Ostasien

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409 Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 80. Jahrgang 1985 Nr. 4 410 Ostasien tion of the Shih-erh-men-lun. It mainly stems from the translator's insufficient acquaintance with Indian Cheng. Hsueh-li: Nagarjuna's Twelve Gate Treatise, transl., Madhyamika and the achievements of recent conti with Introductory Essays, Comments, and Notes. Dord- nental scholarship. Let me therefore offer but a few recht -- Boston - London: Beidel [1982]. XV, 151 S. 8deg = additional observations on the text and authenticity Studies of Classical India, ed. by B. K. Matilal, J. M. Masson, 5. Lw. hfl. 85.- Bespr. von Chr. Lindtner, of the Shih-erh-men-lun and its place in the history of Naerum (Danemark). Madhyamika literature. In its present form the Shih erh-men-lun is divided into twelve chapters and con Along with the Chung-lun (T. 1564, *Madhya- sists of twenty-six verses with a commentary in promakasastra), and the Pai-lun TA (T. 1569, *Satasa- se. Even though the *Dvadasadvaraka is never menstra or*Sataka) theShih-erh-men-lunt=19H (T. 1568, tioned in Indo-Tibetan sources (unless it is identical * Dvadasanikayasastra, * Dvadasamukhasastra, *Dva- with the sTon pa nid kyi sgo bcu gnis pa listed in the dasadvarasastra, or simply *Dvadasadvaraka) forms IDan dkar ma Catalogue, No. 595) there can be no the textual basis of what in China, Korea and Japan doubt about its Indian origin. Not only are (most of) is commonly known as the "Three Treatise School", its verses taken over from Nagarjuna's Mulamadhya makakarika (MK) and Sunyatasaptati (SS) (see below) lated-more or less freely-from the Sanskrit by the but the prose style is also typical of early Indian celebrated Kumarajiva (344-413 or perhaps 350-409) Madhyamika (cf. e.g. Akutobhaya, Vigrahavyavartaand are usually ascribed to Nagarjuna and Aryadeva, nivitti, Vaidalyaprakarana, Sunyatasaptativstti, etc.). though these attributions pose several problems. The It contains numerous stock-exam "Three Treatises" also had a decisive influence upon from similar Indian sastras and, moreover, quotations other schools of Buddhism than the Madhyamika, from * Saptatisastra (i.e. Ss) and *1 svarasutra-two such as T'ien-t'ai # founded by Hui-wen (550-- texts otherwise unknown in Chinese tradition. Many 577), and Hua-yen founded by Fa-tsang (643, of its polemical passages are unintelligible to a Chinese 712)--who even composed a commentary (T. 1826) to reader not acquainted with the Indian background. the Shih-erh-men-lun. There is also a good deal of According to its own words (op. rec., p. 53) our text Madhyamika influence to be found in the "Pure Land was composed in order to give an introductory sumSchool" (Ch'ing-t'u-Tsung #t ), and, of course, in mary of Mahayanartha (cf. Ratnavali, IV, 81); if it Ch'an though here not so much directly based on the was written by a Chinese (or Serindian) scholar as an San-lun texts themselves. After all Madhyamika has introduction for Chinese readers it would, again, obalways been more of an academic discipline than a viously not contain all these elements only intellipopular movement. Among the most outstanding gible or familiar to an Indian reader. exponents of Madhyamika in China, apart from Kumarajiva himself, are his pupils Seng-jui (353-436) -- 48 baid, the banzas ist ohtu Shih-erh-men-iunt are mainly taken over from the Chung-lun (which is cited by its title) and Seng-chao (374-414) and, above all, Chi-tsang usang or, more precisely, from MK and Ss. Compare the following (549-623)-a student of the Indian translator concordance and note that Kumarajiva often translates Paramartha (500-569)-whose scholastic works deal- more ad sensum than ad verbum so that in a few cases the identification remains uncertain. The commentary is often ing with the Three Treatises, the Two Truths, etc. very useful for identifying the sources of the verses. The are of particular importance. An indication of this is list is a revision