author of the Prabandhakosa about Bhadrabahu writing a Samhita alleged to have been christened after his own name is untrustworthy, so also must be his alleged contemporaneity and relationship with Varabamihira. Thus, the Varahamihira-Bhadrabahu episode narrated by Merutuiga and Rajasekharasuri does not appear to possess any historical value and as such need not be taken into account in any histrorical study. It is noteworthy in this 78 E..., XIV.22-23, 31, 58, 99-101 ; XX.2, 57; cf. XIV.57 (association of certain trees and castes) ; XXIV.18-21 (association of certain cithis and castes). 79 Cf. XIII.76 ; Parisist-adbyaya, verses 30, 143, 158, etc.

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A. M. SHASTRI 95 connection that this anecdote is not found in any work datable before the fourteenth century A.D. The following are therefore our conclusions (i) The contemporaneity of the srutakevalin Bhadrabahu and Varahamihira contemplated by Merutunga and Rajasekharasuri must be rejected as it goes against the internal evidence of Varahamihira's own works. (ii) It is possible that the episode has reference to a later Bhadrabahu who composed the niryuktis and was confused with his earlier namesake because of the sameness of their names. (iii) An examination of the available Bhadrabahusashita proves that it has nothing to do with any of the personages bearing the name Bhadrabahu and that it is inferior to and later than Varahamihira's Brhatsamhita to which it is indebted for many an idea and stanza. In fact, it is an unintelligent compilation of about the middle of the present millennium attributed to Bhadrabahu with the object of according it a respectable position. (iv) The text of the Bhadrabahusamhita as it has come down to us appears to belong to the Digambara sect of Jainism. But a critical appraisal of its contents reveals that, in all probability, the text was originally a Brahmanical one and was later given a Jain appearance by adding a few Jainistic elements here and there. (v) Although Bhadrabahu may have composed a work on astrology, it was probably not known as Bhadrabahusamhita, which name is met with for the first time in the fourteenth century A.D. (vi) As shown by a critical examination of the contents of the Prabandhacintamani and Prabandhakosa, also called Caturyimsatiprabandha, their authors, Merutunga and Rajasekharasuri, had no historical sense, and the VarahamihiraBhadrabahu episode recorded by them must be dismissed as of po historical value whatsoever.* *[The suggestion regarding the existence of several Bhadrabahus is really not supported by any strong evidence.-Ed.]

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X A JAIN HISTORICAL TRADITION D. C. Sircar, Calcutta University The Jain literature abounds in works containing numerous historical and pseudo-historical traditions. 1 We had occasion to deal with a few of them belonging to various grades of reliability, in regard to all of which we cannot agree with the view that 'Jaina chroniclers deliberately manipulated history'. The traditions examined by us include--(1) the chronology of Pradyota, Palaka and others as found in Merutunga's Theravali, which we considered to be a late and unreliable fabrication; (2) the Sthaviralicarita or Parisistaparvan by Hemacandra (1088-1172 A.D.) representing Nanda as the son of a courtesan by a barber, which is remarkably supported, strangely enough, by the Classical writer Curtius (first century A.D.) who says that the father of the last Nanda, contemporary of Alexander the Great, was a barber; (3) the two divergent traditions recorded in the Tiloyapannati that the Guptas ruled for 231 years according to one and 255 years according to the other, both of which we have taken to be correct, the first suggesting the collapse of Gupta rule in U. P. about 550 A.D. and the latter pointing to its close in Orissa about 574 A.D., and (4) the statement of the Bappabhatticarita that king Yasovarman (c. 725-53 A.D.) of Kanauj was a descendant of Maurya Candragupta assigned to c. 324-300 B.C., which was so long rejected by 1 See G. C. Choudhary, Political History of Northern India from Jain Sources (c. 650 to 1300 A.D.), pp. 1ff. 2 C. H. Tawney, Prabandhacintamani, trans., p. xix. 3 Ancient Malwa and the Vikramaditya Tradition, p. 31. 4 VI.231-32. 5 Cf. Sircar, 'Traders' Privileges Guaranteed by Kings' in Early Indian Trade and Industry, ed. Sircar, pp. 92ff. 6 Essays presented to Sir Jadunath Sarkar, ed. H. R. Gupta, pp. 343-47.

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D. C. SIRCAR historians, but may be really correct, because we have now discovered in a Mathura inscriptions a seventh century Maurya king named Candragupta whose grandson Dindiraja Karka claims to have burnt the city of Kanyakubja. Recently our attention has been drawn to a statement in the Sanatkumaracaritram which is a section of Haribhadra's Neminahacariu. Haribhadra, a pupil of Sricandra who was a pupil of Jinacandra, completed the Neminahacariu in Apabhramsa in the year 1159 A.D.9 We learn from the colophon of the said section that Vira of the Pragvata community was Mularaja's minister in charge of the tankasala (mint) which produced coins bearing the figure of the goddess Laksmi.10 Pragvata is the Sanskrit form of the name of the Por or Porwar belonging to the Porwal community of merchants of Western India, being one of the eighty-four gacchas or families of the Jains.11 The said Mularaja is Mularaja I of the Caulukya or Solanki dynasty of Gujarat, who ruled in 961-96 A.D.,12 because Mularaja II of the same family reigned in 1176-78 A.D.,13 i.e. sometime after the composition of the Neminahacariu. The above tradition, recorded by Haribhadra in 1159 A.D. about a century and a half after the death of Mularaja I in 996 A.D., seems to be genuine ; because, in ancient and medieval India, coins once in the market remained in circulation for centuries, and it is possible that Haribhadra saw some such coins of Mularaja I. However, the tradition assumes some significance when we remember that no coins of the Caulukya or Solanki family have as yet been discovered. The question 7 97 7 Babi Chote Lala Jaina Smrti Grantha, Calcutta, Part IV, pp. 129ff. 8 See also Ep. Ind., Vol. XXXII, pp. 207ff. 9 Winternitz, Hist. Ind. Lit., Vol. II, p. 511. 10 Choudhary, op. cit., p. 232. This Vira of the Pragvata clan may be different from Mularaja's minister of the same name who is supposed to have belonged to the Capotkata clan (A. K. Majumdar, Caulukyas of Gujarat, p. 32). 11 See Wilson's Glossary of Judicial and Revenue Terms, s.v. Porwal. 12 H. C. Ray, DHNI, Vol. II, p. 1047. 13 lbid., p. 1048.

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98 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS now is : if the tradition is accepted as genuine, how can we explain the absence of any coin bearing the name of Mularaja ? There may be several answers to this question, the first of them being that the coins were not issued in large quantities and the few coins that were available to the people were melted for making ornaments. We have other instances of this kind. Thus, although no coins bearing the name of any of the Suryavamsi Gajapati kings of Orissa have so far been discovered, Jivadeva's Bhaktibhagavatu composed in 1510 A.D. speaks of gold coins bearing the figure of Gopala (Krsna) and the king's name which had been issued by the author's disciple, the Gajapati king Prataparudra (14971540 A.D.), and were in circulation in many lands. 1 4 No such coin has, however, as yet come out. In the same way, the Rewa inscription (1193 A.D.)16 of Malayasimha a feudatory of Kalacuri Vijayasimha of Tripuri,says that the chief excavated a tank with 15,000 tankakas (i.e. tanka, probably of silver) stamped with the figure of the Bhagavat meaning the Buddha, though there is no indication regarding the issuer of the coins. In this case also, no coins of the type have been so far discovered. Another possibility is that, unlike the Gopala type gold coins of Prataprudra which bore his name, the issues of Mularaja I referred to in Haribhadra's work may not have had a legend mentioning the king's name. In any case, the coins remind us of the seated Laksmi type issues (in gold and possibly also in silver) of the Kalacuri king Gangeyadeva Vikramaditya (c. 1015-41 A.D.) and their imitations minted by the rulers of dynasties like the Candellas and Gahadavalas.18 Mularaja I, however, ruled earlier than the said 14 Sircar, Studies in Indian Coins, p. 247. 15 Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX, pp. 296ff.; Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions, No. 2033. 16 Cunningham, Coins of Medieval India, p. 72; Smith, Catalogue, pp. 352-53.

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D. C. SIRCAR 99 Kalacuri king and may have imitated the coins of the Kashmirian kings like Jayapida Vinayaditya (c. 750-80 A.D.).17 In connection with the probable issue of coins by the Caulukya king Mularaja I, we have to refer the attribution of certain dramma coins to king Visala or Visvamalla (c. 124462 A.D.) of the Caulukya-Vaghela dynasty of Gujarat. Thus it has been said, "In the epigraphic records there are references to Visalapri-dra, Visalapriya-dramma, Visa-dra and Visalapuri-dra, The Likhapaddhati calls these both Visvamallapriya- and Visalapriya-dramma. These coins have most likely to be ascribed to king Visaladeva of the Vaghela dynasty (of Gujarat]."13 We have, however, elsewhese tried to show that Visala or Visvamalla, associated with the issue of these coins, was not the Caulukya-Vaghela 'king who flourished in the middle of the thirteenth century A.D, but that he was really a Sresthin who was the lessee of the mint issuing the said coins. 19 In addition to our argument against the identification of the issuer of the coins with the CaulukyaVaghela king of the same name, we may now point out that the coins are described in the Lekhapaddhati20 as produced at the mint (tanka-sala) at Srimala which was also called Bhillamala and is the same as modern Bhinmal in the Jodhpur Division of Rajasthan. It seems that the Bhinmal region of Jodhpur did not form any part of Visala's dominions. Even during the greatest expansion of the Caulukya kingdom under Kumarapala (1144-73 A. D.), the said area formed a border chieftaincy far away from the centre of the Caulukya king's power. Haribhadra's statem ent, however, suggests that Mularaja I had a tanka-sala at his capital. 17 Smith, op. cit., p. 269. 18 L. Gopal, The Economic Life of Northern India, p. 197; cf. JNSI, Vol. XVII, pp. 72f. ; Lekhapaddhati, pp. 33, 37, 39, 42, 55. See also A. R. Ep., 1957-58, Nos. 490-92. 19 Ep. Ind., Vol. XXXVII, pp. 277-78; cf. S. Bandyopadhyay, JNSI, Vol. XXX, pp. 96ff. 20 See ''p. 20, 42.

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SUPPLEMENT XI THE JAIN HARIVAMSA Asim Kumar Chatterjee, Centre of Advanced Study in AIHC, Calcutta University Unlike most of the ancient and early mediaeval Indian works, the date of the Harivamsa of Jinasena II is known. The date which the poet himself has given in the colophon of his work (66. 52) is Saka 705 which corresponds to the year 783 of the Christian era. Jinasena II gives the names of some contemporary kings of India, viz. Indrayudha of Kanauj,* Srivallabha, son king Krsna of the South, i.e. of the Rastrakuta dynasty, Vatsaraja called Avanti-bhubhrt and Varaha of the West. Historical existence of all these four kings is proved by contemporary epigraphic records. 2 From the next verse (66. 53), we learn that the composition of the poem was started at the town of Vardhamana (modern Vadvan) in the temple of Parsvanatha, the penultimate Jain Tirthankara, built by king Nanna and completed at the town of Dostatika (identified with Dottadi between Vadvan and Girnar) in the temple of Santinatha, the 16th Jain Tirthankara. It should be pointed out, in this connexion, that at the same town of Vardhamana, Harisena composed his Kathakosa in Saka 853, corresponding to 925 A.D.** We propose to identify this Vardhamana with the town of the same name mentioned several 1 Since Jinasena has himself mentioned (1.40) an earlier Jinasena, who was a disciple of Virasena and afterwards composed his Adipurana we are compelled to call our author 'Jinasena II'. [There is some confusion in the tradition.-Ed.] [Kanauj s not mentioned in the verse.-Ed.] 2 See The Age of Imperial Kanauj (ed. R. C. Majumdar), pp. 21ff., 101. [Varaha or Jayavaraha of the Saurya-mandala does not appear to be known from any inscription.-Ed.] **[There is some inaccuracy.-Ed.]

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A. K. CHATTERJEE times in the Kathasaritsagara. Tawney, the well known translator of this famous poem of Somadeva, had wrongly identified this town with Burdwan in Bengal, although Barnett had doubts regarding this identification. 5 From a story of that work, we learn that the Brahmana youth Saktideva reached the Vindhya forest after journeying southwards from the city of Vardhamana--- 101 evam krta-pratijnah san Vardhamanapurat=tatah daksinam disam=alambya sa pratasthe tada dvijah|| kramena gacchams ca prapa so 'tha Vindhya-mahatavim][ = This shows that the town of Vardhamana was to the north of the Vindhya which agrees more with the present position of Vadvan in Gujarat than Burdwan of West Bengal.* The same town is also mentioned as the place where Lavanaprasada, king of Gujarat, built a temple of Kumara in the year 1253 A.D." savidhe Vardhamana[sya] spardhamanam payodhina adhahkrta-sudhasaram yah Kumaram=akarayat!! The epithet kartasvar-apurna-jan-adhivasa applied to this town in the Kathakosas of Harisena shows that the city enjoyed a great deal of prosperity during the mediaeval period. In the Harivamsa also Vardhamana gets the adjective vipula-sri (kalyanaih parivardhamana-vipula-sri-Vardhamane pure ). 3 See Tawney and Penzer, The Ocean of Story, Vol. II, pp. 171, 188, 189, 223, 224, 237; Vol. III, pp. 218, 229, 230, 282; Vol. IX, pp. 53, 75. [The identification is uncertain.-Ed.] 4 Ibid., Vol. II, p. 171, note 1. (This is 'uncertain', but not 'wrong'. -Ed.] 5 Loc. cit. 6 Ed. Durgadas and Parab, 25. 5-6. *[Since Vadvan or Vadhvan lies in the Kathiawar region of Gujarat, it is no more to the north of the Vindhyas than Burdwan in West Bengal, 'Vindhya' is the name applied to mountain ranges running from Gujarat to Bengal. There are, however, too many Vardhamanas in North India.-Ed.] 7 Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 23. 8 See P. L. Jain's Prastavana (in Hindi) in this edition of the Harivamsa, p. 4. 9 66.53.

