Prologue And Epilogue Verses Of Vacaspati Misra I

Author(s): Ashok Aklujkar
Publisher: Ashok Aklujkar
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/269409/1

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THE PROLOGUE AND EPILOGUE VERSES
OF VACASPATI-MISRA-I*
$1.1 Recently, I had an occasion to write about Vacaspati-mis Tattva-samikşi commentary to Mandana-misra's Brahma-siddhi. As one of my article, I pointed out that two verses found at the end of Yukti-dipikā manuscripts and probably referred to by the remark k ryani Sri-vdcaspati-misranant in one ms could have come from the Tatu samiksa. To judge the viability of the connection which had occur to me, I made a study of the verses found at the beginning and of Vacaspati's works. As a few verses composed by him are found in the middle of two of his works, I included them too to get a bel sense of his verse style. The purpose of the present article is to rep my discoveries in the hope that they will either throw new light on Vacaspa life or help in bringing precision and certainty to the conjectures have already been made about his life. I also hope that, when criti editions of those of his works which have so far not been critically edi
. I was able to complete this article because of the help I received from Professors Albrecht zler, Lambert Schmithausen (University of Hamburg) und Karin Preisendana (University of Vienna) from Dr. Elliot M. Stern (Philadelphia), all of whom read the earlier drafts carefully and made me of the need for improvement in minor as well as major respects. Professor Srinivas Ayya Srinivasan versity of Hamburg) kindly discussed with me the questions I put to him regarding manuscript tions. My thanks go also to the Alexander von Humbolde Stiftung of the Federal Republic of Germ for its fellowship which enabled me to concentrate on research during 1998-99.
I have italicized only those non-English words which are mentioned as distinct from used, when such words occur as parts of whole phrases or passages
I will employ the following abbreviations, except in quotations and some sentences in their use would look oddamse for Manuscripte, sede for editors, edo for edition, comme ccommentary, and vole for evolume.
The relevant details can be had from Aklujkar 1998. The verses concerned area kbandite borde-dino dhuintacchidab pandite-ganda-mandendb / winiard mandane-nakrepatkal yanti dcab frutti-mandanab // found at the end of the mss of Mandana-misra's Brahma-side spbubbidheyd wadhurup blural manlio Mopakbolant windle / k nw-garbhpy abbito bimdan Madurpatti yini dirtham lyme // ayant மானவ patah -latino நான் parenda tanam apy will Idm / il proydte ese mame frameb said widrandnugraba-drapiram // (found at the end of the of the Yukti-dipika). My preference for the readings given here is justified in the article to which I h just referred.

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are prepared, the editors will seek answers to some of the questions ! raise, explicitly and implicitly.
$1.2 For the sake of convenience in later discussion, I will take up Vacaspati's verses in the sequence in which Vacaspati is thought to have completed or undertaken his works. First, I will offer observations, mainly text critical in nature, on specific verses. These will be followed by general observations regarding Vacaspati's life as a scholar.
S2.la Nyaya-kanika beginning: parāmrstah klesai katham api na yo jät bhagavan na dharmadharmabbyart, tribbir api dipakair na ca tayoh / parant vacanh tattvam yam adhigamayaty om iti padari Hamasydmo viswanie tam amara-gurinam api gurun //// bhuvana-bhavana-sthema-dhuaritsa-prabandba-vidhāyine bbava-bhayabbide tubbyan bbettre purānietis an api / kesiti-bulavaboksetrajñāmbbab.prabhatjana-candrannas. tapana-vryadity asta märtir namo bhava bibbrate //2/1 ajana-tiwira-Samanin para-damanin waya-marjari rucir prasavitre prabhavitre vidya-tarave namo gurave //3/1 derya-kepti-nivefanam apy avadhátane vaco 'smadadid / ratbyodakam iva ganga-pravdha-patah pavitrayati //4//
match the content of the mangala verse with the content of the work or darśana to follow (cf. $2.44, 2.5a, 2.6a, S2.7a, four out of five cases). The present verse, if at all it is authored by him, would then be appropriate for the beginn ing of his commentary on the Yoga-bhäsya. Its details are reminiscent of the Yoga-sútras 1.24-27: klesa-karma-vipakalayair apardmrstah purusa višesa is varah, tatra niratifayani sarvajna-bijani, sa parvesām api guruh .... and tasya vd. cakah pranavah. It has a partial similarity of content with the mangala verse at present found at the beginning of the Tattva-vaisäradr (52.6a below) and also with the mangala verses and the first epilogue verse of the Patañjala-yoga-Sastra-vivarana ascribed to Samkara (note words in boldface type)': yasmin na stah karma-vipäkau yata astāsts kleša pasmai nálam alangbyd nikbilānām / návacchinnah kāla-drsa yah kalayantyd lokesas tani kaitabba-fatrum [= Vispu) pranamimi // yah sarvavit sarva-vibbati-faktir vibina-doşopabita-kriyd-phala) → so vibita-kriya-phalab?] vifodbhavanta-stbiti-betur išo namo 'stu tasmai gurave guror api // ... orikāro yasya vakta samacarata phalaih karma yasmad aseşan niskarma-klesa-pako gbatayati sakalam yah phalena kriyanām /
/
$2.1b The first verse is unlike most of Vacaspati's other verses in that it praises Vişnu, principally and exclusively. Given the liberal attitude toward various deities expressed in Tattva-bindu verse 1 and Bhimati verse 4, it is not impossible that Vacaspati wrote the verse. However, it seems improbable from the pattern seen in his other verses collected here that he would write such a verse without any reference to Siva or that he would place it ahead of a verse praising Siva.
Secondly, in almost every commentary prologue, Vācaspati has tried to
I leave out the prologue of the Nyaya sücf-nibandha also for the reasons indicated in 53.1-2.
(b) I further confine myself to mangala verses, because the content of the other type of prologue verses in any Sanskrit commentary will be determined by considerations such as who the author of the commentandum is, what the commentator's sources of knowledge or inspiration are, and so on. These non-mangala verses, therefore, will not give us a specific enough pattern suitable for use in authorship issues.
(c) The preceding clarifications leave only verse 2 of the Nyaya kagiklas a possible oddity. While that verse may not contain any clear indications of affinity with the Mimasi, it probably comes as close as a theist author can come in writing a mangala for a text discussing issues in an atheist system. Vacas pati's verse is not unlike Kumkrila's at the beginning of the Slokavintika (
sudden debat iddigw.cukruse / freyab pripti simili mama sordbedrige I in that it to speaks of objects associated with the ritualistic side of Vedic life. Its tenor is also like that of the naar verse of the Abhijina-takuntala, the work of an author to whom the Brahmanical way of life, including its rituals, was very dear.
(d) Rsi putra Paramesvara I wrote two commentaries, Jusadhvanh-karapr (brick and earlier) and Svaditah-karaor longer and later), to the Nyaya-kaniki. Dr. Stem, who has edited the two commenta ries very competently but is yet to publish them, obliged me by providing the following information: In Svaditech-karaol. Paramefvars I fint interprets the second verses connected to Yoga-stra, then adds a sherative explanation according to Nyaya sastra. Finally, he says that the first and second verses praise the two deities in accord with Sruti, Smrti, libise and Purkos.
Some readings in the verses which follow are problematic. I do not pretend to understand the citations fully. I hope that a critical edition being prepared by Mr. Kengo Harimolo will give us intelligible readings.
(b) Dr. Stern has brought another parallel to my attention, the first mangala verse of the Mitakari commentary to Yajñavalkya dharma-Liste dharaddharma tad-pubis trayo'pi blesa para prinde hamme / பாப்பா, thair To Mrilurya to her ten made பாசமா amaruipum |
For the recurrence of verse 4 in the prologue of the Bhimat, see $3.3.4 below. For the absence of an epilogue in the Nyaya-kanika, se note 19 of Aklujkar 1998
Al qualify with commentary here because I wish to leave out the prologues of two noncom mentrial works the Nyky-scfnibandha and the Tattva-bindu. The relationship through thought ele ments or theme of an opening verse with the main text to follow, if perceived, can lead us to examine il such relationships exist in the case of the other works of the same author. If they are found to exist, we may speak of a pattern. But the detected pattern can become a better piece of evidence in deciding thorship if we can establish inclination. It is possible do so if the nature of the text to follow is already set for the prologue author - if he has no freedom with respect to the text which follows. Then we have a wricter ascertainment of the pattern and a good reason to consider it probable that the wuthor likes to meet certain challenges or to sim at achieving subuler results.