of the one proposed by Richard H. Robinthe fact that in the course of time more than fifty son (Early Madhyamika in India and China, Madison 1967, commentaries to his magnum opus, the San-lun- p. 32): * 1. (=I.i) 159c 24+ MK, I, 3 ? hsuan-i = X(T. 1852) were composed in Japan (cf. 2. (=I.ii) 160 a 22 IS, 8 Buddhist Text Information, 25 (1980)). Since these 3. (=II.i) 1606 18+MK, I, 7 three texts are of a great historical and philosophical (=III.i) 16 26 3+ MK, I, 11 importance, and since only two of them, the Chung-lun (=III.ii) 16268-MK, I, 2 6. i =III.iii) 1626 23+MK, I, 12 (M. Walleser, Die Mittlere Lehre des Nagarjuna, nach 7. (=IV.i) 162c 3+ SS, 30 ? der chinesischen Version ubertragen, Heidelberg 1912) 8. (=IV.2) 162c 12+MK, VII, 1 and the Pai-lun (see G. Tucci, Pre-Dinnaga Buddhist 9. i =IV.3) 162c 23 -- MK, VII, 4 texts on logic from Chinese sources, Baroda 1929), have =IV.4) 16 3 a 1+MK, VII, 5 (=IV.5) 163 a 5+MK, VII, 6 been generally accessible to Western readers, the i=IV.6) 16 3 a 12 + MK, VII, 7 appearance of an English version of the Shih-erh-men- 13. =IV.7) 163 a 18-MK, VII, 9 lun obviously fills a long-felt lacuna in Mahayana 4. (=IV.8) 16 3 a 27-MK, VII, 10 studies. Under these circumstances Hsueh-li Cheng 15. (=IV.9) 16 36 2+MK, VII, 11 16. (=IV.10) 1636 9+ MK, VII, 12 deserves credit for providing us with a version of the i=IV.11) 16 36 16+ MK, VII, 13 "Twelve Gate Treatise" which not only stays very 18. 1 =V.1) 163c 16MK, V, 4 close to the Chinese but also (main the (=VI.1) 164 a 10+MK, II, 21 ? subject or predicate when not explicitly expressed in 20. =VII.1) 1646 27+ SS, 19 21. (=VIII.1) 16 5 a 10+ MK, XIII, 3 the Chinese) comes out in a clear, readable and, on the 22. (=IX.1) 1656 28+ ? whole (see below), accurate English. The utility of his 23. (=X.1) 1650 10+MK, XII, 1 translation has been enhanced by comments, notes i=X.2) 1650 24MK, I, 13 and three concise introductory essays dealing with 25. (=XI.1) 16 60 21 + SS, 6? 26. (=XII.1) 167 a 23+ SS, 5? "Nagarjuna and the Spread of His Teachings", "Sanlun Approaches to Emptiness", and "The Nature and The Shih-erh-men-lun sets out to prove Sunyata Value of the Text". (pudgaladharmanairatmya) through twelve gates, i.e. In spite of these merits it cannot be denied that from twelve important angles. Accordingly each there is a general weakness throughout this presenta- chapteris formed as a critical examination (parikna) of: 17. dan

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411 Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 80. Jahrgang 1985 Nr. 4 412 I. pratityasamutpada- (yin-yuan) working-hypothesis to assume that *Vimalaksa was a II. satkaryasatkarya- (yu-kuo-wu-kuo) fourth-century Madhyamika now only known for his III. pratyaya- (yuan) . IV. laksana- (hsiang) commentary to Nagarjuna's MK (a commentary V. salaksanalaksana- (yu-hsiang-wu-hsiang) which is closely related to the Akutobhaya) and for his VI. ekaneka- (-i) *Dvadasadvaraka, an independent introductory sumVII. bhavabhava (yu-wu) VIII. svabhava- (hsing) mary of Nagarjuna's thought loosely based on the IX. hetuphala- (yin-kuo) latter's basic philosophical works, MK and S. X. karaka- (tso-che) This review is of course not the place to develop this XI. kalatraya- (san-shih) hypothesis further. To do so we would also have to XII. utpatti- (sheng) consider not only the evidence that might be derived Now, while there can be no doubt that Nagarjuna from two other works translated by Kumarajiva and is the author of all the karikas found in the Shih-erh- attributed to Nagarjuna, viz. Ta-chih-tu-lun t A men-lun we still have to consider whether he also (T. 1509) and Shih-chu-p'i-p'o-sha-lun t compiled them from his own works and then composed (T. 1521) but also the commentaries to "Aryadeva's" the commentary in prose. As for the external evi- Pai-lun (T. 1569) and ZA PC dence the Chinese tradition is not unanimous concern- well as several other early Indian Madhyamika texts ing the authorship of the