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102 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS The first thing that strikes a reader of the Harivamsa is its similarity with the Kathasaritsagara which, as we know, is a Sanskrit translation of the now-lost Brhatkatha.10 The romantic exploits of Vasudeva, the father of Kssna, will invariably remind one of those of Naravahanadatta in Somadeva's translation. Some of the heroines of Jinasena II like Angaravati, Vegavati, Bandhumati, Padmavati, Kalingasena, etc., also occur in the Kathasaritsagara. The enemy of the amorous Vasudeva in the Hariyamsa is a Vidyadhara named Manasavega whose name occurs prominently in the Kathasaritsagara. The only difference between Somadeva and Jinasena II is that the latter describes in a few lines what the former would say in a few hundred verses. We have little doubt that the author of the Harivamsa Purana had before him the original Paisaci version of Gunadhya, which was probably composed in the early centuries of the Christian era. But it has to be remembered that the successful romantic adventures of Vasudeva cover only a portion of Jinasena's very considerable work which runs to as many as 66 chapters. He has described in greater details the achievements of Klsna Vasudeva and there is very little doubt that, in doing so, he has more or less followed the well-known Vaisnava Harivamsa, believed to be an integral part of the Mahabharata. The description of Dvaraka (Ch. 41), the death of Kamsa at Krsna's hands (Ch. 36) and the wrestling bout of Klsna and his brother with Canura and Mustika (Ch. 36) are all taken from the Vaisnava Harivania. The destruction of the Vrsnis and the last days of Kssna and his brother too are the same as given in the Visnu Purana and the Mahabharata. Jinasena II, D . 10 In this connexion we reproduce below the following sloka from Somadeva (1.10) yatha mular tath=aiv=aitan=na manag=apy=atikramah/ grantha-vistara-samksepa-matram bhasa ca bhidyatel/ See also in this connexion the Sanskrit introduction of Durgadas and Parab to their edition of this work, p. 1, note. (But the clain that the entire Kathasaritsagara is an exact translation of Gupadhya's work is absurd.Ed.)

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A. K. CHATTERJEE however, follows the tradition preserved in the Jatakas11 and the Arthasastra12 according to which the Vrsnis were destroyed because they were cursed by the sage Dvaipayana. The Mahabharata18 and the major Puranas, on the other hand, give the names of some other munis (viz., Visvamitra, Kanva and Narada) as having cursed the Vrsnis. Although the author of the Jain Harivamsa has followed the story of Krsna as preserved in the Vaisnava Harivamsa, it has to be said that he has not blindly imitated the latter work in respect of language. Even when he borrows his materials from earlier works, he gives ample evidence of his fine poetical power. In this connexion, we can refer to the magnificent description of Rajagrha in Chapter 3, the city being also called Pancasailapura because it is surrounded by five hills (3.52). For this information, Jinasena II is apparently indebted to the earlier work1 Tiloyapannatti by Yativrsabha (Jadivasaha), which gives the name Pamcaselanayara15 (i.e. Pancasailanagara) for Rajagrha. Although a staunch Jain, our poet seldom lets off an opportunity to describe a love scene. 103 We are reproducing below a few lines from the 23rd chapter (verses 19-21) paribhramya ciram sobham pasyantau trpti-varjitau] gireh sanusu ramyesu ramramyete sma sasmarau]] tayoh sambhoga-sambharah puspa-pallava-kalpite] talpe'=nalpo'=pi khedaya samajayata no tada]] 11 Nos. 454 and 530; cf. also the following verse (No. 530; Cowell's tran., Vol. V, pp. 55-56)-- Kanhadipayanasajja isim Andhakavendayo annonnam musala hantva sampatta Yama-sadhanam|| Nalanda ed., Vol. II, p. 66. 12 Pandit Puskalay ed., p. 18. 13 XVI. 1.15. 14 This work was, in all probability, composed in the first half of the 7th century A.D. See Introd. (ed. H. L. Jain and A. N. Upadhye), Part II, pp. 4ff. (English); pp. 9ff. (Hindi). 15 1.65.

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104 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS cirena rati-sambhoga-sambhuta-sveda-bhusitau/ niskrantau kadali-gehat=tau raktakta-vilocanaul The same chapter also contains the following sloka (verse 153) : rahasya-ksta-vaksasa ghana-payodhar-otpidana cucumba sa-kaca-graham jaghanam=ajaghan=adharam/ dadamsa nr varo varah sa-nakha-patamasya vadhur = viveda madan-atura na ca tathavidham badhanam'/ His description of the beauty of queen Marudevi (Ch.8) or his delineation of the autumn (16.22ff.) also proves his worth as a poet. Sometimes, like Kalidasa, he can be devastatingly romantic, as for example, in the description of the longing of king Sumukha of Kausambi (14.32ff.) for the wife of a merchant called Vanamala.16 Here for the first time, the poet Jinasena gets the upper hand over the Jain disciplinarian Jinasena. He not only makes Sumukha a successful lover of a parastri, but even allows him to marry her. It is something which even liberal Jains will look upon as outrageous and can only be described by a poet like Somadeva. * But since this Sumukha is an admirer of the Jains, all his sins are readily forgiven and forgotten ! Our poet has sometimes deliberately distorted epic or Puranic accounts or has given a new version. As for example, in Jinasena's account, Kicaka is punished and not killed by Bhima. The former, we are told, after his defeat by Bhima, turned into a Jain ascetic (56.37 ff.). Jarasandha's killer, according to Jinasena II, was Krsna and not Bhima (59. 80 ff.). Draupadi's svayamvara is mentioned ; but she is represented as the daughter of the king of Makandi, and instead of Jayadratha, her kidnapper here is a demon named Padmanabha (Ch. 54). She is ultimately rescued not by Bhima, but by Krsna himself. The latter, however, is represented as having become disgusted with the Pandavas in the long run. Because of Kssna's opposition, the Pandavas were forced to leave Hastinapura and had to settle in Mathura of the South 16 A few such stories are found in the Kathasaritsagara,

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A. K. CHATTERJEE (54. 73) which is elsewhere described as a town in the Pallava territory (64. 1). This shows that during Jinasena's time, i.e. in the last quarter of the 8th century A.D., Madura, which was previously held by the Pandyas, passed into the hands of the Pallavas. And we should note that Jinasena II was a contemporary of the famous Pallava king Nandivarman II Pallavamalla who ruled for at least about 65 years.17 Jinasena's evidence shows that at least for a few years, in the last quarter of the 8th century, the region around Madura was captured by the Pallavas from the Pandyas who were the natural enemies of the Pallavas.* Interestingly enough, the poet of the Jain Harivamsa makes Jara (called Jaratkumara) a brother of Krsna and a son of Vasudeva (62. 38-39). Probably the idea of a vyadha killing one of the Trisastisalakapurusas was difficult for our pcet to stomach and that is why he has painted Krsna's killer as an aristocrat.** Jinasena II speaks of one Andhakavrsni18 as the son of Sura and he is represented as the father of the following ten sons-Samudravijaya, Aksobhya, Stimitasagara, Himavat, Vijaya, Acala, Dharana, Purana, Abhicandra and Vasudeva. The name Andhakavrsni is the Sanskrit form of Pali Andhakavenhu found in the Ghata Jataka (No. 454), who too is represented as the father of ten sons including Vasudeva. The names of Andhakavenhu's sons are quite different in that Jataka; they are-Vasudeva, Baladeva, Candadeva, Suriyadeva, Aggideva, Varunadeva, Ajjuna, Pajjuna, Ghata-pandita and Amkura. There is absolutely no doubt that most of the names of the two lists are fanciful. What is of interest to note is the name Andhakavrsni which actually represents the two principal Yadava tribes, viz. Andhaka and Vrsni.*** 17 See The Classical Age (ed. R. C. Majumdar), pp. 262f. *[There seems to be no truth in Jinasena's statement.-Ed.] 105 **[The purpose was the distortion of the Brahmanical account, which the Jain and Buddhist authors enjoyed.-Ed.] 18 18.12-14. **[According to the Puranas, the progenitors of these two clans were Andhaka and Vrsni who were the sons of Satvata of the Yadu tribe.-Ed.]

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106 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS The genealogy of some of the kings of the Solar and Lunar dynasties given by Jinasena II, like Somadeva, is fanciful. Instead of Pariksit, we are told, one Aryasunu succeeded Yudhisthira on the throne of Hastinapura. In this connexion, it should be pointed out that the Vaisnava Harivamsa19 also gives a curious list of Janamejaya's successors. But it should be remembered that this list occurs in the Bhavisya-parvan of the Harivamsa, undoubtedly a later addition to that work. According to the fanciful list of Janamejaya's successors in Somadeva's translation, 20 Udayana, a contemporary of the Buddha, was separated from Janamejaya, the grandson of Abhimanyu, by three generations (viz. Satanika, Sahasranika and Udayana) only. This not only goes against the epic and Puranic lists, but also against all the known lists of Janamejaya's successors. It is a matter of regret that a historian like Raychaudhuri 21 should take this list seriously. As a matter of fact, Raychaudhuri's attempt at reconstructing the preBimbisarid political history of India is a disaster as he is obsessed with the Mullerian 1500 B. C. Aryan invasion theory, and that is why he was prepared to accept a comparatively late date for Pariksit and his son. 22 For the student of Indology the most important section of the Jain Harivamsa is that which deals with geography. 19 III, Ch. 1. 20 See Katha., 9.6 69. See also Tawney and Penzer, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 94ff. 21 PHAI (6th ed.), pp. 32f. 22 He would even assign Janaka, the father of Sita, to the 7th century B.C. (see ibid., p. 52) which would make Rama's father-in-law an older contemporary of Suddhodana. [We are inclined to agree with Raychaudhuri in attaching importance to the traditions in Vedic literature and would attach little or no importance to Epico-puranic myths (cf. The Bharata War and Puranic Genealogies, 18ff., 105ff.). The Aryan advent into India in the middle of the second millennium B.C. has been sought to be supported by the discoveries at Boghaz-koei, Mohenjodaro, Harappa and other places.-Ed.]

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A. K. CHATTERJEE 107 And here we get some new information not found in other works. Very important is the occurrence of the name Karnasuvarna in a verse (52. 90) which runs as follows-- tat=suvarn-aksaram yatra karna-kundulam=atyajat/ Karnah Karnasuvarn-akhyam sthanam tat=kirtitam janaih|| Prof. S. R. Das informs us that a similar legend regarding the origin of this town, is current among the local people. This is the only reference to this city in Indian literature, it being previously known from the Nidhanpur plates of Bhaskara varman 23 and Hiuen.tsang's accounts. 2* Bana calls Sasaoka lord of Gauda, but does not mention Karnasuvarna. In Chapter 11, there is a detailed list of peoples of India (verses 64-75). The author has divided the whole country in seven different parts, viz. Centre (Madhyadesa), North, East, South, West, Vindhya region, and the seventh and last under the heading Madhyadesasritah (dependencies of Madhyadesa). Since Jinasena's list is almost unknown, we are reproducing it below. (1) Madhyadesa-Kurujangala, Pancala, Surasena, Patac cara, Tulinga, Kasi, Kausalya, Madrakara, Vnkarthaka, Salva, Avssta, Trigarta, Kusagra, Matsya, Kuniyan, Kosala and Moka. (2) North--Bahlika, Atreya, Kamboja, Yavana, Abhira, Madraka, Kvathatoya, Sura, Vatavana, Kaikaya, Gandhara, Sindhu, Sauvira, Bharadvaja, Daseruka, Prasthala, Tirnakarna. (3) East-Khadga, Angaraka, Paunara, Malla, Pravaka, Mastaka, Pradyotisa (Pragjyotisa), Vanga, Magadha, Manavartika, Malada, Bhargava. South--Banamukta, Vaidarbha, Manava, Sakakapira, Mulaka, Asmaka, Danoika, Kalinga, Amsika, Kuntala, Navarastra, Mahisaka, Purusa, Bhogavardhana. (5) West--Malya, Kallivanopanta, Durga, Surpara, Kar-, buka, Kaksi, Nasarika, Agarta, Sarasvata, Tapasa, (4) 23 See Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, pp. 73ff.; XIX, pp. 151, 7-517. 24 Ed. Watters (sic-Ed.), Vol. II, pp. 1918%.

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108 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS Mahebha, Bharukaccha, Surastra, Narmada. (6) Vindhyaprsthanivasanah-Dasarnaka, Kiskandha, Tri pura, Avarta, Naisadha, Nepala, Uttamavarna, Vaidisa, Antapa, Kausala, Pattana, Vinihatra. (7) Madhyadesasritah-Bhadra, Vatsa, Videha, Kusa, Bhanga, Saitava, Vajrakliandika.* The most significant name of the entire list according to our opinion, is Khadga. The Khadgas are known from two inscriptions found from South-East Bengal or ancient Samatata.28 The first found from Ashrafpur has been assigned to the 7th century A.D 28 although some scholars suggest a much later date.a? According to Bhattasali, the palaeography of these plates is older than the early Pala inscriptions.28 The Ashrafpur plates contain a date which has been variously read as 73 or 79 and the majority of scholars feel that the date belongs to the Harsa era (606 A.D.).** If this view be accepted, * This list is almost wholly based on the Puranic lists of janapadas which are full of wrong readings. See also the author's remarks below. The peculiar names in the Harivamsa are mosty due to such mistakes; e.g. Tulinga-Bhulinga, Vskarthaka=VIk-Andhaka, Avrsta=Avanta, Kusagra =Kunti, Kuniyan=Kulya, Moka= Muka (Vrka), Kvathatoya=Kalaloya, Vatavana=Vatadhana, Daseruka=Daseraka, Prasthala=Prathala, Bapamukta=Vanavasaka, Angaraka=Angeyaka, Pravaka=Pravanga, Mastaka= Mallaka, Dandika=Dandaka, Amsika=Aisika, Purusa=Paurika, Malya = Puleya, Kallivanopanta=Kolavana, Karbuka=Arbuda, Nasarika=Nasikya, Agarta=Anarta, Mahebha=Maheya, Avarta=Anarta, Uttamavarna= Uttamarna, Antapa=Anupa, Vinihatra=Vitihotra, etc. See Sircar, Stud. Geog. Anc. Med. Ind., 1971, pp. 70ff. and notes.--Ed.). 25 MASB, Vol. I, pp. 85ff.; Ep. Ind., Vol. XVII, pp. 357-59. [It may be a variant of the name given variously in the Puranas as Anga, Adhra, Abhra Andhra.--Ed.) 26 See B. C. Sen, Some Historical Aspects of the Inscriptions of Bengal, pp. 277-81. 27 See R. D. Banerji, JASB (NS), Vol. XIX, pp. 375-79; see also Vangalar Itihas, p. 233. (Banerji is certainly wrong.-Ed.] 28 See Ep. Ind., Vol. XVII, p. 358. *[Both the Ashrafpur copper-plate grants were issued in the Khadga king's 13th regnal year. There is no possibility of the use of the Harga era in the region in question.-Ed.).