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Ifandom Ifraro yah stbiti-bhava-nidhana-prakriyaņārt vidhata dbydyan nah suklimanane vyapanudatutarane krstimanante sa krsnah [= Visnuh) //
The verse paramrstah... may be inauthentic or might have come to its present place from an original location in some other work of Vacaspati as the above observations suggest. However, before any conclusion is reached in this regard, due recognition should be shown of the fact that the verse has been in its present location for at least 600 years. Dr. Stern kindly informs me that wonly one of the manuscripts, D, is intact for the beginning of the Nyaya kanika, but both of Parameśvara-I's commentaries (see note 4d] comment on this verse - a brief explanation in Juşadhvar-karani and a long explanation ending on folio 3a in Svaditarh-karani.. Parameśvara-I lived in the middle of the fourteenth century A.D.
S2.lc The construction besiti-butavaha-kesetrarambhah-prabharijana.com dramas-tapana-vryadity astax mürtir namo bhava bibbrate in verse 2 is somewhat unusual, although not inauthentic, ungrammatical or obscure. Its form seems to have been determined by the exigencies of metre, which is under standable. Normally, we come across constructions such as kşit.viyad. akbyah aştau mürtih bibhrate. The author obviously expects us to take kesiti... viyad as a samahara-dvandva, so that the employment of the singular number will be grammatical.
Nyāya-mañjarr'. I learn from Dr. Stern that «Parameśvara-I, the commentator of the Nyāya-kanika, does not name Vācaspati's guru and does not supply any information that would help in determining the authorship of the Nyāya-manjaris. However, neither Dr. Stem nor I think that such absence of explication implies that Tri-locana was not Vācaspati's guru or that Tri-locana did not write a Nyaya-manjari (a text different from Jayanta's carrying the same title). The evidence establishing a teacher-disciple relationship between Tri-locana and Vacaspati is quite strong. In the Nyaya-virttika-tatparya-fikk 1.1.4 (Thakur edn p. 107) we read: tad erad atisputatud! Sisyair ganyata aveti bhagya-udoti ikakärabbyam avyakhyātam api asmabbih (verse:) tri-locana-gunnite-marganugamanonmukhaih/yarba-nyayani yarhd-vastu Bydkbyatan idam idosam //. Here, Vācaspati himself refers to Tri-locana as his guru. Udayana's references to Tri-locana (Thakur edn p. 3. p. 471), although not quite as explicit, also suggest a direct relationship between Tri-locana and Vacaspati in which the former is assumed to be a source of the darśana knowledge of the latter. We further learn from Thakur (1948: 37) that Vardhamana, while commenting on Udayana's first reference, informs us with the words tri-locanas takto vidyd. guruh Tri-locana is the senior who taught the author of the (Nyaya-vårttika-tätparya-) ika'. Similarly, a direct relationship between Tri-locana and the Nyüyamañjarī is established by Jñana-fri-mitra's (p. 236) reference manjaryan tri-locanah punar āba, immediately followed by a reference to Vacaspati, indicating that the Tri-locana meant is the one associated with Vicaspati. The same pat. tern is seen in most references to Tri-locana.
Dr. Stern has kindly communicated to me that Paramešvara-I, in his Svaditar-karani, offers an interesting explanation of the word prabbavitre employed in the verse under consideration. Paramešvara-I interprets prabhavitre also as 'father': na kevalam esa gurur asmakan vidyd-guruh, kintu janma gurur aptly aba prabhavitra iti, janitrjanayitror abbeda-vraksaya prabhavitra ity uktam as madamand janitre smakande janayitre pitra iti yuat warmd bi jana armanab [Aitareya-brāhmaṇa 33.1) iti frutif cabbedopacdre bijam. prabbataya ca prabhave ca sarvasyeti sidbyati...
Commentators can sometimes read too much into a text, especially when a word can easily be taken in more than one sense and when the commentator has so much respect for the commentandum author that he is anxious to pre
$2.1d The identity of the text Nyaya-manjarf mentioned in verse 3 has implications for the relative chronology of Vacaspati. I have at present nothing new to contribute to the issue that has been discussed by several scholars, ex. cept to point out the following: (a) One early perceptive discussion is available in Srinivasan 1967:54-61. (b) The discussion by Janaki Vallabha Bhattacharyya (1978: xxiv-xxx) is methodologically faulty, although his conclusion may not be wrong, Bhattacharyya builds one conclusion on top of another without noticing that the latter may be nothing but someone's testimony and/or conjecture (sometimes amounting to nothing more than an imputed motive).
$2.le As for the author Tri-locana of the Nyāya-manjari mentioned by Vacaspati, I will offer a new conjecture in $3.5(a). At this point, let me include only a clarification and an interesting piece of information. Tri-locana is not mentioned in the verse in which Vacaspati speaks of a guru who authored the
This absence of direct, explicit naming may be due to cultural convention; f. ya d a nimeguror medikusanywa upimo negali per altra lluitar la hukm i fred. Nende prodita, Kelave-vaijayand commentary on Visou smrti, p. 03. Further, the convention might have been thought of something to be observed only as long as the guru w alive
The name Tri-vikram read in this passage by Ramaswami Sastri (1936 Introduction p. 53) seems to be an oversight.
• Synonyms of akby such as said, and, if the enumeration is not complete, adi, adya etc. may also be attested in such contexts.

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sent that author as a skillful composer. However, we should also note that there is nothing impossible or improbable in the identification to which Paramesvara-I has given expression. The name «Tri-locana», as a synonym of Siva, fits the preference for invoking Siva seen in Vacaspati's mangala verses. A Saiva family is likely to have a member named by using an epithet of Siva. The only possible conflict with the other available pieces of information about Tri-locana that I can think of is this: According to Matilal (1977: 92) and Solomon (1986: 560), Durveka-mišra (Dharmottara-pradipa, pp. 173-174) makes fun of Tri-locana with the word kārpaţika-kamnda'. Both Matilal and Solomon take this as indicating that Tri-locana belonged to the Karnataka region. Vacaspati is generally thought to have hailed from the Bihar region, in particular Mithila (Matilal 1977-95)
However, Durveka's reference too is not necessarily an obstacle in relating Vacaspati to Tri-locana as a son. After quoting a seven-line passage from Tri-locana's Nyāya-bhâsya-çikā as a pūrva-paksa, Durveka begins his response with tad etat kärpatika-karnafa-rafitam afraddheyanit dhiratd. Here, karāfa does mean 'associated with Karnāta(ka), belonging to Karnata(ka), but the reference need not be only to a person. It could equally well be to the Karnāta language", used at least in central India as an upalaksana for speech that does not make sense (of course, to a non-Karņāta speaker, mostly a northerner)". The compound expression Durveka uses can be dissolved as kirpatika-karnātasya
rasitam (as Matijal and Solomon have apparently done) or as karpatikasya kar nata-ratitam 'the unintelligible" talk of a kärpatika or beggar', but, in view of what I have pointed out in notes 9 and 13-15 and the fact that contextually no purpose would be served by a specification of Tri-locana's place of birth or res. idence, the latter dissolution seems better. A pilgrim coming from south India and speaking a language that the people living in a northern place of pilgrimage could not understand must have been a rather common experience. It could have given rise to an expression that was not to be taken literally but as mean ing speech that does not convey any meaning, senseless talk, ranting.' Malvania (Introduction p. XXXIII-XXXIV), the editor of Durveka's work, has already observed: «Durveka's use of Sanskrit idioms and illustrative arguments has made the dry philosophical treatise quite an interesting one.
However, even if karndta is taken to mean 'a person hailing from Karnāša(ka),' there is no real difficulty in accepting Tri-locana as Vacaspati's father. The family belonged to could have originally come from Karnataka). Alternatively, Tri-locana could have gone to live in Karnataka). Learned Brahmins in early medieval India seem to have moved rather freely to distant regions. Keeping such a 'migration possibility open may perhaps tie in well with what I note in $3.5b and allow us to widen our search for the ruler Nrga or Sriman-nga whom Vicaspati praises as a contemporary (see $2.7e below). Fur thermore, if Vacaspati spent at least a part of his life in the Karnataka) region, his reference implying knowledge of Sarnkarácarya's personal life (53.4) and Paramešvara-I's reference to Tri-locana as Vacaspati's father come across to us as more probable outcomes."
