Morphological Evidence For Dialectal Variety In Jaina Maharastri

Author(s): Nalini Balbir
Publisher: Nalini Balbir
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/269535/1

Page #1
Nalini BALBIR MORPHOLOGICAL EVIDENCE FOR DIALECTAL VARIETY IN JAINA MAHARASTRI This paper is concerned with literary Prakrits. Hence the term "dialect " is understood as it is in Pischel's Grammatik : Ardhamagadhi (= AMg), Magadhi, Maharastri, Apabhramsa are currently regarded as dialects. The present study is based on two groups of works, the main dialect of which is Jaina Maharastri (= JM) 2. 1. The first group includes the niryuktis and bhasyas which form the earliest stratum of exegetical texts on the Jaina Canon. Niryuktis are metrical commentaries, mostly, but not exclusively, consisting of lists of catch-words. One can say of them what L. Renou has written about the Brahmasutras : "des notations concises de mots-clefs, avec une syntaxe rudimentaire, qui les rend souvent inintelligibles sans le secours d'une vstti ou 'glose" 3. They can also aptly be compared with the Pali uddanas, "sommaires versifies", to quote Helmer Smith 4, all the more so since in both cases the brevity of style affects the grammar. The following material has been surveyed : the Ayaranga- and Suyagada-nijjuttis; the Dasaveyaliya-nijjutti (= DasavN); parts of the Uttarajjhaya- and the Oha-nijjutti (= UttN; OhN); the Bthatkalpabhasya (= BK Bh) and the Nisitha 1. R. PISCHEL, Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen. Strassburg, 1900 (Grundriss der Indo-Arischen Philologie und Altertumskunde I, 8) = Pi. 2. A standard description of JM is provided, for instance, in H. JACOBI, Ausgewahlte Erzahlungen in Maharashtri. Zur Einfuhrung in das Studium des Prakrit. Leipzig, 1886 (reprint Darmstadt, 1967), p. XXI-LXIX: Jacobi's Maharastri is in fact Pischel's JM. 3. Sankara, Prolegomenes au Vedanta. Texte traduit du sanskrit par L. RENOU. Paris, 1951, p. IV. 4. Saddaniti. La grammaire palie d'Aggavamsa. Texte etabli par H. SMITH, vol. IV, Tables. Lund, 1949, 5.3.2.1. (and 8.9.5); CPD II, 9 s.v. uddana.

Page #2
504 N. BALBIR bhasya have been occasionally consulted 5. Special emphasis has been laid upon the Avasyaka-niryukti and bhasya (= AVN, Bh), which I have studied at leisure 7. Finally, the Mahanisiha-sutta has also been examined in this survey 8. 2. The second part of the corpus is represented by narrative works which are probably early, to wit : the Vasudevahindi, mainly written in prose, and the Tarangavas and the Paumacariya in verse'. The curnis explaining the niryuktis, as well as Prakrit portions of the tikas, also belong to this layer : the Avasyaka-curni 10 and Haribhadra's tika (= AvC; AvH) 11 are here given the first place.. There is obviously a great difference between these two groups from the points of view of style and contents, but they show a linguistic unity, and, to some extent, they can all be viewed as "specimens of Archaic Jaina Maharastri" 12. The aim of the present investigation is to identify and analyse morphological traces of dialectal variety in the selected corpus. In other words, it focuses on forms which are ordinary features of 5. Acaranga and Sutrakrtangasutram. With the niryukti of Acarya Bhadrabahusvami and the commentary of Silankacarya... reedited with appendices, etc., by Muni Jambuvijayaji. Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass, 1978; W. B. BOLLEE, Studien zum Suyagada... (I) Textteile, Nijjutti, Uebersetzung und Anmerkungen. Wiesbaden, 1977 (Schriftenreihe des Sudasien-Instituts der Univ. Heidelberg 24); E. LEUMANN, Dasavaikalika-sutra und -niryukti, nach dem Erzahlungsgehalt untersucht und herausgegeben..., ZDMG 46 (1892), p. 581-612; UttN: E. LEUMANN, Die Legende von Citta und Sambhuta, WZKM 6 (1892), p. 34-46; OhN: A. METTE, Pind'esana. Das Kapitel der Oha-nijjutti uber den Bettelgang. Wiesbaden, 1974 (Abh. der Geistes- und Sozialwiss. Kl. 1973, Nr. 11); BK Bh: Brihat Kalpa Sutra and Original Niryukti... and a Bhashya.... Ed. by Guru Shri Chaturvijaya and his Shishya Punyavijaya. Bhavnagar, 1933, 1936, 1938, 1942, 6 vols. 6. For references see below n. 11. 7. Nalini BALBIR, Etudes d'exegese jaina : les Avasyaka. Paris, 1986. 3 vols. 976 + 111 p. (Unpublished DLitt. Dissertation, Universite de Paris-III). 8. W. SCHUBRING, Das Mahanisiha-Sutta. Berlin, 1918; J. DELEU-W. SCHUBRING, Studien zum Mahanisiha. Kapitel 1-5. Hamburg, 1963 (Alt-und Neu-Indische Studien... Univ. Hamburg 10). 9. See L. ALSDORF, The Vasudevahindi, a Specimen of Archaic Jaina-Maharastri, BSOAS 8 (1935-1937) = Kleine Schriften, Wiesbaden, 1974, p. 56-70; SamkhittaTarangavaikaha... edited and translated fin Gujarati] by H. C. BHAYANI, Ahmedabad, 1979 (L.D. Series 75); H. C. BHAYANI, Another rare specimen of Archaic JainMaharastri : Taramgavaikaha of Padalipta, "Sambodhi" 7 (1978-79), p. 114-119; Acarya Vimalasuri's Paumacariyam... Second revised ed. by Muni Shri Punya vijayaji. Varanasi, 1963 (Prakrit Text Society Series 6). 10. Avasyakacurni. 2 vols. Ratlam, 1928-29. References to page and line numbers. 11. Avasyakaniryukti with Haribhadra's commentary. Bombay. Agamodaya Samiti, 1916-1917 : references to page and line numbers. (Reprint Bombay, Vikrama samvat 2038). 12. See Paumacariya, intr. [by V. M. KULKARNI) p. 32. .