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A. K. CHATTERJEE 109 then we have to assign the Ashrafpur plates either to 679 or to 685 A.D. The Ashrafpur plates contain the names of a few Khadga kings beginning from Khadgodyama and ending with Rajarajabhatta. The latter has been identified with Rajabhata mentioned by the Chinese pilgrim I-tsing (671 A.D.). 29 The second inscription of the Khadgas, viz. the Sarvani image inscription, also discloses the names of the kings mentioned in the Ashrafpur plates. We do not know exactly at what time Khadga rule in Samatata terminated ; but Jinasena's reference proves that they continued to maintain a separate existence till 783 A.D. The Mallas, referred to like the Khadgas as an eastern people, may be identified with the Mallas of the Mahabodhi region referred to in an inscription of Dharmapala's 26th year (Mallanam Mahabodhi-nivasinam).30 We must remember in this connexion that Jinasena II was a contemporary of Indrayudha who was later dethroned by Dharmapala. So there is no real difficulty in identifying Jinasena's Mallas with the Mallas referred to in Dharmapala's inscription mentioned above. In the Adipuranas1 of Jinasena I, a work probably composed 83 sometime after the Harivamsa Purana, there is reference to Malladesa which is placed immediately after Kirata-visaya. The Mallas are, however, repeatedly referred to in the ancient texts including the Buddhist, epic and Puranic works.88 From pre-Buddhist times, they were divided into two peoples, viz. the Malla proper and Daksina-Malla.84 Probably the Mallas, 29 Beal, Life of Hiuen Tsiang, Intro., pp. xxv, xl ; see also Sen, op. cit., p. 80. 30 Gaudalekhamala, pp. 31-32. *[The name was borrowed from the Puranic list of eastern peoples. See p. 108, note above and the author's remarks below, p. 110 and notes.Ed.] 31 Ed. P. L. Jain, 29.48. 32 See P. L. Jain, op. cit., p. 8; see also the Introd. in Hindi by the same scholar in his edition of the Adipurana, p. 34. 33 See Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 126f.; Kusa Jataka (No. 531); Mahaparinibbana Suttanta, Dialogues of the Buddha, Part II, pp. 136ff., 161-62. 34 See Mahabharata, II. 30. 3. 12.

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110 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS referred in the above-mentioned inscription of Dharmapala, were later descendants of the Mallas of the Mahabharata and early Buddhist texts. A glance over the list of the Harivamsa would show thai a great many names are traditional. But there are quite a few which are absent in the earlier or later lists. We have already mentioned the Khadgas whose existence were previously known only from two Bengal inscriptions. We have carefully compared this list with Sircar's exhaustive list of ancient Indian peoples given in his Cosmography and Geography in Early Indian Literatura, published in 1967, and have found the following names of Jinasena 11 missing in his list viz.-Tulinga (who, however, may be identified with Bhulinga or Tilinga of Sircar's list), 35 Avrsta, Kusagra Kuniyan, Kvathatoya, Sura (may be a mistake for "Sudra'), se Pravaka (probably a variant of Pravanga'), 37 Mastaka, Manavartika (may be the same as Mallavartaka), 39 Banamukta, Manava, Sakakapira, Amsika, so Purusa (probably the same as Purusada),40 Malya, Kallivanopanta, Karbuka, Kaksi, Agarta,* 1 Tapasa, 42 Mahebha,48 Uttamavarna, 44 Antapa, 46 Pattana, Bhanga, Saitava and Vajrakhandika. Among the peoples which cannot even be remotely connected with those of Sircar's list the most significant is Banamukta. We propose to identify them with the Banas, a wel} known South Indian people who played an important role in the political affairs of the South for quite a few centuries. *e 35 Op. cit., p. 73. 36 Loc. cit. 37 See Sircar, op. cit., p. 77. 38 Loc. cit. 39 Probably they are the same as Aisika (Sircar, op. cit., p. 79). 40 Ibid., p. 64. 41 It may be a mistake for Anarta. 42 They may be identified with Tamasa of Sircar's list (p. 80). 43 It is a mistake for Maheya (loc. cit.). 44 It is probably a variant of Uttamarna (loc. cit.). 45 It may be a mistake for Anupa. 46 See The Classical Age, ed. Majumdar, pp. 273-74.

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A. K. CHATTERJEE 111 Since Jinasena Il was a Westerner, the names like Malya, Kallivano panta, Karbuka, and Kaksi, assume a special significance as they are not found in the previous lists. It is reasonable to suppose that these peoples were contemporaneous with our author. * Among the Madhyadesa peoples mentioned by Jinasena II, we have the interesting name Moka. It is the variant of Maga, the Sun-worshippers mentioned by Varahamihira (Ch. 59). Ptolemy's reference to Brachmanoi Magoi*7 proves that the earliest wave of the Persian Sun-worshippers had reached India by the beginning of the Christian era, if not earlier. Since our author places them in Madhyadesa, it is reasonable to suppose that there grew up slowly a permanent settlement of Zoroastrians in the interior of India. While enumerating the peoples of the South, the author of the Harivamsa has not cared to mention peoples living in the Far South. Not a single people living to the South of the Kaveri has been mentioned. Among the northern peoples, a very significant omission is Kasmira. This is surprising because the Kasmira people under the Karkota rulers became famous before 783 A.D., the date of the composition of the present work. Among the peoples who are described as Vindhya-prstha-nivasanah, we get the name "Kiskandha' whom we propose to identify with the people living in ancient Kiskindha now in the Bhomat District, Rajasthan. The Kiskindha-rastra of Varabamihira has been identified by Sircar 8 with this Kiskindha, which was the capital of a branch of the Gubila dynasty which rose to power in the 7th century A. D.49 If we remember the date of Jinasena II, it will not be difficult to account for the mention of Kiskandha as a people in his work. Jinasena, however, has inadvertently included the Nepalas as living on the Vindhyas. Some of the *[As stated above, their peculiarity is due to wrong reading.-Ed.] 47 See Majumdar, The Classical Accounts of India, p. 375. (See above, p. 108, note.--Ed.) 48 See his The Guhilas of Kisk indha, p. 34, note. 49 See also ibid., pp. 60ff.

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112 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS names given by him are traditional; as for example, the Kurajangalas of epic fame, who could not have maintained their existence as late as the 8th century A.D.50 Elsewhere in the same chapter (11. 30-53), Jinasena has referred to the Mlecchas living near the mouth of the Indus. We must remember that the conquest of a large part of Sind by the Muslims was completed by the time our poet wrote his work (i.e. 783 A.D.). There is little doubt, therefore, that he has referred to the Arab Muslims settled near the Indus. But the first ancient Indian writer referring to the Muslims is Ravisena who completed his famous Jain life of Rama, entitled Padma Purana, in 675 A.D. The relevant verse (27. 14) of that work runs Aryadesah paridhvasta Mlecchair = udvasitam jagat ekavarnam prajam sarvam papah kartum samudyatah|| 50 [Kuru is mentioned in medieval inscriptions like the Bhagalpur plate of Narayanapala and the Khajuraho inscription of Dhanga.-Ed.] We take this opportunity to reproduce an earlier list of peoples, viz., that given in the Padma Purana of Ravisena (675 A.D.), another Jain classicSuhma, Anga, Magadha, Vanga. Podana, Lokaksanagara Lampaka-visaya, Bhasakuntala, Kalambu, Nandin, Nandana, Simhala, Salabha, Anala, Caula, Bhima, Bhutarava, Purakheta, Matamba, Bhiru, Yavana, Kaksa, Caru, Trijata, Nata, Saka, Kerala, Nepala, Malava, Arula, Sarvara, Vrsana, Vaidya-Kasmira, Hidimba, Avasta, Barbara, Trisira, Parasaila, Gausila, Usinara, Suryaraka, Sanarta, Khasa, Vindhya, Sikhapada, Mekhala, Surasena, Bahlika, Uluka, Kosala, Dari, Gandhara, Sauvira, Puri, Kauvera, Kohara, Andhra, Kala, Kalinga (101.69, 77-79, 81-84). [Here also there mistakes-Vaidya-Caidya, Suryaraka Surparaka, Sanarta= Anarta, Mekhala= Mekala, etc.-Ed.]. Another list given in the Adipurana of Jinasena I, a work completed a few years after the Harivamsa is also reproduced below-Sukosala, Avanti, Pundra, Asmaka, Ramyaka, Kuru, Kasi, Kalinga, Anga, Vanga, Suhma, Samudraka, Kasmira, Usinara, Anarta, Vatsa, Pancala, Malava, Dasarna, Kaccha, Magadha, Vidarbha, Kuru-jangala, Karahata, Maharastra, Surastra, Abhira, Konkana, Vanavasa, Andhra, Karnata, Kosala, Cola, Kerala, Darvabhisara, Sauvira, Surasena, Aparantaka, Videha, Sindhu, Gandhara, Yavana, Cedi, Pallava, Kamboja, Aratta, Valhika, Turaska, Saka, Kekaya, (16.152-6). Names of a few other peoples mentioned elsewhere of the same work are-Madra, Gauda (29.41), Trikalinga (29.79), Pandya, Antara-Pandya, Kuta, Olika, Mahisa, Punnaga, Pratana, Kamekura (29.79-80). are many

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A. K. CHATTERJEE 113 - The above verse shows that Ravisena heard about the Muslims or knew them personally. The first Muslim invasion of India took place as early as 637 A.D., and between that date and the date of the composition of Padma Purana, i.e. 675 A. D., quite a few Arab raids have been recorded by Muslim chroniclers. So it is not surprising that a West Indian writer should refer to them in a work written in 675 A.D. The expression-ekavarnam prajam sarvam papah kartum samudyatah shows that Ravisena had the Muslims in mind when he wrote that verse.51 There is another verse in the same chapter (No. 72) of the Padma Purana which throws more light on the Arab invaders of those days. The verse runs nirdayah pasumarsada mudhah prani-vadh-odyatah! arabhya janmanah papah sahas-arambha-karinah// The verse expresses the character of early Muslim invaders who had no sympathy or respect for non-Muslims. Wherever they went, they carried destruction with them. Non-Muslims were forcibly converted or murdered, their temples were either razed to the ground or converted into mosques, and their women were raped and dishonoured. Ravisena further describes them as wearing a red head-dress (rakta-vastra-sirastranah6 2 which is actually the colour of the fez worn by the Muslims. Besides referring to the Muslims, Jinasena II also gives some other information of historical nature. As early as 1886, B.A. Pathak in the Indian Antiquaryb 8 had drawn the attention of scholars to the duration of Gupta rule as recorded by the author of the Harivassa. According to the edition of P.L. Jain published in 1962, the Gupta rule lasted for 221 years (Guptanam ca sata-dvayam=ekavimsas = ca varsani kalavidbhir= udahstam). 54 But in the manuscript seen by Pathak, instead 51 For further details, see 27.52ff. 52 27.67. 53 Vol. XV, pp. 141-43. 54 60.491.

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114 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS of ekavimsa, it is ekatrimsa. 55 If we accept Pathak's reading as correct, then we must accept the fact that Gupta rule in North India ended in 550-51 A.D. This date agrees with what is given in an earlier Jain work entitled Tiloyapannatti of Yativrsabha (Jadivasaha) which was probably composed in the first half of the 7th century A.D. The relevant line there runs thus tato Gutta tanam rajje donni ya sayani igitisa.56 But the same work offers another date for Gupta rule in the same chapter. The relevant words run-donni sada panavanna Guttanam (4.1504) which means that the Guptas ruled for 255 years. But it is difficult to believe that the rule of the Imperial Guptas lasted upto 575 (320+255) A.D. The latest record which refers to a Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja Gupta ruler is the Damodarpur copper plate of the Gupta year 224. After this date no Imperial Gupta ruler is known to have assumed such titles, Therefore, year 231 is a more acceptable date than 255 or 221.* Fleet in his editorial note on Pathak's paper, observes. 'Jinasena has hit off pretty accurately the duration of the Gupta power'.57 Some other chronological information given by the author of the Harivamsa is probably based on the Tiloyapannatti. In both these works, we are told, that Pusyamitra ruled for 30 years58 and Vasumitra and Agnimitra had a total rule of 55 See Raychaudhuri in PHAI (6th ed.), pp. 626f. Raychaudhuri is inclined to accept Pathak's reading. 56 4.1508. *The Gupta-rajya is represented as vartamana in the Sumandala plate of the Gupta year 250 (569 A.D.) when Prthivivigraha was governing the Kalinga-rastra. The tradition of the end of Gupta rule about the Gupta year 255 (574 A.D.) is correct in respect of Orissa since Prthivivigraha's successor Lokavigraha issued his Kanas plate in the Gupta year 280 (599 A.D.) without any reference to Gupta rule. See Jadunath Sarkar Vol., ed. Gupta, pp. 343ff.; The Bharata War and Puranic Genealogies, ed. Sircar, pp. 147-48.--Ed.) 57 Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 143. 58 Hariv., 60.489; Tiloyapannati, 4.1507.

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A. K. CHATTERJEE 115 60 years. The evidence of the Tiloyapannatti and Harivamsa regarding Pusyamitra is confirmed by Merutunga.5 9 We have already mentioned the fact that, in the colophon of the Harivamsa, Jinasena has given the names of a few important contemporary rulers of India. He has also mentioned the name of king Nanna, who built the temple of Parsvanatha at Vardhamana (66. 53). This Nanna should be identified with Maharaja Nanna (written Nanna) who is described in the Mankani inscriptione o as Kataccuri-kulavesma-pradipa and is usually assigned to the second half of the 6th century A. D. The inscription discloses the names of Nanna's queeen and son as Dadda and Taralasvamin. Although Tarala svamin is represented in that inscription as a Saiva, his father Nanna, if Jinasena II is to be believed, was a devout Jain. Our author ridicules the caste consious Brahmanas and poses the following question-01 papa-pakena daurgatyam saugatyam punya. pakatah| jivanam jayate tatra jati-garvena kim vrthal/ In several stories he tries to show the superiority of the Jain ascetics over their Brahmanical counterparts. 2 He represents Kicaka&8 as embracing Jain religion after his defeat by Bhima. Even Vasudeva Krsna is depicted as a devotee of the Jain Tirthankara Neminatha.64 This is exactly what Ravisena says in the Padma Purana where all the principal characters of the Ramayana are represented as Jain devotees. Jinasena's devastating criticism of Vindhyavasinis must be noted in this connexion. "Can a goddess who needs so many 59 See Ind. Ant., 1914, pp. 118f.; see also Raychaudhuri, PHAI, p. 391, note 1. [But the 90 years' rule ascribed to the three Sunga kings seems to be a fabrication of no value. -Ed.]. 60 See The Classical Age, p. 197. 61 43.121. 62 See specially the story of the chastisement of the Brahmana Somadeva and his two sons by the Jain guru Nandivardhana (43. 99ff.). 63 56.37ff. 64 62.57. 65 See Ch. 49 ; in this chapter, Jinasena tells a novel story regarding the origin of Vindhyavasini.