$2.2a Tattva-bindu beginning ahaye budhwydya namo, bradh dye namo, namo 'stu gana pataye /
The meanings of karpatika given by the dictionaries can be arranged as follows according to their probable historical sequence: 'a man in rags, in Lumpen gehüllter,' bergar, Bettler, a pilgrim, Pil ger,' ragged ascetic,'' cheater, rascal, Schelm. In addition, we get the following interesting informa tion from Rangaswami Aiyangar (1942: xxvii): «The recommendation for a pilgrim to assume the garb of
karpalika which is defined by Mitra-mudra as wearing red caste marks, Imra-mudra), a copper wri atlet, Itámra-kankapa) and a red robe kasays-vastra) was probably designed to help in the identification of pilgrims Footnote 2 at this point has: skarparusah ma k abago kay o dhinagaw (Tirtha-prakala p. 29).
A) I do not know how old or strong the evidence really is for associating Vicaspati with eastem India A thorough investigation of what has been commonly held seems necessary. However, in view of the fact that many authors carrying the after their personal name or pen name are recorded to have come from eastern Uttar Pradesh, Bihar etc., the tradition about Vacaspali's geographical affiliation that has developed among the students of Indian philosophy has a good chance of being correct
(b) If mitre was entirely an honorific in Vacaspati's time or region, it is possible that he received it while his father did not
The dictionaries record enough occurrences establishing that both hard and karu can express the sense'associated with Karpata. The word need not have a long vowel in its first syllable to express addhita meaning
Whether this language would be related specifically or exclusively to the language we a present refer to with the word Kannada need not be considered here.
Dla) Usages based on kindla bolane and lanadila dogane are frequently heard in Marathi even today, co mikiye kinadi boleto abe ko Am I talking in Kannada, meaning 'Am I saying something that does not make sense to you."
(b) The words dnimile, dinimida, dndwide etc. may also have such an idiomatic connotation for nor ther speakers and authors in certain contexts. Asanga, Bodhisattva bhumi p. 48 (Dutt en p. 69 of Wogihara ednk ayakkab labdab yesianbo na ratetadatba donde m e dy
naspat-fuko-farbokile
din I am grateful to Dr. Mudagamuwe Maithrimurthi for this reference.
c) If my guem about the idiomatic usage is correct then Durveke-mitra has preserved for us a veluable piece of evidence regarding the age of linguistic prejudice arising out of ignorance.
# Contextually, this would have the further sense 'senseless, illogical
Here, the notion began could have the specific connotation one who has come from a long distance, in ragi, with no money to speak of left with him.'
# Nose wire in Durveko mitra's name, suggesting a possible association with the eastem part of northern India such as eastern Uttar Pradesh or Bihar.
17 It is not the case that these references are implausible on the background of what we present assume about Vicaspati's personal life. Vicaspati could have heard about Sankara even in the distant Mithila Sankara had already attained fame as a saint, and Parametere I could have known Vicas ti's personal history at the distant village of Porkulam if his family had specialized in darlana sudy for generations and if Vkapati's father had been a philosopher with original works to his credit. But Vic spati's being nearer to Kerala, the region to which Sahkan and Parametere I belonged, makes the currence of the references seem all the more natural

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aryayai bbdratyai namo, namo vistara-fravase // Tattva-bindu conclusion: tattua-bindu.paramarsa.pusfandne buddhi-virudhah / pákyrtha-dbi-sumanasab puruşartha-phalapradah //1/1 páky ribemitaye puntsante bbrama-santamasacchida/ induneuland märgo darsitas tatua-bindund //2//
such expressions as Udayana's vāk-cetasoh in the prologue of his Nyāyavårttika-tātparya-çika-parifuddhi.
Although Parameśvara-I does not mention Vacaspati as the author of the verse, he is unlikely to have anyone else in mind. In reading the thought padartha-na na-rūpe) vedartha-jñāne bi nyaya-vistaropayogab. vákyrtha-ridnarape puruşartha-ridne mimdsopayogah in Vacaspati's Nyāya-kaniki verse, one would expect him to appeal primarily to what he viewed as Vacaspati's statement elsewhere. Secondly, the citation presupposes knowledge of Tattva-bindu as a proper name standing for a specific text.
$2.26 The first verse indicates the extent to which Vacaspati could naturally go in his choice of deities to worship (cf. verse 4 of the Bhämati prologue). Although his greater inclination is toward Siva and Siva's family, probably along with the Sun, he is, as observed in $2.1b, a religious liberal, in keeping with his acceptance of Advaita.
$2.2d The second epilogue verse of the Tattva-bindu has affinity of imagery with the verse found at the end of some Tattva-kaumudi mss, about the authenticity of which I will express some doubt in $25b. However, as the metaphor of moon or moonlight naturally suggests itself in the case of the
Tattva-kaumudi ("Moonlight of/on reality') and as the metaphor is very common (in fact, overused), the affinity does not have much value as a piece of evidence for higher textual criticism. Unfortunately, as mentioned above, Paramešvara-II's commentary on the last few sections of the Tattva-bindu does not seem to have been preserved. If we had access to a commentary, we would have been in a better position to judge the genuineness of the verse.
$2.2c The presence of two verses at the end indirectly praising the author's achievement is somewhat unexpected, but it can be said to have a parallel in verses 1 and 2 of the Bhämati epilogue.
The extended creeper or vine metaphor in the first agrees with Vacaspati's use of it elsewhere ($2.4a epilogue verse 3) and with the similarly developed 'tree' metaphor in $2.la verse 3.
A variant reading of the first two quarters in the same verse is recorded in Biardeau's edn as coming from a ms written in Banaras and preserved at the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Pune. This reading is: tattwa. bindu.paramsa pusta wag-buddhi-virudhah. Since we do not have Parames. vara-II's commentary on the last parts of the Tattva-bindu available", we cannot determine how he read and interpreted the verse. However, I learn from Dr. Stern that Paramesvara-I cites the verse as follows while commenting on the opening part of the Nyaya-kanikā in his Svaditam karani: wede-taror bi nyaya-Sastrant puspart, minded phalan. padartha-jrid (na-rapel (6b)" vedantharidne bi nyaya-vistaropayogah. vakartharina-rape purustajridne mimantusopayogah. yathoktam. tattw-bindu-pardmarla pused wg-buddbi-viru. dbah / padartha-di-sumanasah puruşartha-pbalapradah II. Although this reading of Parameśvara-I is not identical with the variant noted in Biardeau's edn it does lend indirect support to that reading. Thus, tattua-bindu-paraImarfa.pusta wig buddhi-virudhah may be preferred as a reading supported fully by a fourteenth-century commentator from the south and partly by a northern ms. Its joint reference to vāc and buddhi is paralleled by
$2.3a Nyāya-suci-nibandha beginning: namami dharma-vijana-vairagrafuara-saline / nidhaye våg-vifuddhinam aksa-padāya tāyine //// aksa-pada-pranitānām sätraņām sāra-bodhikt / fri-vdcaspati-misrena mayd sad vidhasyate 1/2// Nyaya-sūci-nibandha conclusion: yad alambbi kim-api punyaris dustara-kunibandha-parka-magnândm fri-gantama-sagavind me atijaratinānis samuddbaranat /1// sansara-jaladhi-setan urfa-ketas sakala-dubkba-fama-betas / etasya phalam akhilam arpitam. etena priyatam ifah //2// wyda-sad-nibandho 'sav akari sudbryant mude/ fri-vicaspati-mifrena wasvan ka-vasu-vatsare 1/3// See $3.1-2 below.
$2.4a Nyāya-värttika-tātparya-tika beginning: vift-wyāpi visva-saktib pinaki
"The editor V.A. Ramaswami Sastri could not get any ms containing the explanation of these parts.
The notation wóbw marks the beginning of the second side of folio 6. The three syllables prece ding it are conjecture of Dr. Stern
Some edns of the Nydya vinttika tatparya-ka, where also this verse occurs, print the metrically faulty and contextually incongruent tasya in lieu of etarye (note nena which follows).