Page #3
JAINA MAHARASTRI 505 dialects other than JM, but sporadically appear in JM texts. It will be seen that the main dialect (JM) is torn between two extremes: the strong pressure of the Canonical language, and a faint, but unquestionable, attraction toward Apabhramsa 13. In addition, attention is paid to some peculiar forms which are as yet not known from any dialect, but have tried, though unsuccessfully, to make their way into a specific layer of the language : they apparently predate classical JM where they have not been admitted. Finally, scanty remains of a practically lost dialect, the so-called "alt" or "echt" AMG (LudersAlsdorf) will be examined. They are preserved in six vaitaliya-stanzas in the commentaries. (1) * A. Early JM is still under the influence of Canonical Ardhamagadhi, and the line between the two dialects is not always easy to perceive 14. But a distinction has to be made between all-pervading AMg features, and what may be called "Ardhamagadhisms", i.e. sporadic forms, the occurrence of which is to a large extent dependent on the literary context or the subject treated. Both these points will be considered in due order. A fundamental and well-known feature of AMg is the -e nominative singular of -a stems. It determines a clearcut distinction in the chosen corpus between the language of the narrative works and that of the niryuktis, for it is conspicuous by its absence in the former, where only -o is found 15, while it is quite frequent in the enumerative verses of the latter group. Thus commenting upon the nominative niravalave of AvN 1274, Haribhadra observes : "It has been often reported that the first case (i.e. nominative) has the ending -e in Prakrit". 13. For the relationship between JM and AMg, see the important statement by Alsdorf, BSOAS 8 (1935), p. 332-33 = Kleine Schriften, p. 69-70; on AMg and Apabhramsa influence see K. R. CHANDRA, A Critical Study of Paumacariyam. Vaishali, 1970, p. 577-78. To quote S. GOLDSCHMIDT, Prakstica. Strassburg, London, 1879, p. 30 : "Die Depravierung der Maharastri- Texte unter dem Einfluss der Apabhramsa ist sehr alt". 14. See SCHUBRING, Mahanisiha (as in n. 8), p. 84; L. P. TESSITORI, L' "Uvaesamala "di Dharmadasa, "Giornale della Societa Asiatica Italiana ".25 (1912), p. 172. 15. ALSDORF, BSOAS 8 (1935-1937), p. 328 = Kleine Schriften, p. 65: "The nom. sing. masc. of A-stems ends in -o without a single exception ".