commentary. As in the of uncertain authorship (cf.my Nagarjuniana, Copencase of Chung-lun it sometimes attributes it to Nagar- hagen 1982, pp. 12-17). juna, sometimes to Ch'ing-mu or Pin-lo-ch'ieh Un, perhaps *Vimalaksa (see May in Hobogirin, Finally some observations on the text and translation pp. 481, 489 with ref.). of the Shih-erh-men-lun, the "Twelve Gate Treatise": p. 54, 33: On the assumption that this verse is taken First of all, I assume, to be sure, that the compilerov over from MK, I, 3 we should read "how can there be of the verses and the author of the prose commentary other-nature" for "how can there be such things", changing is one and the same person. The main reason for this shih (15.9 C 25) to t'a (cf. 16 0 a 10). Cf. also Yuktisastika, 19. assumption is that v. 13 is a reply to an objection only p. 55, 9: Hardly "causal conditions", but "causes and conditions", hetupratyaya. given in the prose, and v. 21 is really (a rhetorical) p. 55. 28! For "Because the so-called other-nature has, obiection. In both cases the verses are bound not to in fact, no self-nature", read "Because there can be no be correctly understood without a commentary. self-nature based on other-nature". Another indication to the effect that verses and com p. 56, 17: Here Ch'ing-mu seems to paraphrase Nagar juna's Sunyatasaptati vrtti (see my Nagarjunas filosofiske mentary form an inseparable whole is the fact that the voerker, Kobenhavn 1982, p. 222). . verses taken by themselves hardly convey a full or p. 57, 4: "Because of ..." is here hardly adequate for coherent summary of Nagarjuna's thought. Actually the technical term upadaya. the commentary forms the core of the Shih-erh-men p. 59, 23: For "How can there be production", read --"How can there be #producer". Here sheng che renders Tun. nirvartako hetur in MK, I, 7c. Let us then briefly see if any internal evidence can p. 60, 7: For "there is no principle of production", read help us come to an opinion concerning the authorship. "in that case it would follow that non-being is produced". As far as the doctrine of the Shih-erh-men-lun is con- (... Wu-yu-sheng-li). . * p. 62, 18: Cf. *Sataka, p. 68; Samkhyakarika, 7 (+ Sasticerned, it hardly contains anything which could not tantra): Prajnapradipa, 24 6 a 4. have been said by Nagarjuna. It is in fact a reshuffled p. 66, 27: Critique of Asatkaryavada (Va isesika). - For summary of MK and SS with some additional passa- the drstantas, see MK, VII, 31; *Sataka, p. 83; Alokamala, ges criticizing Satkaryasatkarya- and I svara-vada (III II 115. p. 67, 33: "is yet to be established" seems too vague for and X). This indicates a somewhat later author than what literally renders samsayasama(hetu) but actually prob w Nagarjuna. Again the very idea of giv g an introduc- ably renders sadhyasamahetu, see Chung-lun, IV, 8-9 and tion to the basic works of the Madhyamika points to a Vigrahavyavartani, 28. somewhat later date than that of the founder of the p. 70, 14: "Briefly and broadly ..." will hardly do for vyastasamasta, MK, I, 11. school. Moreover there are no other precedents for p. 71, 4: For "qualities of the mind", read e.g. "mind Nagarjuna (or Aryadeva for that matter) compiling and mental phenomena", cittacaitta or cittacaitasa as in from his own works. Again the Shih-erh-men-lun, as a the corresponding passages in Chung-lun (2c 4) and Tawhole, is composed in a much more systematic style chih-tu-lun (29 6b 14), etc. - The translations proposed for the four pratyayas are in need of revision. than any of Nagarjuna's or Aryadeva's authentic p. 72, 17: For "are not formed by characteristics", read works, a fact whi gain indicates a somewhat later e.g. "cannot be established by characteristics", laksanastage of development in Madhyamika. Moreover there are, as been pointed out, several close parallelsteristics of created things" sams krtalaksana. p. 72, 18: For "created characteristics", read "characto Shih-erh-men-lun to be found in the commentary to p. 73, 30: For "is originated by", read "originates"; Chung-lun sometimes attributed to Ch'ing-mu, who janayate as in MK, VII, 4. Cf. Ch'ing-mu's commentary. certainly belongs to a later period than Nagarjuna, p. 73, 31: For "there are", read "including itself it creates". The commentary is virtually identical with the above all because he quotes from Aryadeva's Catuh one found ad MK, VII, 4. sataka. Since it seems quite probable that the Shih p. 74, 11: Here and in 1. 