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Sri-vācaspati-misraami krti stat tattua-kaumudi //
vifvesano višvakrd vifua martih / vifua.ridtā visua-sandra-käri visvärddbyo radhayatv ibitan nah //1// [Verse 2 same as $2.3a, Nyāya-sūcl-nibandha beginning, verse 1] grantha-vyakhya-ccbalenaina nirestakhila-dasana/ nydya-wirttika-lasparya-fiksmabbir vidhäsyate 1/3// icchami kim-api punyam ... (the rest as in $2.3a, Nyāya-sūcī-nibandha conclusion, verse l'ab') / uddyotakara-gavinam... (the rest as in $2.3a Nyāya-scinibandha conclusion
verse l'cd'] 11411
Nyaya-värttika-tātparya-tīkā conclusion: [Verse l'ab' same as $2.3a, Nyaya-sūcl-nibandha conclusion verse, l'ab') / uddyotakara-gavinam... (the rest as in $2.3a, Nyaya-sūcl-nibandha conclusion, verse l'cd') //1/1 [Verse 2 same as $2.3a, Nyāya-suci-nibandha conclusion, verse 2] tattwa-jildna-prasata surabbir gudha-babwartha-jata seyanir mokesāmestamaya-pbald siktimariju-pravala / pratyasprāgamamaya-maba-nyaya mala manojia fikd-wirud bhawatu krtinant nandini sat-padanam 1/3// krürüh, kpto 'rijalir ayam, balir era dattah kayo mayd. prabaraldira yathabbilasam / abbyartbaye, vitatha-drimaya-pantofu-varsair ma māvili-kurula kirti-nadih parejām //4/1 See $3.1-2 below.
$2.56 The Tattva-kaumudi's current epilogue verse is not, on the criteria of textual criticism, in as strong a position as Vacaspati's other epilogue verses. We learn from Srinivasan (1967: 9-17, 179), that it is missing in the usually reliable Grantha manuscript. However, since a considerable portion of the text is lost before the verse in the Grantha manuscript, the absence of the verse cannot be taken as evidence to the effect that the verse was always missing in the Grantha line of Tattva-kaumudi transmission. But note that the verse is found written after the colophon sentence, iti Sti-vacaspati-wifra-viracitd sänkeby-saptati-riki samăpta, in the generally superior Malayalam manuscript and before a section colophon in a Saradams not utilized by Srinivasan. This indicates uncertainty as to the exact location of the verse and a strong probability of its originally having been an addition appearing after the colophon iti fri-vdcaspati mitra-viracita....
The verse is also different in its content from the other verses collected here. It speaks in a third person voice and employs the honorific plural mišrana in speaking of Vācaspati. The other prologue and epilogue verses of Vacaspati have something personal about them, including first person expression. Only the Tattva-bindu verses in $2.2a constitute an exception
$2.5. Tattva-kaumudi beginning: ajane ekarie Lobita-fakla-krsnanie babvih prajā sejamānanie namdmah / ajd, ye tanir jusamänänh bhajante jahaty endne bhukta-bhogani, numas tan //1// kapilaya maba-munaye, munaye fasyaya tasya căsuraye / panica-Sikhaya tatbesvara-krsmāyaite namasyamah 1/2/1 Tattva-kaumudi conclusion: mandmesi kumudāniu bodhayanti satan sada /
(m) Srinivasan (1967: 22) observes that the Granthame and Malayalam ms he used represent largely independent lines of text transmission. This gives them a value comparable to that of versions or recensions in reflecting the history of the text (I use the word comparable because Srinivasan thinks that the method of constructing a stemma codicum is inapplicable to his mss.) Further, on p. 23, we learn from Srinivasan that the Grantha ms and the Malayalam ms give him distinctive primary or origi nal readings which justifies their inclusion in the reconstruction of the Turvakaumudi text. I take this as evidence of the greater reliability, on the whole of the Grantha and Malayalam transmissions of the Tattvakaumud
(b) Incidentally, the text of Srinivasan's note 20 [boldface type in the original) on p. 179 which reads S. Noten 2, 16w should read S Noten 72, 16 or S 52.72.16
# This meis Mo 1 71 of the Universität Bibliothek s Gottingen. It is described under no. 1999 on p. 192 of Versichnis der Orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland, Band 114 (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1975). In it, we see the following sequence: (a) mass . (b) dicaspati-sitecity tattw.kaumudyan saptantum abrukan (
d iri-capalmifresi (sic) a kawa mdp. (d) (a verse the first half of which I do not entirely understand:) anti-dlab I ni-melab? Sanyag wibutant specintay / ewimbajando parbyani te hanty atmo-gbatinab // Carrying the text of Vicaspati's commentary divided into thnikas, this ms agrees in general with the Siradāms from Baroda used by Srinivasan. Its evidence suggests the possibility that even in the Baroda ma the sequence I have shown here with (a)- exists, althouth Srinivasan has not to reported. The Barodams too has some text matter related to a (Tutva-semisalut after the final colophon, but not (d), it seems id. SRINIVASAN 1967:12).
Many more mus of the Tattvakaumud than the ones used by Srinivasan are mentioned in me catalogues (Srinivasan's purpose was limited, it was not exactly to prepare a full-scale critical edin). However, relatively few catalogues give the beginnings and conclusions of mss. Here I have to confine myself, first, to the catalogues that are immediately accessible and secondly, to such among accessible Catalogues as reproduce the ms beginnings and condusion
Srinivasan (196768) reeds met which is a very rare misprint or oversight in his (meti culously executed edn. I say this for three reasons: (a) The viatge is not dropped as it should be in view of the following voiced consonant. (b) Every other edin I have been able to consult reads , while Srinivasan does not record that reading even as a variant. (e) The meaning would be contestually quite inappropriate. There is no reason I can think of why Vacaspati would say here that he is creating much prac
The reading madania celana is also attested in some foss and edins.

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to this statement, but they too are not written in a third person voice. They simply express a wish about Vacaspati's work.
Moreover, as indicated in 52.2c-d, some doubt may justifiably be enter tained about the authenticity of at least the second laudatory verse at the end of the Tattva-bindu, which is similar in tone to the verse under study. In view of all these considerations and the information recorded in note 28a, I consider it highly probable that the real author of manāmsi ... is a student of Vilcaspati's.
$2.68 Tattva-vaisāradi (see note 27c) beginning: namāmi jagad-utpatti-betave ursa-ketave / klesa-karma-vipakadi-rabitaya bitaya ca 1/1/1 nati patanjalim psime veda-vyāsena bhasite/ sanksipta-spasta-babvartha bhāsye vyakbya vid basyale 1/2/1
Tattva-vaisäradi con midananir tāpanām uditam atba tapas ca karhitdb. sahangair astābbir vihitam iba yoga-duayam api / kerto mukter adbud guna purusa-bhedah spbuataro viviktan kaivalyan, parigalita-täpă citir asam //
vivarta yasyaite vryad-anila-tejob-avanayah / yatas cabbad vifunt caram acaramuccdecan idam namāmas tad braubmaparimita-sukha-riānane amptan //1// nisvasitam asya veda, vikesitame etasya parica bbadni/ smitam etasya cardcaram, asya ca suptan mahd-pralayah 7/2/1 sadbir antgair upetāya vividhair avyayair api/ safvaldya namas-kurmo vedāya ca bhavaya a 1/3// mārtanda-tilaka-suami-maba-gana-patin vayam / visma-vandyan namasydmah sarva-siddhi-vidhāyinah//4// brahma-sätra-kpte tasmai veda-vyāsāya vedbase/ jñana-sakry.cpataraya namo bhagavato bareb//5// nată vifuddha-urjänan Samkaram karuna-nidhim/ bbasyaris prasanna-gambbirant tat-pranita vibhayale 1/6// [Verse 7 same as $2.1a, Nyāya-kaņikā beginning, verse 4. See $3.3-4] Bhamati conclusion: bbankrud vidy-asurendra-vindam akbilāvidyopadhandrigante yenindya.payo-nidber naya-matba brahmamptant prapyute/ so 'yanis sarkara-bhasya-jāta-visayo vdcaspateh sadaran sanidarbhah paribhavyata, sumatayah, surtbe ko matsarah //1// ajridna-sdgarant firta brahma-lattvam abhipsatam/ niti-nau-karmadbarena mayāpāri manorathah 1/2/1 yan wydya-kanika-tattwa-samīksā-tattua-bindubbih / yan wydy-sdkbya-yoganän vedantanath Nibandhanaiba 1/3//
$2.6b For the first verse of the Tattva-vaišāradi prologue, see $2.1a, verses 1-2, and $2.1b above.