Page #4
506 N. BALBIR He further quotes one of the padas mentioned in Hemacandra's grammar to illustrate this peculiarity of arsa 10. In fact, the actual situation is quite confused. The attempt. undertaken by Schubring to study carefully the distribution of -e and -o nominatives in the Mahanisiha-sutta has revealed some tendencies : -o is, for instance, found in aryas; -e and -o are found side by side in slokas, etc. 17. But no clear and general conclusion can be drawn. The same can be said of the AvN, where a mixture of endingless stems, and -e and -o endings is likely to be seen in the same verse. Moreover, -e occurs even in traditionally neuter nouns such as dana (AvN 458), nikkhamana (ibidem), bhoyana (AvN 726), etc. Whether these e nominatives are true remnants of the Eastern dialects or merely testify to the loss of the masculine-neuter gender distinction, is difficult to decide. The lengthening of the vowel before the -ka- suffix is a distinct Eastern feature 18 (e.g. -aka, -uka). In the Jaina Canon, it is especially evidenced in the comparatives in -taraga, instances of which were listed long ago by Weber for the Viyahapannatti 19. We find them. sporadically in the niryuktis. Thus vipulataragam (DasavN 38). gadhataragam (DasavN 211), annayaragam (DasavN 333). For nouns mulagam in the Ayaranga-nijjutti (178), and muhuttagam in the Ohanijjutti (523). Some of the Ardhamagadhisms, i.e. archaisms, scattered in the older layer of JM will be now reviewed. The locative in msi is, together with the -e nominative, a basic characteristic of AMg. Alsdorf noticed that this type of locative is an artificial relic in the Vasudevahindi, for the forms mostly occur in an inserted Rsabhacarita, i.e. in a passage which on account of its contents was probably highly liable to the influence of the Canonical phraseology 26, Of the forms quoted by him, kucchimsi also appears in AvBh verses, also in a mythological context, where Mahavira's birth and the transfer of the embryo are narrated : jam rayanim uvavanno kucchimsi mahayaso Viro (Bh 47cd). "the night when the glorious Vira was born in the (brahmin lady's) womb", clearly recalls the Canonical phrase: 16. e-karantas ca prakrte prathamanto bhavatity asakrd aveditam yatha "kayare agacchai ditta-ruve "[= Utt. 12.6ab; quoted ad Hemacandra 4.287] ity adi, AvH 664a, 7. 17. SCHUBRING, Mahanisiha, p. 84-86. 18. Pi SS 70 it is met with in Eastern Asokan inscriptions see e.g. H. LUEDERS, Bruchstucke Buddhistischer Dramen. Berlin, 1911, p. 40. 19. A. WEBER, Ueber ein Fragment der Bhagavati... "Abhandlungen der Kgl. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin", 1865-66, p. 438. 20. ALSDORF, BSOAS 8 (1935), p. 328 Kleine Schriften, p. 65 with fn. 1.

Page #5
JAINA MAHARASTRI 507 jam rayanim vakkamai / kucchimsi mahayaso ariha 21. And again : aha divase basit vasai tahim mahanie kucchimsi (Bh 48ab), "and he lived for 82 days in this brahmin lady's womb" 22. The same contextual dependence proves to be true in some cases where -asa is used, more or less adverbially, as an instr. sg. of -a stems. Thus, for instance, in the Canonical language 23, we find an instrumental paogasa analogically built on the archaic adverbial form visasa (cf. Ved. visras) as both terms occur as a pair 24 : they refer to phenomena happening "by (karmic) impulse" or "by spontaneous development". The pressure imposed by the phraseology is the strongest factor. The old form remains unchanged in the Suyagadanijjutti 5b (and 14b): : davve (bhave) paoga-visasa paogasa mula uttare c'eva 25. Bhayasa "fearfully" occurs in a sloka pada common to the AVN (1208c) and the Mulacara (7.103c), thus in a development which is probably rather old : it is the eleventh of the 32 faults which should be avoided in the carrying out of the vandana 26. A look at a few verbal forms will also prove, if necessary, that the boundary between AMg and early JM is far from being hard and fast. Thus, for instance, the absolutive in -ttanam, which is considered to be an Eastern feature of the Canonical language 27, is occasionally met 21. The Kalpasutra of Bhadrabahu. Ed... by H. JACOBI. Leipzig, 1879 (reprint 1966), $ 46b. On the gender of kucchi, see R. L. TURNER, A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages. London, 1966, No. 3213: in Sk., kuksi- is exclusively masc. ; in Middle-Indian, it usually tends towards the fem. ; in Neo-Indian, it is mostly fem. 22. And also AvBh 52cd Siddhartha-bhariyae sahara Tisalae kucchimsi; 57cd jam rayanim sahario kucchimsi mahayaso Viro; 58ab tihi nanehi samaggo devi Tisalae so a kucchimsi. 23. E.g. J. DELEU, Viyahapannatti... The Fifth Anga of the Jaina Canon... Brugge, 1970: VI 32; VIII-2; VIII 9. 24. See also Pi 364 "paogasa = prayogena parallel mit visrasa von visras"; in Middle-Indian -asa develops as an adverbial ending : see bibliography for Pali and Prakrit examples in O. von HINUEBER, Das altere Mittelindisch im Ueberblick. Wien, 1986, $298. 25. "In materieller Hinsicht (Im geistigen Bereich) (gibt es Karana) auf Anstoss oder von selbst. (Karana) auf Anstoss (erscheint als) primar und sekundar": BOLLEE, Studien zum Suyagada, p. 11, 33 ff. 26. E. LEUMANN, Uebersicht uber die Avacyaka-Literatur... Hamburg, 1934, p. 18a, line 9 and p. 12b, line 56 : bhayasa, bhaenam vandai "ma nicchubbhihami sanghao kulao ganao gacchao khetto" iti as the curni explains. 27. Pi $ 583; L. A. SCHWARZSCHILD, Some Forms of the Absolutive in Middle IndoAryan, JAOS 76 (1956), p. 113-114 [111-115].