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116 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS innocent victims", he asks, "bring salvation to the suffering soul?" His own attitude towards man and world is not far removed from the Vedantic approach. We are quoting below a few lines-66 jayate='tra natasy=eva samsare svami-bhrtyayoh pitr-putrakayor=matr-bharyayos=ca viparyayah|| ghatiyantra-ghati-jale jatile kutile bhave uttaradharyam=ayanti jantavah satata-bhramah|| It is apparent from the Harivamsa that a majority of the enthusiastic snpporters of the Jain religion belonged to the merchant class.67 We have an interesting reference to a game of gambling in which Vasudeva is represented as having won one crore of hiranyas.68 There is also a reference to the staging of a play called Mahananda at Sauryapura."9 Sometimes, even devout Jains did not hesitate to patronise Hindu gods. There is the story of a Jain merchant called Kamadatta who built a temple of Kamadeva (god of love) at Sravasti. There are some other references, to the worship of Hindu gods. As for example, in 24. 41-42, we are told of the Indra festival. There is a mention of the worship of the Naga on the 8th day of the bright fortnight of the month of Magha.70 In spite of the fact that Jinasena has indifference and contempt for the Hindu religion and specially for the Brahmanas, he is not himself immune from the all-pervading influence of Hinduism. We have already referred to the story of Jain Kamadatta. In the slokas by which Indra offers tribute to Rsabhanatha, the first Tirthankara, we can discern a distinct Vaisnava influence.71 Even the term bhakti is used there. 66 43.126-27. 67 Cf. the cases of Sumitradatta (27.44), Kamadatta (29.1ff.), etc. 68 26.30. See Ch. 39. 69 70 12.61ff. 71 See Ch. 8.

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A. K. CHATTERJEE 117 The author of the Jain Harivamsa, was not only a remarkable poet, but also a highly accomplished personality. His thorough knowledge of the science of music (19. 142-261) proves that he was an immensely cultured man. His Harivamsa is one of the most interestingliterary creations of the) early mediaeval Sanskrit literature.* *[This paper was received about the close of 1972.-Ed.)

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XI JAINISM AND JAIN RELICS IN BIHAR* Sarjug Prasad Singh, Centre of Advanced Study in AIHC, Calcutta University Bihar's contribution to Indian history and culture is remarkable. Of the sixteen Mahajanapadas or Great States that flourished in the different parts of India during the 6th century B.C., at least three were situated in modern Bihar. These were the kingdoms of Magadha (Patna-Gaya region) and Anga (Monghyr-Bhagalpur region) and the Vtiji-Licchavi republic in North-Bihar having its capital at Vaisali (modern Basadh in the Muzaffarpur District). During this period, Bihar was passing through an era of great religious enthusiasm. The Upanisadic Brahmanas were laying down rules of life in the Dharmasutras ; Gautama the Buddha was preaching his doctrine of Nirvana in Buddhism ; and Mahavira Vardhamana and Mankhaliputta Gosala founded their respective sects of the Jains and Ajivikas. Of these, Jainism is deeply rooted in Indian culture and is still a living religion of India, while Buddhism, though it has disappeared from the Indian sub-continent, ** is even now a dominant force in the religious life of a large number of people of many of the countries of Asia, and the sect of the Ajivikas has practically disappeared from history. To-day the followers of Jainism in Bihar are insignificant looking to their rich cultural heritage in this part the country. Bihar was not only the centre of religious activities, but was also the birth place of Mahavira, the 24th and last Tirthankra who was the founder of the Jain Church. Mahavira was a scion of the Naya or Nata or Joats clan of Vaisali. *[The article was received about the close of 1972. - Ed] **[There are some Buddhists in the eastern fringe of the Indian subcontinent.--Ed.] 1 Hoernle, Uvasagadasao (Bib. Ind.), pp. 3-6. For details see

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S. P. SINGH He was born at Kundagrama. His father Siddhartha was the Chief (Kulapati) of the said clan and his mother Trisala, also called Vaidehi, Vedehadevi and Videhadatta, was the sister cf king Cetaka of Vaisali. The Jain canonical works like the Acarangasutra, Kalpasutra and Bhagavatisutra preserve the accounts of Mahavira's life and they call him Videha, Vaidehadatta, Videhajatya and Videhasukumara.2 He was also called Jnataputra, Namaputra,* Nayaputra or Nataputra as his father belonged to the family of Naya or Nata or Jnat clan. In the Jain Sutras, Mahavira is also called Vesalie or Vaisalika (an inhabitant of Vaisali). 119 4 According to the Kalpasutra, Mahavira lived for 72 years. * He died at a place called Majjima Pava (modern Pavapuri in the Patna District) in the house of a ruler of the kingdom of Magadha. Mahavira spent 30 years of his life as a householder and, after the death of his parents, renounced the world and led a life of austerity and penance wandering in the forests and hilly tracts of South Bihar. At first he joined the order of Parsvanatha and, in the 13th year after his renunciation and initiation as an ascetic, attained supreme knowledge, S. Stevenson, The Heart of Jainism, pp. 21ff.; JRAS, 1902, pp. 282f., 286f.; CHI, Vol. I, p. 173; Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, Part II (SBE, Vol. XXII, Intro., pp. x-xiii); B C. Law, Mahavira: His Life and Teachings, pp. 19ff.; Rockhill, Life of Buddha, p. 62; ASI, AR, 1903-04, pp. 81ff.; C. J. Shah, Jainism in North India, pp. 23ff.; H. L. Jain, in JRAS, Vol. XLV, p. 4; P. C. Roychoudhury, Jainism in Bihar, pp. 1, 13ff.; Dasgupta, A History of Indian Philosophy, Vol. I, p. 173; Homage to Vaisali, ed. Mathur and Mishra, pp. 4f., 76ff., 85ff., etc.; also Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. VII, p. 466. 2 Acarangasutra, 389; see also J. C. Jain, Life in Ancient India as depicted in the Jaina Canons, pp. 254, 355. [This seems to be based on a misreading.-Ed.] 3 Jaina Sutras. SBE, Pt. I, Intro., p. xi. 4 Buhler, Indian Sect of the Jains, p. 27. 5 Smith, The Early History of India, p. 30; The Age of Imperial Unity, p. 414; CHI, Vol. I, p. 163; Ind. Ant., 1914, p. 177.

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120 RELIGION AND CULTURE OE THE JAINS called Kevala-jnana, seated under . the shade of a Sal tree on the bank of the river Rjupalika at the village called Jsmbhakagrama not very far from the Parasnath hills in the modern Hazaribagh District of Bihar. After this event, Mahavira's influence spread like wild fire in the countries of Videha, Anga and Magadha. Rajagtha, Campa and Vaisali were the chief cities of ancient Bihar and these were the strongholds of Jainism and favourite places of Mahavira." He spent three pajju sanas (rainy season retirement) at Campa, the capital of the Anga country, and its suburbs called Psstha-Campa, and two pajjusanas at Bhadrika or Bhaddiya in the same country. Mahavira also spent 12 pajjusanas at Vaisalis and Vanijyagrama' in its suburbs, i.e. the modern village of Baniya, about 11 miles to the north-west of Basadh. Another favourite resort of Mahavira in Bihar was Mithila and it must have been a place of considerable importance for the Jains, for Mahavira spent as many as six monsoons there. 10 In the city of Campa existed the temple called Punnabhadra caityali where Mahavira resided, at the same place, Sud harman, who was one of the disciples of Mahavira and succeeded as the head of the Jain order after the death of the master, recited the Uvasagadasao, the seventh anga of the Jains, while it was governed by Kunika Ajatasatru of Magadha. The temple is referred to in the Ubhaisutra as Punyalabdha (or Punyatava) caitya.* Svayambhava, the fifth Partiarch of the Jain church, who succeeded Prabhava, lived at Campa where he composed, for his son Manaka, the Dasavaikalikasutra containing the essence of all the sacred doctrines of Jainism, about the 4th century B.C.12 Vasupujya, 18 the 12th 6 Stevenson, op. cit., p. 39; SBE, Vol. XXII, p. 263. 7 Law, Mahavira : His Life and Teachings, p. 7. 8 Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, Pt. I, Kalpasatra, Sec. 122. 9 Avasyaka Niryukti, 496. [Vaniya =Vanija,-Ed.] 10 Stevenson, op. cit., p. 42. [The city of Mithila is located at Janakpur in the Nepalese Tarai.- Ed.] 11 Hoernle's ed., p. 2, notes. *(Sic-Ed.] 12 JBORS, Vol. I, 1915, pp. 67ff. 13 JPASB, Vol. X, 1914, p. 334 ; Dey, Geographical Dictionary, pp. 44ff.; C. J. Shah, op. cit., p. 26, note 5. 42. Ia - Vanijec. 122. Hoernle'sse Tarai:

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14 Jambusvamin, leader of the Jains for 24 g op. cit., p. 68. In the Buddha says th Pek, there were a r slove of Mt. Isigi! V. I, London, 192: Aup. Su.. | Pari. Par.. S. P. SINGH Tirthankara of the Jains, lived and died in this city and the site of his birth and consecration is marked by a modern Digambara temple which lies in the western fringe of a huge mound called Karnagadh at Nathnagar, supposed to be the ruins of the ancient city of Campa. According to the Jain tradition, the place Mahavira liked best was Rajagrha, the capital of Magadha. He spent fourteen rainy seasons at Rajagrha and Nalanda. The former was not only an important centre of Jainism from the time of Mahavira, but was the birth place of Munisuvrata, one of the predecessors of Mahavira. 14 Both the Buddhists and Jains claim that kings Bimbisara and Ajatasatru favoured their respective doctrines. Both kings figure prominently in the early Buddhist and Jain literature. Bimbisara (c. 543-491 B.C.), king of Magadha, conquered the kingdom of Anga and placed it under prince Ajatasatru as the Viceroy with Campa as his headquarters. In the Aupapatikasutra,1 Ajatasatru is represented as declaring his faith in Jainism and is described as often approaching Mahavira at Vaisali and Campa. Thus the age of Bimbisara and Ajatasatru is memorable in the history of Jainism in Bihar. Its echo is found in Jain literature which testifies to its greatness and general prosperity. Udayin (c. 452-443 B. C.), son of Ajatasatru (c. 491-452 B. C.) and the founder of the new city of Pataliputra, was a devout Jain and a great patron of Jainsim. According to the Parisistaparvan, 16 he built a Jain temple at the centre of Pataliputra. It appears that, during his reign, Jainism spread rapidly in Bihar, and Pataliputra became one of the important centres of the Jains. The high status of the Jain monks was recognised and they had access to the king's palace. It is believed that Udayin was murdered by a disguised Jain monk. 121 of Sudharman. who was the spiritual sal born at Rajagrha. See Stevenson, Anandhasutta of the Majjhimanikaya, when he now saying at Rajagrha on the Vu.ture Sording un ascetics) on the rocks on the Frther Dialoguri ddha,

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122 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS There is paucity of evidence to present a clear picture of the state of Jainism during Nanda rule in Bihar; but the removal of the image of the Jina from Kalinga to Pataliputra by the Nanda king of Magadha, seems to suggest his faith in Jainism.17 That Jainism continued to be a popular faith of Bihar during the Mauryan period is known from the association of Candragupta Maurya with the Jains, his migration to SravanaBelgola (in Mysore) along with Bhadrabahu, the last of the Jain Srutakevalins, in c. 300 B. C., and his death at the place as is generally accepted by scholars. Sthulabhadra, one of the Jain patriarchs, is known to have convened a Jain council at Pataliputra in the reign of this ruler to settle finally the canonical texts.18 Another interesting evidence of the existence of a Jain centre at Pataliputra about the 4th century B.C. is supplied by a beautiful nude image (now in the Patna Museum) discovered at Lohanipur in Patna.19 The shining polish of the image shows that it belongs to the Mauryan age." 20 According to Bhandarkar, Asoka uses the term Samgha while speaking of the Buddhists alone, but Sramana while referring to the Jains as well. 21 Jainism continued to be a living faith during the time of Asoka. Samprati, the grandson of Asoka, is believed to have been a Jain, being converted to the Svetambara creed by Suhastin, and is said to have sent Jain missionaries to South India. He is said to have builtnumerous Jain temples. 22 17 See line 12 of the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela in Sircar, Sel. Ins., p. 217; JBORS, Vol. III, 1917, pp. 425, 472; Vol: IV, 1918, pp. 364ff. 18 "It is quite in keeping with the tradition that there should be a temple of Sthulabhadia in the city, which is located in Gulzarbagh ward", (Altekar and Mishra, Rep. Kum. Exca., 1951-55, p. 10). 19 U. P. Shah, Studies in Jain Art, Pt. I, fig. 2. 20 Other Jain relics of Mauryan Bihar are a number of caves in the Barabar and Nagarjuni hills, dedicated by Asoka and Dasaratha to the Ajivika sect whose leader, Mankhaliputta Gosala, was once a disciple and later a rival of Mahavira. See Bhagavatisutra, XV. 547, 549; also Basham. History and Doctrine of the Ajivikas, pp. 60ff. 21 Bhandarkar, Asoka, pp. 168ff. [Sic-Ed.] 22 Brhatkalpa-bhasya, Vol. III, pp. 917-21, Gathas 3285-89.

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S. P. SINGH The continuity of Jainism at Pataliputra in the 1st-2nd century A.D. is proved by the Tattvarthasutra of Umasvati, which is held in esteem by both the Svetambara and Digambara Jains and was composed in the city towards the beginning of the Christian era." 23 Jainism in this period appears to have attracted the Murundas of Patna. The Brhatkalpavrtti refers to a Murunda king af Pataliputra, who was a pious Jain and whose widowed sister had also embraced the same faith.2* The Padalipta-prabandha of the Prabhavakacarita relates the story how Padalipta cured king Murunda of Pataliputra of his terrible headache. 25 123 At the time of Hiuen-tsang's visit (629-645 A.D.), the cities of Pataliputra and Vaisali were in ruins. He refers to several hundred Samgharamas at Vaisali, which were mostly dilapidated. The followers of the Nirgranthas (Jain ascetics), he says, were numerous. This seems to be the last definite evidence of the existence of Jainism in North Bihar. No antiquity or inscription belonging to the subsequent periods have been found in North Bihar. 27 2 & The city of Pataliputra appears to have been destroyed about 50 years before Hiuen-tsang's visit. According to a Jain work called Tilthogali Painniya, king Caturmukha Kakli was persecuting the Jains, and their preceptors advised them to leave Pataliputra ;* he also predicted that 23 Tattvarthasutra, Intro., p. 4; cf. Altekar and Mishra, loc. cit. 24 Altekar and Mishra, op. cit., pp. 10f. 25 See Mohanlal Jhaveri, Nirvanakalika of Padaliptacarya, Intro., p. 10; Padalipta-prabandha, vv. 44, 59. 61; cf. S. Chattopadhyay, Early History of North India, p. 144. 26 Beal, Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. II, 1934, p. 66. The Jain tradition speaks of the existence of Jain shrines at Vaisali. The Uvasagadasao refers to a Jain temple at Kollaga (modern Kolhua) bearing the name Duipalasa. There was a stupa at Vaisali dedicated to Munisuvrata. See the Avasyakacurni of Jinadasa (c. 676 A.D.) pp. 223ff., 567. 27 Cf. P. C. Nahar, Jain Inscriptions (Jaina-lekha-Samgraha), Vols. I-II; also Thakur, op. cit., p. 148. *[There are some errors here. Probably Tirthodgarita and Kalki are intended.-Ed.]