In a so-far unpublished lecture text that I hope to be able to publish before long. I have suggested that veda-uyasena of verse 2 is probably a corruption of vindbya-pasena.
Regarding the last verse, one could say that it is really not a typical epilogue verse, because it does not express an auspicious thought or tell us any. thing about when or where the work was completed. It has the appearance of a sangraha-karikā summarizing the entire (Yoga-sútra and) Yoga-bhäşya26 However, one could also hold that the verse is indeed an epilogue verse, despite the feature identified, because its intent is auspicious in that it gives varied expression to, that is, highlights, the state of being free from worldly afflic. tions.
() Occasionally, the Nyly sc nibandha is mentioned the referent of the nibandhana in Nykya that Vicaspati mentions here. However, the discussion in 32 should establish that the composi tion intended by Vacaspati must be the Nykya-virttika-citaryck, because of which he has secured a place of prominence in the Nyaya as well as other traditions of Indian philosophy. . Amalananda p. 1021:
w ye mibandbojo-driks-airpers-old
(b) What Lakamin ittiha (p. 949) says while explaining the present verse half is unlikely to be hi Morically accurate, but it should be noted because it does not seem to have been noted in the secondary Literature on Vacaspati and because it may help in determining Lakamf-ne-sirtha's regional affiliation: skby windheng bali-dw.kpdryd-saplati-odbyd. My Makamuditi nama petajale-bhe * y keli patrijalarga yoga-Sastrasya yad bipante pedo-codsaktan tarye il latte-fredy ndmety ar ihab. Here, the Aryl-saptati, obviously the same work as the Sathya-karikas, is attributed to Kali-disa, but the attribution of the Sankhya-karikas to Isvars-krson is also attested, in fact, better attested. One way to get out of the difficulty then would be to conclude that Ivar Krsoa and Kalidasa were two names of the same person. Meinkar (1962, 1972: Introduction pp. 30-31) has, in fact, argued for such an identification, albeit not on the basis of Laksmi-ne-
s he's remark but of a few other commentators in other branches of Sanskrit literature. His thesis does not appear plausible, but the available evidence may help us in determining the regional affiliations of the commentators concerned. The view expressed by Kane (1962: Introduction pp. 42-43) about the place of residence of one such commentator, Ghana Syima, is based on direct and dear evidence, while the view expressed by Subrahmanya Sestri (1955: Xxx ) about Laksmi-n sinha's province mounts to nothing more than a good guess. The region in which the belief that Ka disa wrote the Sinkhya-kärikis was current in some cirdes seems to be that part of south India which stretches diagonally from a place like Paithan to Tanjore.
led The title Tattoo-drade attested in Amalananda's and Laksma sitha's glosses should be no
$2.7a Bhāmati beginning: anirvacyāvidya-duvitaya-sacivasya prabhavato
* In the Tarvavadarede, Vicapai has adopted the practice of writing a warsha-loka at the end of each pida. There is such loka for the fourth and the last pada immediately before the verse we are discussing. Therefore, the verse can be a sagraha-kärki only with respect to all the four pidas ta ken together. Its content also indicates the same.

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based on the samudra-mathana or 'churning of the ocean' myth utilized in the verse.
samacaisan mabat punyari tal-pbalan puşkalan maya / Samarpitam, atbaitena priyatan parameswarah//4// nrpantardnare manasāpy agamyām bbra-kesepa.mdtrena cakra kirtim / kartaswardsdra-smpäritärtbi-sartha svayarit fästra-vicaksanas ca //5// narefvard yac caritanukāram icchanti kartunit, na ca părayanti / tasmin mahipe mahaniya-kirtau friman-nege 'kari maya nibandhah //6/8
$2.76 In the first verse of the epilogue here, a wrong reading (originally probably a misprint), waya.path, has been printed in the Bhimati edns for a long time. It has been a case of one editor blindly following another. Amalananda's Kalpa-taru presupposes the reading adopted here and clarifies it: fruti-lingadi-rydya-rapa-mantbatbl. tena. Lakşmi-nr-sinha's Abhoga introduces this clarification with naya-rūpam mantānam eva darśayati. Reference to a churn. ing rod, matbin, is what we expect in the context of the extended metaphor
$2.7c Another wrong reading, which has behind it the respectability that time bestows, is current in the case of verse 5. It is tartha-são. Having come across the alliterative expression artbi-sartha in some Sanskrit verse which I cannot recall now, I read fartha-são as "tartbi-sd and translated arthi-sartha as "hosts of supplicants' instinctively. Subsequently, I encountered the following comment of Amalānanda (13th century) and had second thoughts about my understanding: kārtasvaram suvarnan. tasyāsāro 'navarata-varşanam. tena supürito 'rthah kanksito (any qualificand? read kankşito'rtbahor kankşitar as a noun?) yasya sārthasya jana-samūhasya (?) sa tatbety eko babu-vribih. tatbavidhah sārtho yasya praktatvena [?] varlate sa nrgas tatbety aparah. A careful consideration of Amalānanda's comment, however, convinced me that what he was doing was to give the best possible explanation he could, on the strength of the context, of a bad reading. He was following the 'sthitasya gatis cintaniya' principle of Sanskrit commentators. He takes kartasvardsdra-suparildtbah as a bahu-vrīhi embedded in a larger bahu-vrīhi ending in tartba-särtbah. This is possible as far as the word forms go, but it forces him to assign to särtba 'host, caravan' the unattested general meaning jana-samūha 'subjects, citizenry' and to connect the action of filling conveyed by supürita with artba understood in an abstract sense, rather than with the physical entity that särtha signifies. On the other hand, kārtasvarāsārena supüritah arthi-särtbah yena gives us a contextually appropriate meaning (by whom the multitude of supplicants is wellfilled with a shower / showers of gold') in a straightforward way. This reaction
ted. It seems more appropriate than Tattoofaradi and fats the pentamorale pattern seen in the second parts of Tartu-samilesã and Tartu-estudi (and perhaps Bhamalt, as the title of a prakaraa, Tartw bindu could be an exception). However, a decision regarding whether Saradt should be preferred to di fáradt can be made only after a critical consultation of manuscripts.
**(a) In addition, we have the following verses at the beginning of the Bhämation the fourth adhyaya: näbbyarbyd iba santab swayant prasyitd, na celare sakyab/ matsara pitta Nibandhanawacikisyan erocabante ed //1// Larke samprari mirilankan adund suddy-soukhyan abant Hendrab sandra-tapab stbites karbant spy udvegam abbyepati/ Yad daarbitrarmata mid-webra-mara-spoutad. vedanidba-wiveka- cita-bhavab sparge 'py and abspphab 1/2//
Of these, the second verse is known for a long time as the composition of Santana added to the Bhimad text. Santana is said to be a disciple of Vicaspati; cf. Amalānanda: acårdsyd fisyah sanitare ndmed tat-kertainer stutin tal-priyarban prabandhan dropayari
Appaya-diksita, the earlier commentator of Amalinanda, does not indicate awareness of either verse. Laksmi-ng-simha, author of the later Abhoga, indicates awareness only of the first verse. These facts, however, cannot be taken as indications of inauthenticity. Appaya-díksita does not comment on incidental verses and simple parts of the Bhamat. Laksmi-nc-sithha too might not have seen any need to add to Amalananda's words. It could also have been his policy to restrict himself to writings that had a direct or indirect bearing on Vacaspaci's own words.