Page #6
508 N. BALBIR with in our sources. A few cases have been listed by Alsdorf and Bhayani for the Vasudevahindi (2 ex.) and the Tarangavai (3 ex.) 28 I have noted some others in the Ohanijjutti : onamittanam (Bh 273b), akkamittanam (N 389b), asohaittanam (N 416d), vibhavaittana (N 491b), padikamettana and padilehettana (p. 176, 1. 21-22). In the AVN, one such absolutive occurs in a stanza which is a quotation. It is found in a pair of slokas ultimately borrowed from the Uttarajjhaya 29 : kahim bondim caittanam ? kattha gantuna sijjhai ? iham bondim caittanam, tattha gantuna sijjhai (AvN 958cd, 959cd = Utt. 36.55cd, 56cd, etc.). "Where do [the perfected souls) leave their bodies, and where do they go, on reaching perfection ?... they leave their bodies here (below), and go there, on reaching perfection " 30. Even there, we notice that the two suffixes, -ttanam and -tuna are found side by side! Other instances of absolutives in -ttanam available in the AvN are free from contextual constraint. They are : osakkaittanam (N 183 = 743), vogasittanam (N 653; ct. vyavakalayya), and apucchittana (N 1366, 1519; Bh 111) 31. There is also some slight evidence of the "Atmanepada" aorist in -ittha 32, which is rather common in the Canonical language 33. It is preserved in the Tarangavai (2 ex.) 34. The Uttarajjhaya-nijjutti (vs. 390) has : tam souna kumaro bhio... palaittha 35. "Having heard this, the prince was scared and ran away". In the AvN (vs. 487d), the solemnity of the context and style and the retaining of an older form perhaps go together : 28. ALSDORF, BSOAS 8 (1935), p. 332 = Kleine Schriften, p. 69: H. C. BHAYANI, "Sambodhi" 7 (1978-79), p. 115 (as above n. 9). 29. Cp. SCHWARZSCHILD, loc. cit., p. 113:"(This type of absolutive) occurs also in Jain Maharastri and Jain Sauraseni in passages that are under the influence of the Svetambara Jain Canon". 30. Trsl. H. JACOBI, "Sacred Books of the East". Vol. XLV. Oxford, 1895 (reprint, Delhi, 1964), p. 211. 31. A similar analysis can be given for the absolutives in - yanam : e.g. samupehiyanam (AvBh 207c = 210c = 211c, etc.) is an old form found in a tristubh : see Pi 8 592. 32. The passive-active distinction tends to be abolished and we get a system sg. 3 -ittha / pl. 3 -isu : see C. CAILLAT, Some Idiosyncrasies of Language and Style in Asoka's Rock Edicts at Girnar, in "Hinduismus und Buddhismus". Festschr. U. Schneider, Freiburg, 1987, n. 41. 33. Pi SS 517. 34. BHAYANI, "Sambodhi" 7 (1978-79), p. 115. 35. LEUMANN, WZKM 6 (1892), p. 41 (as above n. 5).