20 the negations are missing erh-men-lun as well as the Chung-lun in their critique due to the fact that Kumarajiva here as in Chung-lun, of Samkhya depend on Vrsagana's Sastitantra, this, VII, 5 & 6 wrongly read maulena janitas (for maulena janitas) and tena janitas (for tenajanitas). Note that the again, indicates an author later than Nagarjuna (cf. commentary to Shi-erh-men-lun presupposes the correct E. Frauwallner, Kleine Schriften, Wiesbaden 1982, reading in both verses whereas the commentary to Chung lun, VII, 5 & 6 presupposes the wrong readings but seems For these reasons I incline to give the Chinese tra- to feel the difficulty. dition ascribing these commentaries to Ch'ing-mu the p. 75, 4: Here the Chinese (163 a 15-16) is given in prose. It should however, have been printed as a verse (4 x 5 chabenefit of doubt. In fine I would suggest it a good racters!) as it undoubtedly renders MK, VII, 8. 11zoManoton siddha. pp. 270; 278 reasons I incline to gidato Ch'ing-mu the It shouls

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413 Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 80. Jahrgang 1985 Nr. 4 414 pure". p. 77, 4: Again, "created characteristics" cannot render J ohn D. Langlois Jr. hebt die Bedeutung hervor, sams krtalaksana. die den ,,Fruhlings- und Herbstannalen" (Chunqiu) p. 80, 19: Possibly the Chinese text (16 4 a 3-4) wrongly von den Konfuzianern in der Yuanzeit zugemessen renders MK, V, 5cd-6 ab as if prose. p. 84, 10: For "of various causal conditions" it seems wird. Die in das Konfuzius zugeschriebene Werk von better to read "for various reasons". den Exegeten hineingedeuteten moralischen Wertp. 85, 14: Cf. the Tibetan versions of ss, 19, which urteile sollten als bindende Verpflichtungen, als Erdiffer considerably. Possibly the Chinese is most faithful to the original. satz fur die gesetzlichen Vorschriften eines Gesetzp. 91, 4: For "no goal", read "no candidate'', as hsiang buches dienen (Law, Statecraft, and Th ng and here renders pratipannaka, cf. e.g. Chung-lun, 326 18, etc. Autumn Annals in Yuan Political Thought, 89-152). p. 95, 16: For The Tirthikas", read "Acela-Kasyapa". Die Veroffentlichung eines Gesetzbuches war schon See e.g. Samyutta-Nikaya, II, 19. p. 95, 18: For "clean and pure", read "permanent and mehrmals von den chinesischen Beratern am Hofe der Yuan-Kaiser beantragt worden. Sie sahen in einem p. 96, 2: Read "body" for "self" bis. Gesetzbuch das effektivste Mittel, um die traditionelle p. 99, 2: Cf. Chung-lun, XVII, 23: XXIV, 36 for the gesellschaftliche und wirtschaftliche Ordnung in idea and the technical terms. p. 99, 7: For "according to causal conditions'', read "be China zu sichern. Die Yuan-Kaiser waren dazu nicht cause of his good karma". geneigt. Ein die chinesischen Verhaltnisse sanktioniep. 103, 16: Here (16 7a 17) "a doubtful cause" hardly rendes Gesetzbuch war fur die Regierung eines multirenders sadhyasamahetu. Cf. p. 67, 1. 33. nationalen Reiches als Kodex nicht geeignet. Als auch p. 104, 27: The verse corresponds to SS, 5 (not to MK, VII, 15). Wang Yuns diesbezugliches Ansuchen ohne Erfolg p. 106, 1: For ,,that which does not produce produces", blieb, suchte Wang die konfuzianische Lehre der read ,,that which is unproduced is not produced". Similarly guten Regierung" in Schriften im Stil der Fursteninfra. p. 106, 4: For "indestructible", read e.g. "steadfast", st" spiegel-Literatur zu propagieren. Wangs Bemuhungen akopyadharman. durften nicht ohne Erfolg geblieben sein. Einige p. 106, 23: For "That which is producing does not