However, one problem in interpreting Amalananda's statement does not so far seem to have been noticed. If he had written www.krdwestutim, we would have unambiguously understood Santana to be the author of the culogy verse. As it is, the sentence can mean that Vacaspati wrote aboustful verse (but decided not to include it in his work himself) and Sanātana, to please him, inserted it into the text. This would present Vacaspati either as a man of low moral standards the did not mind if someone else did the dishonorable thing for him) or as a man too easy to please. It is unlikely that Amalananda would want his readers to understand things this way, especially after he has referred to Vicaspati as icya and when his respect for Vacaspati is evident. The likely intention of his remark, therefore, seems to be this: Sanatana wrote a verse in praise of his teacher. He put it in the Bhamar ma to please his teacher (maybe, while he was making the final draft, the press copy of those days). The teacher, not to hurt the student's feelings, decided to let it stand.
(b) The employment of both samprati and adbund in Santana's verse can be accounted for by to king samprati with Andra-tapab sitesi (us Amalānanda does) or lonke and adbund with wahan, but it would have been better if he had employed only one of the two words meaning 'now'
(c) See $3.5b, d-e below for possible implications of the two verses.
I wonder if the original reading here was krtice, with prakrti referring to a ruler's subjects or to his kośa prakti, the treasury that figures in the Antha-Sastra enumeration of seven praktis. Sankaranarayanan's (1985:35) translation of Vicaspati's expression kärsuantida - seems to presuppose such an emendation in Amalananda's commentary. It runs thus the desires of whose subjects are fulfilled by the incessant rain of goldbe.
w This, I think, is a very sensible principle to follow when an interpreter cannot collect manu scripts belonging to different regions and representing various versions or recensions. We should be gra teful to Sanskrit commentators that they generally did not take liberties with the inherited readings in problematic situations and thus obliterate the historical evidence. To avail oneself of such liberties would not only have been a display of overconfidence in one's knowledge and abilities, it would have been ultimately less beneficial to the generations to come. The commentators' strategy of interpreting
around the reading on the strength of the context was modest and safer and, in many cases, It offered the same results as methodologically sound emendations of texts would have. It had scope for giving the contextually expected meaning, based on the thinking of an informed and expert reader, without causing damage to the lines of text transmission. All that the commentator had to do was to add a few words of his own and provide a bridge linking the actual words of the commentandum to the contextually anticipated meaning
(b) I owe the expression stbitasya garif cintanyl to my pandit teachers. I do not know if it occurs exactly in that form in any commentary. Alternative expressions like sbite tvelar for sthitespetat) samar baraw are possible. They refer to problematic situations created by readings as well as ideas.

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of mine was unexpectedly supported by the information I later read in Sankaranarayanan 1985:48: «Lakşmi-nr-simha refers to the existence of the alternative reading kārtasvardsdra-supüritarthi-särtbah meaning 'He, the desires of the multitude of whose petitioners are fulfilled by the showers of gold. The expression artha-särtha can be looked upon as a lectio difficilior and deserves to be considered seriously, but experience teaches us that we cannot always accept a reading simply because it is a lectio difficilior. In a case in which we have reason to believe that an alternative form has been used elsewhere (and I am sure that arthi-sārtha has been used more than once), has probably become an idiom because of its striking nature (due to alliteration etc.), is likely to have developed association with a particular context (in this case, supplicants going to a rich person) and does not appear to have been someone's emendation, we cannot set aside the alternative form just because it gives a contextually appropriate sense in a straightforward manner. Its claim for acceptance is then at least as strong as that of a lectio difficilior.
cording to the canons of textual criticism, it should not be replaced unless it is evidently incongruent with many other reliable indications in the evidence. Such is not the case. Therefore, we should retain nrge as the reading and con tinue our efforts to identify the ruler Nrga meant by Vācaspati. That the deci phered epigraphs do not mention Nrga as a king or ruler is not sufficient justification for abandoning the reading. The epigraphs (or any documents for that matter) do not constitute the complete record of history - even of political or dynastic history. The very unusualness of the name Nrga holds the promise of enabling us one day to determine Vācaspati's time and domicile (at least for a part of his life) with certainty. Furthermore, the large number of ad-hoc assumptions (including the identity of Vācaspati-II with the VacaspatiI of our present study: see Aklujkar 1998) and arbitrary textual changes Sankara narayanan (1985:53.59) must introduce in order to make his emendation con form to the available evidence tells us that his emendation is not the solution to the problem that has confronted him as it did the earlier students of Vacaspati's works.
$2.7d In the same verse 5, Sankaranarayanan (1985: 34 fn 1) emends Oksanas ca toksano yah. For proper syntactic relating of the words, forms of the relative pronoun are needed. I too, at first, found their non-employment in the verse strange. However, since they are absent in the case of all the three propositions regarding Nrga contained in the verse, any emendation made to satisfy our expectation will need three forms, will disrupt the metre and will be quite drastic. Therefore, we should accept the verse as it is. Vacaspati could have thought that the context was sufficiently clear for the readers to be able to sup. ply yaḥ in the three propositions.
$3.1 It will be evident from $2.3a, S2.4a and $2.7a above that Vācaspati could have 'recycled' some of his verses. To do so is no dishonour, at least in the second half of first millenium A.D. to which Vācaspati belonged. The poet Bhava-bhuti (ca. 7th century A.D.) is seen re-using his verses in plays, occasion ally by adopting the device of üha or partial substitution. If this could be done in poetic literature, in which novelty of expression is prized and is explicitly expected by theoreticians, it could certainly be done in Sastra without bringing disrepute onto oneself. The sāstrakāras in practically all areas seem to have seen nothing wrong even in adapting the verses of others (e.g., Bhämaha Dandin'in poetics, 'Kumarild Sänta-rakṣita' in philosophy, several Smrti authors in Dharma-sästra). Doing so was not a matter of inability but purely of conve. nience (and occasionally of being able to score points in debate through sarcasm). Vācaspati, after all, was only using his own products again.
However, if one looks at the situation more carefully, one notices that re
$2.7e Sankaranarayanan (1985: 45-61; 1997: 136 note 1) suggests that, in verse 6, we should read nrpe in the place of nrge and take mahipa as standing for the proper name Mahi Pala, so that a determination of Vacaspati's date that conforms to the statements made by and about Vācaspati can be obtained. In my view, such an emendation should not be introduced. The reading nrge is attested in more than one place in the Bhāmati and also in the mss of commen taries that are 6-7 centuries old, as noted by Sankaranarayanan himself. Ac.
Toward the completion of this article I had access to the edn of Laksmf-nr-simha's work and I could confirm Sankaranarayanan's helpful reference. The Abhoga on Amalānanda's Kalpa-taru reads on p. 949: tatranthi-sarther pibent kartatoardsdrena supüritab artinant srtho yanyerererer pastarudd ape kp4, www.draw ardhe dhe parbant bylaaste kartasyaraw di ( warety").
These propositions are 'Nega obtained such fame with the mere movement of his brows other kings were not able to reach even in their imagination', 'hosts of supplicants have been fully sati sfied by Nga through showers of gold', and 'Nega is himself a judge of tāstras
>> ) In addition to the epilogue, Vacaspati mentions Noga while commenting on the Bhiss of
2.1.3); we aldydpi ne dryante mirevinirmisani mahaprasada primadowadni frlmanna-narendal
(+ pidid? honorific plural) anyesant mangsapidusandal marefund. At the same place, Amalananda informs us that Nega is the king who honoured Vacaspati Adryan yo mabi-pati mabaydı cakedralaya de PES ). The editors of neither Vicaspaci's text nor Amalananda's indicate any uncertainty about the wig constituent of the sentence. Besides, aga is in prose here. Vicaspati cannot be said to have modified the name for the sake of the metre or to have given us a synonymous expression for a proper name (as Sanskrit poets and versifiers sometimes do).
(b) While commenting on Amalinanda's sentence quoted in (a), Laksmi-ne-simha reads matrin the place of mabaydint. He explains that reading as follows: mahab
p r ilayendiyeli vigrabe, aria-dder ki gonad se pratyny, Malaw.pratyayabanena mabigatindaryo-wap-wise wil krip - wall pai penn kenapi na krety abbate-lad-
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currence is not a common phenomenon in Vācaspati's prologue and epilogue verses. More importantly, there are other explanations, at least as plausible as the 'ethos' explanation given just now, for the recurrence.
The completion of the former took place before or very close to vatsara 898 in which the Nylya-suci-nibandha is said to have been finished.