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124 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS there would be catastrophe in the near future. Taking the hint of the forecast, a number of Jain monks left Pataliputra ; but some were still living there. Soon after unprecedented and continuous rains for 17 days in the month of Bhadrapada, the waters of the rivers Ganges and Son rose high and engulfed Pataliputra from all sides. The latter was terrific and devastating and carried off several monks and laymen of the city by the force of the current of the water and only those who could get the support of wood or boat were saved. 28 This marks the last phase of Jainism at Pataliputra. Although it was an important administrative centre during Pala rule over Bihar and Bengal, the evidence of the existence of Jainism is lacking. The excavations at Pataliputra yielded nothing of any Jain importance of this period. Jainism suffered a set back during the Gupta-Pala-Sena rule in Bihar and soon it completely faded out from North Bihar. Notwithstanding the formidable opposition from Brahmanism and Buddhism which gained ascendancy during this period, it maintained its position, but remained confined to the hilly regions of South Bihar. No doubt the Muslim conquest gave the last blow to the tottering edifice of Jainism in Bihar; the subsequent periods witnessed a great revival of this faith and the activity of the Jains during this period was centred at places like Rajgir, Pavapuri, Biharsharif, Kuluba, Parasnath and Mandar hills. 29 We have seen above that the birth place of Mahavira, according to the Jain tradition, was Kundapura or Kundalapura.80 It was also called Khattiya-Kundaggama (Avasyakacurni, p. 243). Hoernle identified it with the modern village 28 Motichandra, in Premi Abhinandana Grantha (Hindi), pp. 230ff. 29 A large number of Jain inscriptions dated between Vikrama 1110 (1053 A.D.) and 1938 (1881 A.D.), engraved on stone slabs and images recording the installation of foot prints and images of the Jain Tirthadkaras have been found at Rajgir. 30 Tirthakalpa, Chaps. 14 and 21, pp. 8, 41, 282, 287, etc.; cf. Thakur, op. cit., p. 149.

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S. P. SINGH 125 of Vasukunda, about 3 miles to the north-east of Basadh (ancient Vaisali) in the Muzaffarpur District. It may be pointed out in this connection that sometime in 1890, V.A. Smith visited the village of Baniya and is said to have discovered two statues of the Jain Tirthankaras about 500 yards to the west of the village ;31 but the images were untraceable at the time of Bloch's visit to the village ten years after the former. Thus Bloch writes, "It is a remarkable fact that the modern site of Vaisali, the traditional birth place of the last Tirthankara of the Jainas, Vardhamana Mahavira, is entirely devoid of any remains belonging to his religious order". 82 Strangely enough there is no archaeological evidence of the existence of old Jain remains in the locality of Vasukunda and it never became a place of pilgrimage for the Jains to rank it with the Parasnath hill and Pavapuri $8 Except for strong literary evidence, there is nothing to support that Vasukunda was the birth place of Mahavira.34 Curiously enough, the Jains forgot their real tradition and the location of the birth place of their prophet. Rajgir, as we have seen above, was the chief centre of Jainism during the life time of Mahavira. According to both the Svetambara and Digambara texts Vardhamana Mahavira spent the major part of his life at Rajgir, and his eleven chief disciples called ganadharas died there. 'In the preamble of many of the dialogues of Vardhamana contained in the Svetambara Jain canon, he is shown as living in the Gunasila or Guna 31 JRAS, 1902, p. 149. 32 ASI, AR, 1903-04, p. 87; Thakur, op. cit., p. 99. 33 The Svetambara text Tirthamalacaityavandana (17th century), which gives 76 names of the ancient Jain tirthas, does not speak of Vaisali or Kundapura (Thakur, op. cit., p. 149). 34 The Digambara Jains identify Kundapura or Kundalapura, the traditional birth place of Mahavira, with Kundalpur near Nalanda in the Patna District (K. Bhujabali Sastri, in Jain Siddhanta Bhaskara, Vol. 1). D. 60) and the Svetambaras with the village of Lachwad or Lachuar in the Monghyr District. See Thakur, op. cit., p. 149.

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126 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS silaka caitya outside the city of Rajagrha to the north-east of it'. 85 Hemacandra in his Sthaviravalicaritas also speaks of Gunsila caitya in the neighbourhood of Rajagrha as adorned with a caitya tree. Although memories of the place were always cherished in the Jain tradition connected with the activities of Mahavira, the earliest Jain remains of Rajgir belong to the pre-Gupta age. The Sonabhandara cave belongs to this period. There is an inscription there belonging to c. 1st of 2nd century A.D. The epigraph records that Muni Vairadeva, a jewel among teachers and of great lustre, caused to be excavated two caves fit for the residence of Jain ascetics, with images of Arhats (Jains) installed therein.s Another cave, called 'Vaisnava cave', seems also to be a rockcut Jain shrine. 39 On the Vaibhara hill at Rajgir, there is a ruined temple with a central chamber flanked on all sides by a row of cells containing Digambara images of the Gupta age. In another chamber, there is a seated figure of Neminatha with a fragmentary inscription in Gupta characters referring to Candragupta, apparently Candragupta II of the Gupta dynasty. This is the earliest Jain specimen assignable to a fairly accurate date. The pedestal of the image represents a conch shell flanked by the dharmacakra on either side. The interesting feature of the sculpture is the representation of a young prince, standing in front of a wheel which also serves the purpose of the halo. The prince seems to represent Cakrapurusa. Three standing figures of the Tirthankaras in other niches bear Kusana art motifs showing stiffness of their 35 Bhagavati Sutra, 11, 2, etc.; cf. ASI, AR, 1925-26, p. 121. The site of Gunasila caitya lies in the village called Gunava, eleven miles to the south of Rajgir. The Uttara Purana, a Digambara work by Gunabhadra, who flourished in the south in the 9th century A.D., speaks of the Vipula hill at Rajgir as the permanent place of residence of Mahavira. 36 1.29; cf. ASI, AR, 1925-26, p. 122. 37 ASI, AR, 1905-06, pp. 98, 166; ibid., 1936-37, p. 47, Pl. XII, c. 38 lbid., 1925-26, pp. 125ff.; U. P. Shah, op. cit., p. 14, fig. 18. 39 U. P. Shah, loc. cit.

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S P. SINGH 127 shoulders. A fourfold (caumukha) Jain sculpture from the Sonabhandara cave and a figure of Adinatha with the name of the monk Vasantanandin inscribed on the pedestal (in characters belonging to about the 8th century A.D.) discovered from the ruined brick shrine on the Vaibhara hill, are typical examples of the Jain sculptures of Eastern India. 40 The Jain texts say that a stupa was built at Pavapuri* i by the gods who came to attend the death of Mahavira and a temple was also erected there by king Nandivardhana. The place was visited by Buchanan, Franklin, Kittoe, Cunningham, Beglar, Broadley and others. Buchanan speaks of a group of temples around two courtyards in the village and refers to a number of inscriptions in them. The earliest of them is dated Vikrama 1605 (1548 A.D.). Bhandarkar's List (No. 1003) includes only one inscription from Pavapuri, which is dated Vikrama 1697 (1640 A.D.). Another inscription of 1641 A.D., recording the restoration of the tirtha and construction of a temple, is also reported to have been found there.2 The temple in the tank at Pavapuri, called Jalamandira, is obviously a modern one built after Bunchanan's visit to the place, as his report contains no reference to it.48 Although no Jain antiquity of a date earlier than the 16th century has been found at Pavapuri, it had been a well established tirtha by the fourteenth century. Madanakirti (2nd quarter of the 13th century) refers to it (as endowed with 40 Ibid., p. 17, fig. 28. For details see ASI, AR, 1925-26, pp. 125ff. ; 1930-34, p. 165f.; Pl. CXXXVII d; 1935-36, Pl. XVII, I. A fourarmed goddess from Nalanda probably representing the Jain Yaksi Padmavati, assignable to the 9th or 10th century, is a unique work of art of the East Indian School (U. P. Shah, op. cit., fig. 41). 41 There is a difference of opinion about the location of Pava or Papa or Pavapuri, Some identifies it with Kasia in the Gorakhpur District, Uttar Pradesh. See Law, Historical Geography of Ancient India, p. 251. 42 IHQ, Vol. I, pp. 116ff. 43 For details about Pavapuri, see Indian Culture, Vol. XIV, pp. 125ff. ; Buchanan, Patna-Gaya, Vol. I, pp. 168f.; JASB, 1847, p.955; ibid., 1872, p. 955; ibid, 1872, pp. 283f. ; ASR, Vol. XI, pp. 170f. ; ibid., Vol. VIII, pp. 77ff.; Patil, op. cit., pp. 121f.

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128 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS the image of Sri-Jina) as one of the twenty-six tirthas of the Jains of his time. Jinaprabhasuri (1332 A.D.) also describes it in details. 44 In Bihar there are a number of places of Jain importance and the existence of old Jain shrines, caves temples, images and inscriptions have been reported from places like Benusagar (Singhbhum District), 46 Charra, 45 Chechgaon, 4 Deoli, 48 Dulmi, 49 Pakbira, 50 Palma, 51 Pavanpur, 52 Suissa (Manbhum District, now Dhanbad District), 58 Kuluha 54 and Parasnath hills 66 (Hazaribagh District), Cheon, 6e Kauvakol67 and Nakhaur (Gaya District),58 Lachchuaro (Monghyr District), Dapthuco and Bihar81 (Patna District), Mandar 44 Thakur, op. cit., p. 149. 45 ASR, Vol. VIII, pp. 6917.; BDG-Singhbhum, p. 38. 46 ASI, AR, Bengal Circle, 1903, p. 14 ; JBORS, Vol. V, p. 283; Vol. X, p. 171 ; ASR, Vol. VIII, p. 182. 47 ASI, AR, Bengal Circle, 1903, p. 14 ; ASR, Vol. VIII, pp. 157ff. ; Patil, op. cit., p. 82. 48 ASR, Vol. Vol. VIII, pp 189f.; ASI, AR, Bengal Circle, 1903, p. 14. 49 ASR, Vol. VIII, pp. 186ff.; JASB, 1855, p. 211; ibid., 1886, pp. 190ff. ; ASI, AR, Bengal Circle, 1903, pp. 14f. 50 ASR, Vol. VIII, pp. 193ff. ; PASB, 1865, p. 66ff. ; ASI, AR, Bengal Circle, 1903-04, p. 14. 51 ASI, AR, Bengal Circle, 1902-03, p. 14; Hunter, Statistical Account of Bengal, Vol. XVII, pp. 298f.; J BORS, Vol. XXIII, p. 429. 52 BDG-Manbhum, pp. 266f. 53 ASR, Vol. VIII, pp. 190f. 54 JASB, 1901, pp. 3111 ; Ind. Ant., Vol. XXX, pp. 90ff. ; P. C. Roychoudhury, op. cit., pp. 40ff. 55 ASR, Vol. XIII, p. 73; ASI, AR, Bengal Circle, 1902-03, p. 13; BODG-Hazaribagh, pp. 202ff.; Hunter, op. cit., Vol. XVI, pp. 216ff. 56 ASR, Vol. VIII, p. 63: Grierson, Notes on the District of Gaya, p. 46; ASI, AR, Bengal Circle, 1902, p. 14. 57 BDG--Gaya, p. 232. 58 Buchanan, Parna-Gaya, Vol. I, pp. 167f. 59 ASI, AR, 1903, p. 11; BODG-Monghir, pp. 210, 228. 60 Buchanan, Patna-Gaya, Vol. I, pp. 23611.; ASR, Vol. VIII, p. 74; JASB, 1872, pp. 256ff.; Grierson, op. cit., p. 44 61 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXI, p. 69

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S. P. SINGH 129 hille 2 (Bhagalpur District), etc. The Parasnath bill, named after Parsvanatha, the 23rd Tirthankara, who lived and died there, is the highest mountain in South Bihar. Beglar refers to an old Jain temple on the northern slope of the hill called Madhuban and says that it contains numerous sculptured stones of the ancient period.63 Bloch, however, says that the oldest remains he saw were a number of foot-prints of various Jain Tirthankaras, which had been consecrated on the 9th February, 1969.8 4 On the summit of the hill is the main temple enshrining the foot-prints of Parsvanatha consecrated on the 17th February, 1793 ; but the temple is of much later date. The large temple on the southern slope of the hill called Jalamandira enshrines the modern statues of eight Tirthankaras. Although the Jain texts speak of very high antiquity of this place, the temples are all of recent dates. The Mandar hill, the sacred place of the Jains, about 30 miles to the south of Bhagalpur, is associated in Hindu mythology with the famous epico-Puranic story of the Amsta-pianthana or the churning of the ocean.* The place was visited by Buchanan, Franklin, Beglar, Bloch, R. B. Bose and R. L. Mitra, etc. Beglar and Bose refer to a structure on the foot of the hill consisting of a large enclosure, surrounded by a wall built by stones and bricks. According to Bose, the building has 'a large hall in the centre with an adjoining verandah in front and six dark rooms on the side-only lighted through small apertures in the perforated windows, which are of various devices'.88 He says that its 'roof was composed of long and spacious marble slabs, supported upon huge stone beams'. 62 Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 46ff. ; 51ff., ASR, Vol. VIII, pp. 130ff. ; Buchanan, Bhagalpur, pp. 122f.; ASI, AR, 1903, pp. 8f. 63 ASR, Vol. XIII, p. 73. *(The Mandara of Indian mythology is apparently not the hill near Bhagalpur.-Bd.1 64 ASI, AR, Bengal Circle, 1902-03, p. 13. See also Hunter, op. cit., Vol. XVI, pp. 216ff.; BODG-Hazaribagh, pp. 202ff, [There is an error in the date.Ed.] 65 Ind. Ant., Vol I, pp. 46ff.

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130 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS Beglar believed that the building belonged to the Sravakas or Jains as one of the rooms contained the foot-print of a Tirthankata, 68 The Jain temple on the.summit of the hill is of modern date. The general character of the ruins of temples, tanks, images and inscriptions found from the Mandar hill show that it has been a sacred place of both the Jains and the Hindus. Another important sacred place of the Jains in Bihar in the Kuluha hill, about 6 miles to the south-west of /untergunje in the Hazaribag District. On the western foot of the hill, Stein 67 noticed a small mound of stones, with a small Jain image of Parsvanatha with the usual snake-hood canopy over its head. Local people call it Dvarapala. There are two groups of crude rock-cut sculptures of the Jain Tirthankaras known as Dasavatara images, apparently for their per ten in each group. The first group consists of five standing and five seated figures of the Jains. Another group of ten figures of the Jinas, located at a short distance, are all seated and each of them have a female chowrie-bearer on either side.68 The sculptures are highly corroded and defaced and contain inscriptions on the top, which require fresh examination. Stein noticed a pair of foot-prints cut into the rocks and considered them to be of the Jain Tirtharkaras though the local people believed them to be of Visnu. The inscriptions 66 ASR, Vol. VIII, pp. 130ff. See also Buchanan, Bhagalpur, pp. 122ff.; Ind. Ant., Vol. I, pp. 51ff.; Bihar District Gazetteers--Bhagalpur, pp. 31ff.; ASI, AR, Bengal Circle, 1903, pp. 8-9. 67 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXX, pp. 90ff. See also JASB, 1901, pp. 31-37. 68 P. C. Roychoudhury, op. cit., Pl. III. For details about the Kuluha hill, see Hunter, op. cit., Vol. XVI, p. 29; BODG-Hazaribagh, p. 202; P. C. Roychoudhury, op. cit., pp. 40ff. In 1953, Kuluha hill was visiied by D. C. Sircar who has published an inscription of the place giving the name of Paramabhaffaraka Maharajadhiraja Visnugutpa whom srcar assigns to theL ater Gupta dynasty. [The Later Gupta monarch Visnugupta flourished about the close of the seventh and the beginning of the eighth century A.D.--Ed.]