pro- Schriften wurden sogar ins Mongolische ubersetzt duce either", read "That which is being produced is not (Herbert Franke: Wang Yun (1227-1304)/, A Transproduced either". Similarly infra. - There is a good deal mitter of Chinese Values, 153-196). of confusion in this chapter due to the fact that sheng can be taken in the active as well as the passive mood. It can only Die Lehre des sudchinesischen konfuzianischen be translated properly in the light of the corresponding Reformers Zhu Xi ist wahrend der Teilung Chinas in passages in Sanskrit and Tibetan. Nordchina wenig bekannt gewesen. Zu ihrer Verbreitung auch im Norden hat Xu Heng, der wohl einfluss reichste Konfuzianer am Hofe Qubilais, massgeblich Chan, Hok-lam, and Theodore de Bary [Ed.]: Yuan beigetragen. Der Nachdruck, der in dieser Lehre auf Thought. Chinese Thought and Religion under the Mon- die ethischen Prinzipien gelegt wurde, kam dem Angele. New York: Columbia University Press 1982. XV, 545 S. gr. 8o. Lw. $ 45.50.- Bespr. von P. Ratchnevsky, Tiegen der mongolischen Herrscher entgegen. Zhu Xis Berlin. Lehre wurde als orthodoxe Auslegung des Konfuzia nismus anerkannt. Die Kleine Lehre (xiao xue) ist Im 13. Jahrhundert war China dem Ansturm der wahrend der Yuanzeit das verbreitetste konfuziaMongolen erlegen. Es war nicht das erste Mal, dass nische Werk gewesen und ist ins Mongolische uberNordchina von Nomadenvolkern erobert wurde, aber setzt worden (Wing-tsit Chan: Chu Hsi and Yuan zum ersten Mal war auch Sudchina unter Fremdherr- Neo-Confucianism, 197-231). schaft geraten, und im Gefolge der Mongolen waren Das neokonfuzianische Ideal des Weisen, der ausserVertreter alter innerasiatischer Kulturen gekommen, halb des politischen Lebens sich der Selbstvervoll kommnung hingibt, hat in der Yuanzeit zahlreiche rater und Finanzsachverstandige einen dominieren- Adepten gefunden. Das Gebot kam den Konfuzianern den Einfluss auf die Regierung ausubten. Nie war die entgegen, die nicht willens waren, in den Dienst der Gefahr fur den Fortbestand der traditionellen Ord- Mongolen zu treten, aber zu einer offenen Opposition nung in China grosser gewesen. Der zur Rezension sich nicht entschliessen konnten. Liu Yin (1249-1293) stehende Sammelband vermittelt einen Einblick in beruft sich auf dieses Gebot, als er dem Ruf der Redas Geistesleben jener Zeit; die Beitrage illustrieren gierung nicht folgt, und wehrt sich dagegen, dass seine an dem Verhalten markanter Personlichkeiten die Haltung als politische Opposition gegen das Regime Wege, die die Chinesen beschritten, um das nationale gedeutet wird. Liu teilt die fur die Geistesschaffenden Kulturerbe lebendig zu halten und die traditionellen der Yuanzeit charakteristische Toleranz gegenuber Institutionen zu bewahren. den anderen Lehren. Er regt seine Schuler an, auch Der sudchinesische Historiker Ma Duanlin (1254- die taoistischen Klassiker sowie medizinische und 1324/5), dem der erste Beitrag gewidmet ist, hat aus militarische Werke zu studieren (Tu Wei-ming: den historischen Geschehnissen die Lehre gezogen, Towards an Understanding of Liu Yin's Confucian dass die traditionellen chinesischen Institutionen sich den veranderten gesellschaftlichen und wirtschaft- Eine ahnliche Einstellung hatte auch der bedeulichen Verhaltnissen anpassen mussten. In seiner Uni- tende sudchinesische.Gelehrte Wu Cheng (1249-1333), versalgeschichte der chinesischen Institutionen (Wen- der das Streben nach Selbstvervollkommnung uber xian tongkao) legt Ma seine Auffassung des geschicht die Gelehrsamkeit stellt (David Gadelecia: Wu lichen Ablaufs dar, der durch die Begriffe der Konti- Ch'eng's Approach to Internal Self-cultivation and nuitat (teng) und des Wechsels (bian) gekennzeichnet External Knowledge-seeking, 279-326). wird (Hok-lam) Chan: ,,Comprehensiveness" (tung) Einen Einblick in das Wirken der Konfuzianer auf and ,,Change (pien) in Ma Tuan-lin's Historical lokaler Ebene bietet der Beitrag John W. Dardess'. Thought, 27-87). Dieser schildert, wie in einem Bezirk der Provinz