$3.2 The Nyaya-suci-nibandha is hardly a work for which Vacaspati would have claimed authorship in the usual sense of the term. In presenting it, he was simply rendering service to the field, essentially not different from the service we render through editing of mss or publication of bibliographies. Although scholars (e.g. Sankaranarayanan 1997:116-118, following several other students of Vācaspati's works) have placed the Nyāya-suci-nibandha before the Nyāyavärttika-tātparya-tika in the chronological order of his works, it is more likely that the Nyāya-sūci-nibandha was a by-product of the study Vacaspati undertook to prepare himself for writing the Nyaya-värttika-tātparya-tika and of the notes he must have made while he was writing the Nyaya-värttika-tatparyatika. Hence, his adaptation of essentially the same prologue and epilogue and his addition of two simple anusubh verses giving only the practical information about the composition of the Nyāya-sūci-nibandha make eminent sense.
To determine that Vācaspati presented the Nyaya-sūcl-nibandha to the scholarly world after completing or essentially completing the final text of the Nyaya-värttika-tātparya-tīkā, we do not have to go by common sense alone. The verses icchami ... and yad alambbi ... contain indications to that effect. When they occur in the Nyāya-värttika-tātparya-tika, the word uddyotakara fits the metre naturally. When one of them occurs in the Nyaya-suci-nibandha, the padding prefix su is needed".
Thus, one gain of our study of Vācaspati's introductory and concluding verses is that we can adjust our chronology of Vacaspati's works to reflect the more plausible 'Nyaya-värttika-tātparya-ţika Nyaya-suci-nibandha' order.
$3.3 The other case of redeployment is found in $2.la and $2.7a. Verse 4 of the Nyaya-kanika prologue is identical with the last verse in the prologue of the Bhamatt: dcdrya-kerti-nivefanam apy avadhatant vaco 'smadddin /rathyodalam iva ganga-praudba-patah pavitrayati //. One way of looking at the recur. rence would be that Vācaspati, for some reason, wanted the prologue of his last work to end like the prologue of his first work. However, given the absence of a similar parallelism in the epilogue (the Nyāya-kanikā does not seem to have had one; the Bhämati has a quite long and specific one), I do not see much benefit in pursuing this possibility.
The alternative of imagining that acārya-kerti- ... is a later addition to the Nyāya-kanika prologue is not open to us, even though there is room to raise suspicion about the authenticity and necessity of the first verse of that prologue (S2.1b). Vācaspati has implicitly or explicitly expressed respect for the authors of the commentanda whenever he has appeared in the role of a commentator. Not having a verse in praise of Mandana before he begins to comment on the Vidhi-viveka would be very odd. The commentator Parameśvara-I, too, comments on the verse and attests to the fact that the verse has been in the Nyāyakanikā mss for at least 600 years.
Is it, then, possible that dcdrya-kerti-... is an interpolation in the Bhāmati? It is not as badly needed in the Bhamati as it is in the Nyaya-kanika. There is a verse before it (natvā vifuddha-vijñānam Samkaran karunanidhim / bbāsyam prasanna-gambbirami tal-pranitant vibbajyate // which adequately meets the expectation created by Vācaspati's (and others' practice of expressing respect for the author of the commentandum. Secondly. Amalananda does not gloss acarya-kerti ... (and natva ... Akhandānanda glosses both).
These considerations are relevant and valid. However, it would be hasty to assign a visitor' status to the verse in question on their basis. We should not conclude on the basis of absences alone (absence of the need for a second homage and absence of explicit recognition by Amalananda). The verse does not conflict with any other detail in the prologues or epilogues or with any other statement made by or about Vacaspati. We should wait until we find out if there is truly objective support for declaring it an interpolation. Only a critical edition of the Bhamat (which, to my knowledge, has so far not been published) or availability of some other old commentaries will help us in settling the issue, it seems.
M (a) Srinivasan (1967:61-63) comes close to stating the points I state here but with the intention of doubting Vacaspati's authorship of the Nyaya-suc-nibandha. I think the work can be and should be wscribed to Vacaspati even if a difference of readings was discovered between its sutra-patha and the sotras cited in the Nyaya vårttika-tåtparya-lika. In writing the latter, Vacaspati could have abide by the 'sthitasya gatis cintanya' convention I discuss in note 30. He could have followed the readings found in Uddyotakara's work or tradition.
(b) That Amalananda, while glossing Bhamati epilogue verse ), identifies Vacaspati's nihunchana in Nyiya with the Nyaya vinttika-tātparya-ka, not with the Nyaya süc nibandha, could be due to his awareness that the latter is not Vacaspali's work in the usual sense of the term. His gloss need not imply that Vacaspati did not work for the Nyaya-sac-nibandha.
The verses contain a metaphor made possible by paranomasia Unless go is taken both as 'cow' and speech, statement, discourse,' pake and seruddhawa do nos deliver their full meanings. It is unli. kely to be the case that the intention was to suggest that only good cows vil sinking in mud or murchland should be rescued.
I will stay away here from the debate regarding whether altare refers to the Sativat era or the Saka era.

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$3.4 If Vācaspati has indeed redeployed the verse, the redeployment could be indicative of a significant feature of his life as a philosopher or of an important development in it. The reflection of reverence in dcărya-koti- ... is unlike any other expression of reverence we find for temporally distant authors in Va. caspati's prologues. It has a tone of humility and submission which is found only in the verse ajñana-timira-famanin etc. that he has written in reference to his guru (and most probably father; cf. $2.1e)". Thus, it is very likely that Man. dana and Samkara touched him in some personal way in addition to the intellectual way in which they engaged his mind. While it does not seem plausible that he knew them through a direct personal encounter, he very much seems to have felt personally close to them, definitely in terms of the views they put forward and probably in terms of the kind of lives they led. It is likely (a) that he had information that they both led extraordinarily dedicated scholarly or spiri. tual lives and (b) that he trusted that information. While this cannot be con vincingly proved, especially in the case of Mandana, Vacaspati's references to Sarnkara with the adjectives vifuddha-vijñāna and karunanidhi, particularly the latter, would be hard to account for unless it is presumed that a very positive image of Sarkara's life had registered itself on Vācaspati's mind. Thus, when Vācaspati transfers to Sarkara's bhāşya the tribute he had written for Man. dana's Vidhi-viveka, he is very probably telling his readers that they should view him as having the same respect for both Mandana and Sankara - as one who, in Advaita, will reconcile the views of both without finding fault with ei. ther". Another possibility which I consider less likely, given Vācaspati's total personality as a writer, is that his re-application of the tribute to Sarkara is to be viewed as a signal to his readers to the effect that a change has taken place in his attitude toward Mandana.
(cf. Thakur 1948, Solomon 1986). Vācaspati was obviously so close and so much indebted to him that he has paid him homage even in the context of a Mi. mänsä work, namely the Nyāya-kanikā. Yet, Vacaspati is silent about him in the prologues of later works, including that of the Nyāya-värttika-titparya-tika, a work in the Nyaya system, although he remembers him once in the body of the work directly and probably many times implicitly as the association of Trilocana with several significant views in Nyaya by Udayana, Jñana-fri-mitra, Ratna-kirti etc. indicates. This situation suggests that Tri-locana was no longer there to receive Vacaspati's expression of gratitude when Vācaspati's later works such as the Tattva-bindu were composed. The death of Tri-locana must have occurred not long after the Nyāya-kanika was composed.
(b) The references to attempts to spoil Vacaspati's good name appear in a proportionately large number of verses: (i) Nyaya-virttikatātparya-ţikā: krurah, kpto 'rjalir ayan, balir esa dattah kdyo mayd. prabaratitra yarbabbilasam / abbyartbaye, vitatha-värmaya-parfu-varşair ma mävili-kurula kirti-nadih pare. sdm // (ii) Bhämati: ... svārtbesu ko matsarah. In addition, we have the following verse, bearing the stamp of Vacaspati's style, at the beginning of the Bhamation the fourth adhyāya: nabbyartbya iba santah svayani pravpttd, na cetare Sakyah / matsara-pitta nibandhanam acikitsyarh arocakar yeşām // Possibly to be added to these passages is the verse spbutábbidbeyd ... in note 2, if it indeed comes from the Tattva-samīkņā as I have conjectured. The number of these statements, as well as the strong tone of two of them, gives the impression that a personal hurt is being expressed and that the author has faced hostile reactions, entirely undeserved in his view, for a considerable period".