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S. P. SINGH 131 found on the hill, however, show that some of the ruins would date about the 7th or 8th century A.D. Another place of importance for the Jains is Gulzarbagh in Patna. There lie two Jain temples near the Gulzarbagh Railway Station. One of these bears an inscription dated Vikrama 1848 (1792 A.D.). The epigraph records that the temple was constructed by the whole congregation living at Pasaliputra and was dedicated to Sri-Sthulabhadra, referred to above. The temples are built on a high mound concealing some ancient ruins.

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XIII BELIEFS AND PRACTICES IN THE JAIN SUTRAS* Ramesh Kumar Billorey, Centre of Advanced Study in AIHC, Calcutta University. Stray references to folk beliefs and observances, rituals and festivals, arts and crafts, etc., occur in some of the Jain Sutras as will be seen below. A passage in the Sutrakrtanga refers to the practices of observing vratas and fasts and giving aims to the Sramanas : "They strictly keep the Posaha fast on the fourteenth and eighth days of the month, or certain festivals and on full moon days. They provide the Nirgrantha Sramanas with pure, acceptable food, drink, dainties and spices, with clothes, almsbowls, blankets and brooms, with drugs and medicines, with stools, planks, beds and conches. They purify themselves by practising the silavratas and guna-vratas, the viramana, the pratyakhyana, the Posaha fasts and austerities which they have vowed to perform."1 The Uttaradhyayana Sutru also refers to the rules of conduct for a householder: "He should never neglect the Posaha fast in both fortnights, not even for a single night."2 Festivals observed in honour of various deities are mentioned in the Acaranga Sutra. "A monk or a nun on a begging tour should not accept food, etc., in the following case : when in assemblies or during offerings to the manes, or on a festival of Indra or Skanda or Rudra or Mukunda or demons or Yaksas or the snakes or a festival in honour of a tomb, a shrine, a tree, a hill, a cave, a well, a tank, a pond, a river, a lake, the sea, a mine ... when on such festivais many Sramanas and Brahmanas, guests, paupers and beggars are enter This note was received in March, 1973.-Ed.) 1 Jaina Sutras, trans., H. Jacobi, Part II, SBE, Vol. XLV, pp. 383-84. [Read 'couches' for 'conches'.--Ed 2 Ibid., p. 23. The posait of the Jains corresponds to the uposatha of the Buddhists.

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R. K. BILLOREY 133 fained with food, etc.". Further, it is said, "A monk or a nun should not, for the sake of hearing sounds, go to great festivals where women or men, old, young or middle-aged ones, are well dressed and ornamented, sing, ma e music, dance, laugh, play, sport, or distribute plenty of food, drink, dainties and spices."4 In the Kalpa Sutra, ceremonies associated with the birth are described thus: "The parents of Mahavira celebrated the birth of their heir on the first day; on the third day they showed him the Sun and the Moon, on the sixth day they obser-.. ved the religious vigil ; after the eleventh day, when the impure operations and ceremonies connected with the birth of a child had been performed, they arranged a great feast on the twelfth day ...... Then they bathed, made offerings [to the house gods] and performed auspicious rites and expiatory acts ..." On the eve of the celebration of birth day of the Tirthankara, the king ordered that the town be decorated with variously coloured flags and banners and adorned with painted pavilions, that the walls bear impressions, in Gosirsa, fresh red sandal,* of the hand with outstreched fingers ; the luckforeboding vases be put on the floor, and pots of the same kind be disposed round every door and arch ; that big, round and long garlands, wreaths and festoons be hung low and high ; that the town be furnished with offerings .. that players, dancers,** wrestlers, boxers, jesters, story-tellers, balladsingers, actors, messengers, pole-dancers, fruit-mongers, bagpipers, lute-players and many Talacaras be present'.' The Sutrakstanga refers to the study of astrology, the art of interpreting dreams, divination from diagrams, augury, 3 Ibid., Part I (SBE, Vol. XXII), p. 92. [The quotation is not quite accurate.-Ed.) 4 Ibid., p. 185. 5 Ibid., pp. 254-55. [The quotation is not quite accurate.--Ed.] 6 According to the commentary, this may also be translated as 'smeared with cowdung and whitewashed' (ibid., p. 252, note 2). *[The original has gosirsa and dardara. The latter is explained by Jacobi as 'sandal brought from Dardara'.-Ed.] **[The reference to 'rope-dancers' is carelesly omitted from here.-Ed.) 7 Ibid., pp. 252-53.

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134 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS bodily marks, portents, and omens. In the same Sutra, we are told: "Some men...study various evil sciences, viz. [the divination) from terrestrial accidents, frum strange phenomena (e.g., the laughing of monkeys), from dreams, from phenomena in the air, from changes in the body, from sounds, from mystical science* (laksana, such as, svastika, etc.), from seeds (sesamum, beans, etc.) ; [the interpretation of] the marks of women, men, elephants, cows, partridges, cocks, ducks, quails, of wheels, parasols, shields, sticks, swords, precious stones, jewels; the art to make one happy or miserable, to make a woman pregnant, to deprive one of his wits ; incantations, conjuring (indrajala), oblations of substances, the martial arts, the course of the Moon, the Sun, Venus and Jupiter, the falling of meteors ; great conflagration ; divination from wild animals, the flight of crows, showers of dust, rain of blood, the vaitali and ardhavaitali arts, the art of casting people asleep, of opening doors, the art of Candalas, of Sabaras, of Dravidas, of Kalingas, of Gaudas and of Gandharas; the spell for making somebody fall down, rise, yawn ; for making him immovable or cling to something; for making him sick, or sound; for making somebody go forth, disappear (or come)."Such practices are not approved by the author of the text: "They practice a wrong science, the unworthy, the mistaken men."10 Elsewhere it is said, "The stupid singers... go to hell through their superstitious beliefs."11 And again, "Perfection is not attained by ablutions or tending a fire.":12 Reference occurs in the Sutrakstanga to auspicious rites and expiatory acts for counteracting bad dreams, 18 making an offering to the house gods, 14 the prac 8 Ibid., Part II, p. 317. [Read 'signs'. Ed.] 9 Ibid., pp. 366-67. 10 Ibid., p. 367. 11 Ibid., Part I, p. 33. 12 Ibid., Part II, pp. 294-95. 13 Ibid., p. 371. 14 Loc. cit.

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R. K. BILLOREY 135 tice of adorning the floor with auspicious figures, 16 the vow of silence, 18 first portion of the meal being thrown away in honour of the gods, 17 the precautions regarding food, etc., taken by the pregnant women, 18 and burying the treasures in the wells or house walls. 1 The text also refers to beliefs in merits acquired in previous life, pilgrimage, 20 cycle of births, moksa (deliverance), effect of karman, heaven and hell, etc. 21 The Acaranga Sutra refers to the slaying of animals for sacrificial purpose, 22 festivals preceded or followed by a feast or entertainment and wedding and funeral dinner. 28 In the Kalpa Sutra, we are told that Trisala, in order to save her auspicious dreams24 from being counteracted by other bad. dreams, remained awake by means of (hearing] good, auspicious, pious, agreeable stories about gods and religious men.26 King Siddhartha summoned the interpreters of dreams who well knew the science of prognosties. 28 The Uttaradhyayana Sutra mentions four kinds of gods, 27 viz. (1) BhavanavasinAsura, Naga, Suvarna, Vidyut, Agni, Dvipa, Udadhi, Vata, and Ghanika (Kumaras) ;* (2) Vyantara- Pisaca, Bhuta, Yaksa, Raksasa, Kionara, Kimpurusa, Mahoraga, and Gandharva ; 15 Ibid., Part I, p. 230. 16 Ibid., Part II, p. 321. 17 Ibid., Part I, p. 99. 18 Ibid., p. 250. 19 Ibid., p. 248. 20 Ibid., Part II, p. 62. 21 Ibid., pp. 279-86. 22 Ibid., Part I, p. 12. 23 Ibid., pp. 94-97. 24 The auspicious dreams of Trisala related to the following-an elephant possessing all lucky marks, a bull, a lion, Sri the goddess of beauty, a garland, the moon, the sun, a flag, a vase full of water, a lake, the milk ocean, a celestial abode, a heap of jewels, and fire (ibid., pp. 231-38). 25 Ibid., p. 240. 26 Ibid., pp. 245-46. 27 Ibid., Part II, pp. 225-26. *[They are Asura-kumara, Naga-kumara, etc.-Ed.]

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136 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS (3) Jyotiska--the Moon, the stars,* the naksatras, the planets, and the host of stars; (4) Vaimanika who are of two kinds : those who are born in the heavenly kalpas and those who are born in the regions above them. Reference also occurs to various folk arts and crafts which, however, is beyond the scope of this paper. *[Read 'the moons, the suns'.Ed.)

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INDEX Abhicandra 105 Abhimanyu 106 Abhira 107, 112n Acala 106 Acarangasutra 73, 81, 119, 132, 135 Acaraprakalpa 80n Acharya, N. N. 1 Acyutaraya 68 Adharmastikaya 31, 34 Adinatha 3, 29, 46, 48, 66, 68-69, 127 Adipurana 100n, 109, 112n Aditya 1 60, 62 Adityasena 71 Agarta 107, 108, 110 Aggideva 105 Agni 135 Agnimitra 114 Agrawala, R. C. 10 Agrawala, V. S. 40n Ahimsa 38 Airavata 16-17 Aisika 108n, 110n Aivaramalai 66 Ajatasatru 120, 121 Ajitanatha 11 Ajiva 33 Ajivika 118 Ajjanandi 66 Ajja-Ronana 44 Ajjuna 105 Akalanka 56, 59 Aksayatstiya 29 Aksobhya 105 Alagiya Pallavan 65 Alexander 96 Alipadaitangi 59 Amarabharanan-Siyagangan 66 Ambela 27 Amkura 105 Amohini 40 Amsika 107, 108n, 110 Amur 70 Anaimalai 66 Anala 112n Anandamangalam 62 Ananta 108n, 110n, 112n Anantavirya-Vamana 64 Ananur 61 Andhakavenhu, Andhakavrsni 105 Andhra 112n Andhradesa 52 Anekantavada 34 Anga 118, 120 Angaraka 107, 108n Angaravati 102 Angavijja 7 Angeyaka 108n Antapa 108 and n, 110 Anupa 108n, 110n Aparantaka 112n Aparigraha 38 &n Apastamba 7 Appandar temple 63, 65, 68 Appar 52, 53 &n Arambha-nandi 64 Aranatha 36n Arbuda 108n Arcot District, South 46-47, 62-66. 69 Arhat 26,38-39 Aristanemi 22, 37; pidarar 47, 62 Armamalai 67 Arpakkam 69 Arthasastra 103 Arthik anaya 31 Arula 112n Arya 23; Bhyista 43 : Cetiya 43 ; Data 44; Hactakiya 44 ; Nagabhutikiya 44; Nandika 44 :

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138 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS Odehikiya 44: Simhagiri 82; Basadh 118 Suhastin 82 Beglar 129-20 Aryaka 40 Benusagar 128 Aryaperumpakkam 69 Bhadra 108 Aryaraksita 82 Bhadrabahavi Samhita 73, 80-81, 84, Aryasunu 106 90 Aryavati 40 Bhardrabahu I 4-5, 71-74, 76, 78, 86, Aryaveri 42 &n 90-91, 122; 11 790, 81, 84; III 84 Ashrafpur plates 108-09, Bhadrabahuka-nimitta 85, 92 Asmaka 107, 112n Bhadrabahu-nimittasastra 85, 92 Asteya 38 Bhadrabahusarhita 4,85 & n,86, 87n, Astika 30 88, 89 & n, 90-91, 94-95 Asura 135 Bhadragupta 82 Atreya 107 Bhadrakali 93 &n Attimalla 66 Bhadrastali 93n Aupapatika Sutra 121 Bhagalpur 112n Avanta 108n Bhagavata Purana 9 Avanti 71, 112n Bhagavatisutra 119, 1260 Avarta 108 and n Bhaktibhagavata 98 Avasarpini 18, 22 Bhanga 108, 110 Avasta 112n Bharadvaja 107 Avasyakacurni 23n, 124 Bharata 16-17 Avasyakaniryukti 82 Bharatavarsa 17 Avasyakasutra 73 Bhargava 207 Avataravada 2, 19 Bharukaccha 108 Avrsta 107, 108n, 110 Bhasakuntala 112n Ayagapata 39 Bhaskarvarman 107 Ayagasabha 40 Bhattacharya, A. K. 6 Ayurveda 910 Bhattacharya, B, C. 38n Ayyapgar, M. S. Ramaswamy 59n Bhattacharya, P. K. 1 Ayyar, K. R. Venkatarama, 50n Bhattacharya, R. K. 1, 3, 9, 30-32 Bahlika 107, 112n Bhattasali, N. K, 108 Bajpeyi, K. 1, 36 Bhava-dandi 66 Baladeva 93 & n, 105 Bhavanavasin 18, 35 Balakapincca Bhillamala 99 Bana 77, 107 Bhima 104, 112n, 115 Banamukta 107, 108n, 110 Bhinmal 99 Bandyopadhyay, S. 1, 5, 7 Bhogavardhana 107 Banerji, R. D, 108n Bhomat District 111 Baniya 120, 125 Bhulinga 108n, 110 Bappabhatticarita 96 Bhuta 135 Barbara 112n Bhutarava 112n Barnett 101 Bihar 13, 118, 124, 128

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Billorey, R.K. 132-35 Bimbisara 85n, 121 Boghaz-Koei 106n Bomma-nayaka 69 Brachmanoi Magoi 111 Brahmacarya 38 Brahmadesam 69 Brahmadvipa 82 Brahmaliptaka 43n Brahman 91n Brhadyatra 71D Brhajjataka 71n Brhatkalpasutra 80n Brhatkalpavrtti 123 Brhatkatha 3-4, 102 Brhatsamhita 4, 71n Buchanan 127 & n Buddha 98, 106, 118 Buhler 44n Bukkaraya 67 Cakramallur 69 Campa 120-21 Candella 98 Candra 93 Candradeva 105 Candragupta Maurya 76, 85-86, 97 Candranandi-acarya 60 Candraprabha temple 55, 65 Canura 102 Capotkata clan 97n Caritadharma 31 Caru 112n Carvaka 30 Caturmukha-Kakli 123n Caturvarna Sangha 42 Caturvimsastoma 2 Caturvimsatismrti 2 Caturvimsatisthapaka 3, 46 Caula 112n Caulukya dynasty 9 Cedi 11 2n Cediraya 65 Cera 51,56 INDEX Chakravarti, A. K. 6 Champakalakshmi, R. 6, 46, 50-70 Charra 128 Chatterjee, A. K. 1,3, 4, 7, 100-17 Chechgaon 128 Chedasutra 81 Cheon 128 Cheyur 46 Chingleput District 3, 46, 61-62, 69 Cina 7; "patta 7 Cittamur 54-55, 62, 64, 70 Coimbatore 47 Cola 51-52, 54-56, 62 Cudamaninigandu 68 Cuddalore 52 Culadukkhakandhasutta 121 Culahimavat 16 Cunningham 41, 98n Curtius 96 Dadapuram 63 Dadda 115 Daksina-Malla 109 Daksinapatha 73 139 Dandaka 108n Dandika 107, 108n Dapthu 128 Dari 112n Darvabhisara 112n Das, S. R. 3-5, 8, 107 Dasarnaka 108 Dasasrutaskandhasutra 73, 80n, 83 Dasavaikalikasutra 73, 120 Dasavatara image 130 Dasera 29 Daseruka 107, 108n Dasgupta, K. K. 7 Deoli 128 Desai, P. B. 50n, 52 & n, 55n, 69 Desavallabha-jinalaya 69 Devananda 40 Devanurmalai 46 Devi, S. M. 1 ahanbad District 128

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140 1 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS Dhanga 112n Gandhi, Virchand 30, 32 Dhanus 8 Ganga 54, 66 Dhanvantari 93 Ganga 16 Dhanalinga 54 Gangamadevi 67 Dharana 105 Ganga-Pallava 61 Dharmapala 4, 109-10 Gangasurapperumpalli 63 Dharmasastra en Gangeyadeva Vikramaditya 98 Dharmasena 53 Ganin 45 Dharmasutra 118 Garga 91n Dharmastikaya 31, 34 Gauda 107 Dhataki-khanda 17 Gausila 112n Dhavala 75 Gaya District 128 Dhumaprabha 17 Gandhara 135 Dhvaja 8 Ghanika 135 Digambara 5-6, 26-27, 38, 50, 76,78,83 Ghafa Jataka 105 Digambara Pattavali 81 Ghata-pandita 105 Diksa-vsksa 23 Girnar 100 Dimitra 45 Godavari 3 Dindiraja-Karka 97 Gomatesvara 28 Divali 28 Gonda 13 Dostatika 100 Gopal, L. 99n Dottadi 100 Gopala (Krsna) 98 Draupadi 104 ; temple 66 Gopalan, R. 52 Dravida Sangha 52n, 58 Gopani, A. S. 89 Dronacarya 81 Gorakhpur District 127n Dukula 7 Guhila dynasty 111 Dulmi 128 Gujarat 97, 99, 101 & n Durga 107 Gulzarbagh 122, 131 Durgadas 101n, 1020 Gunabhara 53-54 Durvinita 59 Gugabhadra 68 Dvaraka 102 Gunadaraviccuram 53-54 Dvarapala 130 Gupadhya 3-5, 102 &n Dvipa 135 Gunasila-caitya, Gunasilaka-caitya Ekalavimana 48 125, 126 &n Elacarya 56, 57 &n Gupava 126n Emmankoyil 70 Gunavirabhatara 62 Fleet, J. F. 79n Gunavrata 132 Gahadavala 98 Haimavata 16 Gana 8, 42 &n Hairanyavat 16 Gandaradittapperumpalli 63 Hamsaraj, H. 85n Gandaraditya 62 Harappa 106 Gandhamadana 17 Haribhadra 9, 16, 97-99 Gandhara 107, 112n Harinegamesi 40

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Hariscandra 78 Harisena 101 Haritamalakadhi 43 Harivamsa 3-4, 23, 100, 101n, 102-03, 105-06, 111, 112, 11317; Purana 109-10 Harivarsa 16 Hasta 8 Hastimalla 66 Hastinapura 29, 104, 106 Hathigumpha inscription 39 Hattakakiya 43 Hazaribag District 3, 120, 128, 130 Helacarya Hemacandra 76, 96, 126 Hidimba 112n Himasitala 59-60 Himavat 16, 105 Hiuen-tsang 55, 107, 123 Hora 71 Hosakote plates 53 & n Huntergunge 3, 9 Iksvaku-kula 23 Ilaiya-padarar 50 Ilayarappa-nandi 61 Indra 93; festival 116 Indrani 93 Indrayudha 100, 109 Indus 5, 112 Iravikulasundarapperumpalli 64. Irugappa 67 Isigili 121n I-tsing 109 Iyengar, M. Raghava 68n Jacobi, H. 44n, 79n, 132n Jadivasaha 103 INDEX Jain, H. L. 103n Jain, P. L. 101n Jalamandir 127, 129 Jamadagnya 93 Jambai 68 Jambudipapannatti 16 Jambudipapannttisamgaha 15n, 16 Jambudipasamasa 16 Jambudvipa 16; Bharata 22; Varnana 16 Jambudivasangkayam 16 Jambusvamin 121n Janaka 106n Janamejaya 106 Jara 105 Jarasandha 104 Jaratkumara 105 Jayadhavala 75 Jayadratha 104 Jayapida Vinayaditya 99 Jayavaraha 100n Jina 16, 38 Jinacandra 97 Jinadiyara 61 Jinagiripalli 62 Jina-Kanci 53, 55, 57-58, 68 Jinaprabha 36 Jinaprabhasuri 128 Jinasena 3, 104, 105 & n, 107, 109, 112, 114, 115 & n Jinasena I 112n Jinasena II 100 & n, 102-06, 109-11, 113, 115 Jiva 33 Jivadeva 98 Jivakacintamani 55 Jnana Pancami 27 Jnataputra 119 Jnatr clan 118 Jodhpur 99 Jrmbhakagrama 120 Jvalamalini 68 Kadamba 8 141 Kadava 54; oraya 55, 65 Kadungon 51 Kaikeya 107 Kaksa 112n Kaksi 107 Kala 112n Kalabhra 51 & n

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142 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS Kalakacarya 82 Kasyapa 91n Kalatoya 108n Kataccuri-kulavesma-pradipa 115 Kalambu 112n Kathakosa 100-01 Kalhana 8 Kathasaritsagara 3-5, 101, 102n, 104n Kalidasa 104 Kathiawar 27 Kalinga 39, 107, 112n, 122 Kattampalli 64 Kalinga-rastra 114n Kaulesvari hill 3 Kalingasena 102 Kausala 108 Kallivanopanta 107, 108, 110-11 Kausalya 107 Kalpasutra 26, 40, 42 & n, 43 &n, 44, Kausambi 104 73, 79n, 119, 133, 135 Kautika-gapa 43 Kalyanakataka 77 Kauvakola 128 Kamadatta 116 &n Kauvera 112n Kamadeva 116 Kaveri 111 Kamboja 107 Kayotsarga 23; posture 48 Kampavarman 61 Keny, L. B 1, 3, 6-8, 10-14 Kamsa 102 Kerala 112n Kanakavirakuratti 62 Kevalajnana 23 Kanauj 77, 96, 100 &n Kevalin 38, 75 Kanci, Kancipuram 48, 51n, 54, 56- Khadga 4, 107-08 58, 60 Khadgodyama 109 Kandi 59 Khajuraho 112n Kaniska 42 Kharavela 39 Kaniyasika 43 Khasa 112n Kankalitila 36, 370 Kicaka 104, 115 Kannaradeva Prthvigangaraiyan 66 Kimpurusa 135 Kanva 103 Kinnara 135 Kanyakubja 77,97 Kirappakkam 69 Kapitthaka 71 Kirata-visaya 109 Karahata 112n Kiskandha, Kiskindha 108, 111 Karandai 59, 64-65, 68 Kohara 112n Karbuka 107 Kolavana 108n Karigai 56 Koliyanur 69 Karkota 111 Kollaga 123n Karnagadh 121 Kongar Puliyaogulam 66 Karnasuvarna 4, 107 Kongu region 50 Karnataka 56-57, 69 Kosikana 112n Karungalakkudi 66 Kopperunjinga 65 Karuppankunru 3, 46, 61 Korramangalam 66 Kasakkudi plates 51n Kosala 88n, 107, 112n Kasi 107, 112n Kottiya-gana 42-43 Kasia 127n Krishna Rao, M. V. 56n Kasnira 111 Krsna 24, 98, 100, 102, 104-05

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INDEX 143 Krspa III 66 Krspadevaraya 68 Ksamasramana 80n Ksauma 7 Ksemakirti 81 Kubera 37 Kula 8, 42 &n Kulasekharadeva 65 Kulottunga I 64 Kulottunga III 66 Kuluha 124, 128 Kulya 108 Kumara 101 Kumarapala 99 Kumili-gana 69 Kundagrama 118 Kundakunda 57, 79; acarya 56 Kundalapura 124-25 Kundapura 124-25 Kundavai 63 ; jinalaya 63 Kuniyan 107, 108n, 110 Kunpattur 68 Kunrai 68 Kuntala 107 Kunthunatha 64 ; temple 65 Kunti 108n Kural 51, 56 Kurandi 62 Kuru 112n; jangala 107 Kusa 108 Kusagra 107, 108n, 110 Kuta 112n Kvathatoya 107, 108n, 110 Lachehuar 128 Laghujataka 710 Lahiri, A. N. 1-2, 6, 19-24 Lahiri, B. 1 Laksmi 97-98 Lalitankura-Pallavesvaragpha 54 Lampaka-visaya 112n Lanchana 23 Lataraja-Viracola 63 Lavanaprasada 10 Lekhapaddhati 99 and n Lohanipur 39, 122 Lokaksanagara 112n Lokavigraha 114n Mackenzie manuscript 59 & n, 70 Madanakirti 126 Madhyadesa 107, 111 Madhyamika 43n Madraka 107 Madrakara 107 Madura, Madurai 47-48, 51, 55, 57 58, 66, 69; Tirunelveli 50, 105 Madurantakam 3,46 Maga 5, 71, 111 ; Brahmana 5 Magadha 85-86, 107,112n, 118,120-21 Magaral 69 Magharaksita 36 Mahabharata 102-03 Mahahimavat 16 Mabaksatrapa 40 Mahalingam, T. V. 5in, 59n Mahananda 116 Mahanisitha 80n Maharastra 112n Mabatamahprabha 17 Mahavideha 16 Mahavira 2-3, 13, 21-23. 25. 27-29. 37-39, 41, 46, 54, 62, 76, 118-19, 127, 133 Mahavirajayanti 27 Mahendramangalam 67 Mahendravarman I 52-53, 54 &n Maheya 108n, 110n Mahisa 112n Mahisaka 107 Maboraga 135 Maitra, J. 1 Majjhimanikaya 121n Majjima-Pava 119 Majumdar, A. K. 97n Majumdar, R.C. 78, 100n, 105n, 110n Makandi 104 Malada 107

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144 Maladhari-Hemacandra 81 Malava 112n Malayagiri 80n, 81 Malayasimha 98 Malla 4, 100n, 107 Malladesa 109 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS Mallaka 108n Malvania, Dalsukh 91 Malyavat 17 Mamallapuram 46, 48-49 Mamandur 47, 50 Manasavega 102 Manava 107 Manavartika 107, 110 Manbhum 9, 128 Mandalapurusa 68 Mandara 16, 124, 128-30 Manimekalai 51 Mankuni inscription 115 Mankhaliputta Gosala 118 Maravarman-Vikramapandya 66 Marudevi 104 Mastaka 107 Matamba 112n Mathura 35, 37 & n, 42, 104; inscription 97 Mattavilasaprahasana 54 & n Mauna-Ekadasi, Maunagyarasa 28 Maya 91n Mayilappur 51 Meghacandra 78 Mehika 44 Mekala 112n Meru 16-18 Merutunga 4, 75-77, 84n, 86, 94-96, 115 Mishra, B. P. 7 Mithila 120 Mohenjodaro 106n Moka 107, 108n, 111 Monghyr District 128 Monghyr-Bhagalpur region 118 Muka 108n Mukunda 132 Mulaka 107 Mularaja I 97 and n, 98-99 Mularaja II 97 Munda 13 Munisuvrata 23, 121 Murunda 123 Mustika 102 Muzaffarpur District 119, 125 Mylapore 51 Nadika 43 Naga 13, 18, 135 Naga-nandin 61 Nagara-sikhara 48 Nagaswamy, R. 50n Naisadha 108 Nakhaur 128 Nalanda 127n Namaputra 119 Naminatha 22 Nanda 75 Nandana 112n Nander 3 Nandin 112n Nandi-sangha 79 Nandivardhana 115n, 127 Nandivarman II 55, 60-61, 105 Nandivisala 41 Nandyavarta 36n Nanna 100, 115 Nannul 55-56 Narada 103 Narasimhachar, A. 58n, 59 Naravahanadatta 12 Narayanapala 112n Narpattennayirapperumpalli 65 Nasarika 107, 108n Nasikya 108n Nastika 30 Nata 1120 Nata clan 118 Nataputra 119 Navapadapuja 26

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INDEX: 145 Navarastra 107 Nayanas Aniyadaligiyai 65 Nayanmar 48 Nayavada 34 Nejamesa 40 Neminahacariu 9.10, 97 Neminatha 23, 62, 70, 115, 126 Neminathacarita 40 Nepala 108, 112n Nidhanpur plates 107 Nigandu 55 Nila 16 Nilakesi 55 Nirgrantha 123 Nirgranthasasana 91 Nirvana 28, 118 Nirvana Ladu 29 Nisadha 16 Nisithasutra 80n Niskalanka 59-60 Odalvadi 65 Oghaniryukti 82-83 Okharika 45 Oli 27 : Olika 112n Onambakkam 46 Oraon 13 Orissa 98 Padalipta, Padalipt-acarya 82, 123n Padaliptaprabandha 123 & n . Padinenkilkanakku works 51 Padiyampattu 66 Padmahsd 16 Padmanabha 104 Padmanandin 16 Padma Purana 112 & 2, 113, 115 Padmasana 23 Padmavati 102 Pajjusana 25-26, 120 Pakbira 128 Pakhal 27 Pakhanda 30 Palaka 96 Pallankoil copper plate grant 53 &n Pallava 48, 54, 105 Pallavarkon 65 Palliccanda 62-63 Palliccandal 62-63, 69 Pallivilagam 63 Palma 128 Parcaselanayara 103 Pamkaprabha 17 Pancala 107 Pancakalpabhasya 80n Pancapandavamalai 46-47, 61 Pancapandavartippa 69 Pancasailapura 103 Pancasiddhantika 71n Pandava 104 Pandukuli 3 Pandya 48, 51, 55, 65, 105 Parab 101n, 102n Parakesarivarman 63 Paramara 77 Parantaka I 46, 62 Parasaila 112n Parasnath hills 124, 128-29 Parasurama 93 . Paravadimalla 67 Paridhasika 44 Pariksit 106 Parsva, Parsvanatha 2-3, 9, 12-13, 21-22, 37 & n, 38, 46, 48, 64-65, 70, 129 Paruttikunru 53 Paryayarthikanaya 31 Paryusana 25 Pataccara 107 Patalika 52-54 Pitaliputra S2 & n, 53, 56-58, 71, 121-24 Pathak, B. A, 113, 114&n Patna 39, 122-23, 128, 131; Gaya region 118 Pattana 108, 110 Pastavali 79