(c) Corresponding to the dismissive gesture contained in the last but one "jealousy verse näbbyarthyd... is the expression by Vicaspati of increasing con fidence in the soundness and depth of his own scholarship. This is clearly felt if one reads the first epilogue verse of the Tattva-bindu, then the third epilogue verse of the Nyāya-vārttika-tatparya-tīkā and then the first two epilogue verses of the Bhāmati"
(d) Sankaranarayanan (1985:44-45 fn. 2) informs us that according to Lakşmi-n-simha, author of the Abhoga subcommentary on the Bhamati, the latter work was completed in 40 days. The precise sense of this statement would depend on which activities Lakşmi-nr-sinha included in the meaning of the term vyakhyana that he employs. However, even if he meant that the whole
$3.5 Other interesting features of Vacaspati's scholarly life that a cumulative consideration of his prologue and epilogue verses reveals are these:
(a) Expression of homage to the guru is absent in the post-Nyaya-kanika works. Vācaspati's guru was Tri-locana (S2.le). References collected by schol ars establish that this guru was primarily known for his contribution to Nyaya
17 Note particularly the expression probbapitre
In the Advaita Vedanta tradition, one overall impression of Vacaspati's position is conveyed by the remark odcarpatis tu mandono prsthe suf (Anubhti-sa-rupaciya, Praktärtha-vivarana on Sark na's Brahma-stra-bhagya 3447, According to Subrahmanya Sestri 1955:xxx, Upodghata p. 14). How. ever, Vicaspati does not seem to be an uncritical follower of Mandana (as he probably was not of any other thinker on whom he has commented). For instance, he paris company with Mandana in the Tattva-bindu, probably written not long after he wrote on the Vidhi viveka and the Brahma-siddhi, rejects sphofa-vida and accepts abhihitanvaya-vida. Note also the discussion in Subrahmanya Sastri 1955: xxvili-xxx, Upodghita pp. 13-14 pertaining to differences of views between Sankara and Vācas
" In Lakamf-ng-simha's remack quoted in note 33b, a suggestion of belated appreciation of Vacaspati's scholarship may be implicit, but I do not think one can prove that the suggestion is indeed there.
As discussed above, the other potentially relevant verses either come from works that are not truly independent, or are not epilogue verses in the real sense of the term, or were probably not written by Vacaspati.
pati

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kind I have suggested very probably exists at the end of the Vākyapadiya or the second kända of the Trikände (Aklujkar 1978). Its existence between the two halves of Bāņa's Kädambark is well-known and beyond doubt. A reconstruction based on its acceptance would also be in agreement with the information in (d), namely that the Bhämatt was completed in a very short time and the memory of its having been completed in a race with time was preserved (see note 41).
text of the Bhämat was composed and finalized in 40 days, I do not see that as an adequate reason to declare his statement as untrustworthy. To write a work like the Bhamatlin 40 days is not easy, but it is not impossible either if one has the prior preparation as a scholar and thinker that Vacaspati had and if one has studied Sarnkara's commentary on the Sariraka-mimasa or Brahma-sūtras for many years as a personal favourite as Vacaspati probably had. Thus, Lakşmi-nrsimha's statement may be thought of as giving us a piece of historical knowledge that was handed down in the Advaita tradition without any significant distortion. Also, the fact that -40 is not a sacred, conventional or "fabled' number increases the probability of the statement's being in accord with historical reality
(e) As in (d), the piece of traditional information contained in note 28a need not be rejected. However, while not ruling out the possibility expressed in Amalānanda's statement, namely that Vacaspati allowed an (extravagant) praise of himself to be included in the Bhämati just to humour his student Sanatana, wish to suggest another possibility. Sanatana might have prepared the final copy of the Bhämati on the fourth adhyāya after Vacaspati's death or incapaci. tation. It is conceivable that Vācaspati finished the final version up to the end of the third adhyāya and finished the semi-final draft (or a draft very close to that stage), including the epilogue verses, of the fourth adhyāya but the respon sibility of putting the text of the fourth adhyāya together for public availability fell upon Sanātana. While carrying out that responsibility, he placed a verse of Vācaspati followed by his own verse at the beginning of the fourth adhyāya as a kind of mark. Väcaspati's verse stated that he (Vacaspati) could not hope to attract to his work those who suffered from an incurable case of arocaka (a disease in which one does not relish what one eats or drinks) caused by jealousy. Sanatana's verse was a eulogy of the teacher. Introduction of a marker of the
$4.1 Summary of results with some further speculation:
Biographical: (a) Vacaspati was a liberal Saiva. The philosopher Tri-locana was not only his teacher but very probably, also father. While Vacaspati's be longing to Mithila or Bihar has not been disproved, one needs to keep an open mind regarding where he was born and lived. He might have spent some time in Karnata(ka), possibly as a scholar highly honoured by Sriman-nega or Nga. He completed the Nyāya-suci-nibandha in vatsara 898 after completing the Nyaya-vārttika-tätparya-tika. He writes about Mandana and Sankara with warmth and knowledge about their personal lives. He seems to have encountered much jealousy. The fourth adhyāya Bhamati is likely to have been given final shape by Santana, a student of his as he completed the whole comm. a few days before his death. (b) Tri-locana probably died within a few years after Vacaspati's Nyāya-kanika was completed. (c) Lakşmi-ne-simha, author of Abhoga subcommentary on Sarkara's Säriraka-mimashsd-bhäsya, seems to have come from an area spreading diagonally from Paithan to Tanjore.
Text-critical: (a) The first mangala verse, parāmsta klesaih... of the Nyaya-kanika is unlikely to have been authored by Vacaspati. It could have come from an ancestor of Parameśvara-I, who lived at Porkulam, Kerala, in the fourteenth century A.D. and to a member of whose family the authorship of the Yoga-Šāstra-vivarana is probably to be attributed; cf. M. Ramakrishna Kavi, 1927, «Literary Gleanings, Journal of Andhra Historical Research Society 2.2:130-145. (b) The first concluding verse of the Tattva-bindu should read pustā våg-buddbio. (c) While moderate scepticism may be maintained about the authenticity of the second concluding verse of the Tattva-bindu, the Tattvakaumudi's concluding verse mandr kumudaniwa... is almost certainly not com. posed by Vacaspati. (d) The possibility that the older name of Vicaspati's commentary on the Yoga-sūtra-bhāsya is Tattva-Sáradr, not Tattva-vaišao, deserves to be explored. (e) In the first epilogue verse of the Bhamati, nayapatba should be corrected to naya-mata and, in the fifth verse, tartha-sdotorartbi-sd". ( The compound karpatika-karnia-rafita in effect means 'statements that do not make sense'.
4 Laksming-simha's perspective in giving the information he has given us is not that of a histo rian. The context in which he makes his remark is created, on the one hand, by his summary of some Sarkans vijay account mentioning a number of miraculous events in Sankara's life and, on the other, by an expression of similare with respect to Vacaspati. However, this need not mean that all the de tails in the remark are to be distrusted.
The details are water api dig-wijab, carwriter and disabfraccharirake-ww. d-bbiye wydby nam, cumbite prakriyankalpanena hil wareneina tregontba karung, wechar dyrna per loka gaman, iyuddin An d roid sail rundpylocritum alokacii.... Here, I do not know what the scumbita prakriyil is and how it is provided how its par kalpana occurs. The last detail wicchandyena para loka gamana "going to another world according to one's own wish could refer to miraculous capability to move to a higher world. But it probably refers to Vicmp's concluding that what he wanted to accomplish in his life had been accomplished and the time to leave for another world had come to Vicaspati's willing his own death. The application of this will could have come about through samadhi or prayopavedana. See $3.5e. Sometimes, however, a person's being able to predict beforehand the time of his death may also be mistaken for sicchandyena maraga or para loka gamana. Stories are occasionally heard about individuals who could ascertain when the course of their life would run out. They are supposed to be able to ascertain thus because their power of mental Concentration enables them to notice subtle changes in the behaviour of their pulse etc.
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This Sarkar may not be identical with Adi-ahkan or the author who is commonly referred to as Sarkarica and is credited with the authorship of the Sariaka mim o Brahm b h

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