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146 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS Pattinikkurattiadigal 47, 62 Paundra 107 Pavanpur 128 Pavapuri 124-25, 127 &n Penzer 101n, 106n Periya Puranam 2, 48, 53-54 Perumandur 61-62, 64, 68 Perunkathai 55 Petaputraka, Petaputrika 44 Petivamika 43-44 Phalguraksita 82 Pindaniryukri 82 Pisaca 135 Podana 112n Ponninatha temple 65 Ponniyakkiyar 61 Ponnur 66, 68 Pontagai 59 Porwal community 97 Posaha 132 Prabandhaointamani 71-74, 75 & n, 770, 80n, 86n, 90, 96n Prabandhakosa 73-74, 75 & n, 77, 80n, 86n, 90, 94-95 Pradyota 96 Pradyumna 93 Pragjyotisa 107 Pragvata community 97 &n Prasenajit 850 Prasnavahanaka 43n. Prasthala 107, 108n Pratana 112n Prataparudra 98 Prathala 1080 Pratikarman 26 Pratisthana, Pratisthanapura 73-74 Pratyakhyana 132 Pravaka 101n, 108, 110 Pravanga 108n Prstha-Campa 120 Prthivivigraha 1140 Ptolemy 5, 111 Pudukkalani 70 Pudukkottai 55 Pujyapada 56, 58, 60 Pujal 70 Puleya 108n Pundi 65 Pundra 112n Punnabhadra-caitya 120 Punnaga 112n Punyalabdha 120 Punyatava 120 Punyavijaya 91n Purakheta 112n Puri 112n Puri, B. N. 44n Purusa 107, 108n, 110 Pusalker, A. D. 78n Puskara-dvipa 17 Puskarada 17 Puspaseda 67 Pusyabhuti 77 Pusyamitra 115 Rajabhata 109 Rajagpha 27, 85-86, 103, 120-21, 126 Rajamalla 66 Rajaprasada 36 Rajaraja I 55, 61, 63; II 64 ; III 64 Rajasekharasuri 4, 72, 74, 76, 840, 86, 94-95 Rajasimha 55 Rajasthan 99, 111 Rajatarangini 8 Rajavalikathe 58 Rajendra 63 Rajgir 124 & n, 125, 126 & Raksabandhana 29 Raksasa 135 Rama 93, 106, 112 Ramachandran, T. N. 55n, 56n, 57n, 64n Ramayana 115 Ramanathapuram 55 Ramyaka 16, 112n Ranaditya 8

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INDEX 147 Rastrakuta dynasty 50, 66, 100 Ravisena 112 and in, 113, 115 Ray, H. C. 97 n Raychaudhuri, H. C. 106 & n, 109n Rewa inscription 98 Rice, B. L. 59 Rjupalika 120 Rsabha, Rsabhadeva, Rsabhnatha 9, 11, 21, 23, 66, 68, 70, 116 Rsibhasita 73 Rsi-samudaya 64 Rudra 93, 132 Rudradasa 41 Rukmin 16 Rupya 16 Sadhu 26, 28 Sadhvi 25 Saha, K. 1, 6, 25-29 Sahasranika 106 Saitava 108, 110 Saka 112n Sakakapira 107, 110 Sakatala 72 Sakta 8, 42 &n Saktideva 101 Salabha 112n Salakapurusa 2 Saletore, B. A. 56, 57n, 58n, 66n Salivahana 77 Salukki 63 Saluva-Narasimha 68 Salva 107 Samatata 108 Sambandar 53 Sama-caturasra-kuta 48 Samantabhadra 56-58 Samasasarhita 710 Sambhoga 42 Sambhutivijaya 73-75 Sambhuvaraya 64-65 Sametasikhara 23 Samprati 122 Samita 82 Samudravijaya 105 Sanatkumaracarita 97 Sangam works 51 Sanghadasaganin 80n Sangita-mandapa 67 Sankhya 33 Santinatha 37, 100 Santi-suri 81-82 Sarasvat 41 Sarasvata 107 Sarasvata-vyakarana 78 Sarasvati-gaccha 79 Sarkar, Jadunath 96n, 114n Sarkaraprabha 17 Sarvanandin 52 Sarvara 112n Sarvatobhadrikapratima 39 Sarvavarman 5, 78 Sasanka 107 : Sastri, K. A. Nilakanta 54, 84n Satavahana 77 Satanika 106 Sagpancasika 71 Satrujit 73 Satrunjaya 27 Sattamangalam 55, 61 Satya 38 Sauryapura 116 Sauvira 107, 112n Sedarampattu 69 Sen, B. C. 105n Sengupta, S. 1, 5, 15-19 Shah, U. P. 10, 37n, 41, 127n Shastri, A. M. 1-2, 4-5, 7, 9, 71-95 Sastri, Nemi Chandra 85, 89n Siddha 28, 38 Siddhacakra 27 puja 26. Siddhartha 119 Siddhayika 61 Sikhapada 112n Sikharin 16 Silanka 81 & Silapata 40

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148 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS Silappadikaram 51 silavrata 132 Silpasastra 91n Simhala 112n Simhanandikkuravadigal 61 Simhavarman 52-53 Simhavisnu 51 & n, 53 Sindhu 107 Singanikkuppam 69 Singh, S. P. 1, 8-9, 118-31 Singhbhum 9, 128 Sircar, D. C. 1-6, 8-9, 52n, 77n, 96. 98n, 108n, 110 & n, 111 Siruvakkam 69 Sita 106n Sitalasatama 29 Sivakoti 58 Sivakumara 56 Skanda 132 Solanki dynasty 97. Solavandipuram 62 Somadeva 3, 101, 102 & n, 104, 106 Smith 98n, 99n Sravaka 25, 130 Sravaki 25 Sravana Belgola 50, 56-57, 59. 67, 122 Sri 93, 135n Sricandra 97 Srigrha 43 Srigupta 43 Sri-Jina 128 Srikaranapperumpalli 69 Srimala 99 Sri-Sthulabhadra 131 Srivaisnava 68 Srivallabha 100 Srivastava, B. 1 Srutadharman 31 Srutakevalin Bhadrabahu 4, 6, 60, 78, Sthulabhadra 74-76, 122 Stimitasagara 105 Subramaniam, K. R. 60 Subramaniam, T. N. 53 &n Suddhodana 106n Sudharman 120, 121n Suhastin 122 Sudra 110 Suhma 112n Sukhabodhini 74 Sukosala 112n Sulasa 93 Sumitradatta 116 n Sumukha 104 Suparna 18 Suparsva, Suparavanatha 37,.48 Sura 105, 107, 110 Surasena 107 Surastra 108, 112n Suriyadeva 105 Surpara, Surparaka 107, 112n Surya 91n, 93 Suryaprajnapti 73, 84n Suryaraka 112n Suryavansi Gajapati dynysty 98 Susthita 43 Sutrakstanga 73, 132-34 Suvarna 135 Svetambara sect 5-6, 26-27, 38, 73, 76, 78-79 Syadvada 7, 34 Tacambadi 68 Talacara 133 Tamahprabha 17 Tamasa 110n Tamilnadu 3, 47, 56-57. Tapa 26 Tapasa 107, 110 Taralasvamin 115 Tattvarthasutra 26 Taurika 108n Tawney, C. H. 96n, 101n, 106n Tevaram 48, 52, 53n 83 Stevenson 7, 11 Sthanikiya 42 Sthayiravalicarita 96, 126

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Theravali 96 Tikanikayatra 71n Trisala 40, 119, 135 & n Trisira 112n Tiloyapannatti 4, 75, 96, 103, 114 & Tulinga 107, 108n, 110 n, 115 Tilthogali Painniya 123n Tirakkol 63, 65 Tirnakarna 107 Tirthakalpa 36, 124n Tirthankara 2, 7, 19, 21-22, 24, 28 Tiruarungondai 65 Tiruchirapalli 47, 50, 63; cave ins cription 54 Tirujnanasambandar 69 Tirukkattampalli Alvar 64 Tirumalai 55, 62, 63 & n, 65-67 Tirumalavadi 63 Tirumalisai 53 Tirumangai 53 Tirunanungondai 62-63, 68 Tirunatharkupru 47; epitaphs 50 Tirunavukkarasar Puranam 52, 53 & n Tirunelveli 47, 55, 66 INDEX. Tiruppadirippuliyur 52 Tiruppanmalai 47, 55, 61-63 Tirupparambur 59, 64 Tirupparuttikkunram 53, 57, 64-65, 67 Tiruvadigai 53-54 Tiruvakkianda Tambiranar 69 Tiruvalluvar 56 Tiruvurampalli 64 Tondaimandalam 6, 47, 50-53, 56, 60 61, 65-66 Tondaradippodi 53 Tondur 62; Olakkur 62 Tosaliputra 82 Trailokyanatha 67; temple 68 Trigarta 107 Trijata 1120 Trikuta-basti 64 Tripura 108 Tripuri 98 Tundirahvaya-Mandalarha Sugiri 63n Ubhaisutra 120 Ubkayabhasakavicakravartin 67 Uccanagari, Uccenagari 42-43 Udadhi 135 Udayana 106 Udayendiram copper plates 60 Udayin 121 Ulka 88 Uluka 112n Umasvati 16 Upadhyaya 28 Upadhye, A. N. 103n Upasargaharastotra 84 Upreti, G. B. 1, 5 U simalai 46 Usinara 112n Utsarpini 18 Uttamapalaiyam 66 Uttamarna 108n, 110n Uttamavarna 108 and n, 110 Uttaradasaka 36 Uttaradhyanasutra 73, 82, 132, 135; niryukti 82 Uttarakuru 16 Uttarapurana 126n Uttiramerur Perunagar 69 Uvasagadasao 120, 123n Uvasaggaharapasa 72, 74, 80-81 Vacaka 45 Vaccaliya 42 Vadvan 100, 101 & n Vaidya-Kasmira 112n Vaibhara hill 126-27 Vaidarbha 107 Vaidehadatta 119 Vaidehi 119 Vaidisa 108 149 Vaikuntha Perumal temple 60 Vaimanika 136

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150 RELIGION AND CULTURE OF THE JAINS Vairadeva 126 Vairi 42 & n Vaisali 21, 118, 120, 123n, 125n Vaisalika 119 Vaisnava cave 126 Vaisravana 93 Vajrakhandika 108, 110 Vajranandin 53, 58-59 Vajrasvamin 82 Vajrin 43n Valaiyapati 55 Vallimalai 66 Valluvar 51 Valukaprabha 17 Valuvamolipperumpalli 62 Vamanathapura 70 Vanamala 104 Vanavasa, Vanavasaka 108n, 112n Vanga 107, 112n Vanijyagrama 120 Vaniya 43n Varaha 72-73, 100 & n Varahamihira 4-5, 71, 74, 78, 83, 84 & n, 86, 88, 89 & n, 94-95, 111 Varahi Samhita 72, 800 Varana 42 Varanagana 44, 45n Vardhamana 11, 37, 39, 63-64, 100, 101 & n; temple 53, 57, 64-65, 67-68 Vardhamana Mahavira 9 Vardhamanapperiyadigal 62 Varuna, Varunadeva 93, 105 Vasantanandin 127 Vasistha 91n Vassavasa 25 Vasudeva 93, 102, 105, 116 Vasudeva-Krsna 115 Vasudeva Siddantabhatara 46 Vasukunda 125 Vasumitra 114 Vasupujya 23, 120 Vata 135 Vatadhana 108n Vatavana 107, 108m Vatsa 108 Vatsaliya 43n Vatsaraja 100 Vedal 55, 60-63 Vegavati 102 Velur 69 Verma, O. P. 1 Vesalie 119 Vidarbha 112n Vidar-palli 60 Videha 16, 108 Videhadatta 19 Videhasukumara 119 Vidyadhara 102 Vidyadhari 42, 43n Vidyut 135 Vijaya 105 Vijayanagar 54-55, 67 Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman 65 Vijaya-nayakar 68 Vikramacoja 64 Vikramaditya 5, 82 Vilappakkam 46, 62 Vimala-Sriyarya Tirtha-palli 61 Vimana 18, 23 Vindhya 101 & n, 112n Vindhyavasini 115 & n Vipula hill 27, 126n Vira 97 & n Virakeralaperumpalli 63 Viramana 132 Virarajendra 64; Opperumpalli 64, 68 Virasangha 68; Opratisthacarya 68 Virasasanajayanti 27 Virasena 100n Virattanam 54 Viravira 64 Viravirajinalaya 64 Visaladeva 99 Visar 69 Visnugopa 51

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INDEX 151 Winternitz 76, 79n, 97n Watters 1070 Yadivasaha 114 Yaksa 13, 24, 132, 135 : bhattari 61 Yaksi ---Dharmadevi 62 ; Siddhayika 62 Visnukumara 29 Visnu Purana 102 Visvakarman 93 Visvamalla 99 Visvamitra 103 Vitihotra 108n Vivahapafala 710 Vrji-Licchavi 118 Vrk-Andhaka 108 Vykarthaka 107, 108n Vrsana 112n Vrsni 102-03 Vyantara 135 Vyavahara-bhasya 37 Vyavaharasutra 73 Wilson 970 Yaksigi 24 Yapaniya-sangha 69 Yapparungalam 56 Yasobhadra 74, 83 Yaiobhadra-suri 73 Yasovarman 96 Yativrsabha 103, 114 Yavana 107, 112n Yogayatra 710 Yudhisthira 106

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CORRIGENDA Page 9, line 15.- Read-Rsabha , 28, note 8.-Read--Stevenson , 38, line 20.--Read-Comprehending ,, 48, line 11.-Read-Devaram (**) 50, line 6.-Read-Bhadrabahu . 57, line 5.- Read-manuscript 60, line 1.-Read-Akalanka ,, line 3.-Read-Niskalanka 72, line 17.- Read-newborn ,, line 24.--Read-efforts 74, line 22.-Read-Pasaliputra , 75, line 24.-Read-Srutakevalins , 76, line 25.----Read-Rajasekharasuri , 79, note 28.-Read-Winternitz ,, 80, line 15.-Read-niryuktis , 85, note 49, line 4.--Read-introduction , 96, line 5.- Read--We had

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