Page #7
JAINA MAHARASTRI 509 Magahae niruvasaggam muni uu-baddhammi viharittha. "During summer and winter, the monk (i.e. Mahavira) led his religious life in Magadha without suffering any attack". B. On the other hand, some verbal endings which have been scantily documented so far in the Canonical Prakrit, are now confirmed since they occur in early JM literature. They may be of some help in giving a more precise idea of the characteristics of both dialects. The present first person singular in -am instead of -ami) was known from a unique form in the Canon : janam, "I know" in the Ayaradasao 36. It has also been recorded in the Vasudevahindi (15 ex.), in the Tarangavai (26 ex.) and in the Mahanisihasutta (at least 25 ex.) 37. In the selected corpus of niryuktis, etc., it appears once, if I am not mistaken : eyam iccham naum, ganivara, tubbh' antie niunam (AvN 6910; tikas icchami), "This I want to know from you, the best of the ganins, in all its details". Instances of the -e optatives used as preterites, also known in Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit and Epic Sanskrit 38, were collected by Pischel, especially from the Uttarajjhaya 39. They also occur in the niryukti-language, and they are explained in the Sanskrit commentaries by an aorist-form, a past participle in -tavant, or sometimes also by an indicative present as if the -e forms were temporally unmarked. Thus, for example, in the Uttarajjhaya-nijjutti (vs. 92cd) 40 : vaniya-mahilam 41 caitta tattammi sila-yale vihare (ct. vyahar sit) 42 "Having renounced the merchant's wife (with whom he had enjoyed life, Arahannaa) led his religious life (i.e. died by fasting) on a burning rock"; 36. Quoted by Alsdorf, BSOAS 8 (1935), p. 321 = Kleine Schriften, p. 58: commented in von HINUEBER, Das altere Mittelindisch (as above n. 24), SS 420; cp. in AMg and JM the future 1 sg. -ami or -am : Pi SS 520. 37. See, respectively, ALSDORF, loc. cit.; H. C. BHAYANI, "Sambodhi"..., p. 114; SCHUBRING, Mahanisiha, p. 90, and, more detailed, DELEU-SCHUBRING, Studien zum Mahanisiha, p. 12. -- These lists include both present indicative and optative forms (-ijjam). 38. See von HINUEBER, Das altere Mittelindisch, $ 445 with references; L. RENOU, Grammaire sanscrite. Paris, 1930, p. 412, $ 292 note. 39. Pi $ 466, to which add e.g. Utt. 21.10 pavvae (pravrajit in the ct.). 40. Sri-Uttaradhyayanasutram, prathamo vibhagah. Ujjain, 1950, p. 132. 41. Ed. vaniya-mahila. 42. And also Uttn 376cd in LEUMANN, WZKM 6 (1892) p. 34 : so vi ya (i.e. Municando) Sagaracandassa antie pavvae samano.

Page #8
510 N. BALBIR or in the AvN (vs. 197ab) : aunapannam juale puttana Sumangala puno pasave (AvH prasu tavati). "Sumangala gave birth to 49 twin sons" 43. The Av. curni retains a form of the active past participle in -tavant, for which Pischel (8 569) gave a single example, namely putthavam from SPRS- in the Ayaranga with a passive meaning : na ya... nhao, na ya bandhavehi vi ai-neham katavam (AvC 249, 11): "(When he was about to reject worldly life), (Vardhamana) neither took a bath, nor had any excessive feeling of affection for his relatives". Finally, a last example will show how forms which were at first considered doubtful could later be well established when new texts were discovered and analysed. An indeclinable ending -7(y)a which can function as an imperfect, aorist of perfect had been mentioned by the main Prakrit grammarians 44, but no actual form were recognised in the texts until the Vasudevahindi provided undisputable cases (4 ex.) 45. The single instance found in the Canonical literature also came to light, namely Uttarajjhaya 13.18d (tristubh) 46 : (vayam...) vasiya (ct. avasava, usitau 47) Sovaga-nivesanesu almost glossed by the next verse (196): ... vuttha mu Sovaga-nivesanesu, "We lived in the hamlets of Svapakas" [Jacobi]. More material has been sorted out from the Tarangavai (34 occurrences) 48. I shall only add my gleanings from the niryuktis. From the Suyagada-nijjutti, we have (vs. 85ab) : pucchimsu Jambu-namo ajja-Suhamma tao kahesiya, "Jambusvamin asked, then the noble Sudharma said". 43. Other similar instances are : samuttare with a subject in the plural, AvN 471 (ct. samuttaritavantau); pase AvBh 1 (ct. drstavan); pesae AvBh 34 (ct. presitavan); uvacchubhe "they threw" AvBh 67; bhave AvN 1150 (AvH chandasat vad abhut); AvN 340, 516, Bh 59, 77, 109. 44. Reference in Pi SS 466 : acchia, genhia, etc. 45. ALSDORF, BSOAS 8 (1935), p. 325 = Kleine Schriften, p. 62. 46. See L. ALSDORF, The Story of Citta and Sambhuta in Felicitation Volume presented to Prof. S. K. Belvalkar. Benares, 1957, p. 207, n. 1 = Kleine Schriften, p. 191, n. 1. 47. See Jaina-Agama-Series edition. Bombay, 1977, p. 145, n. 10. 48. BHAYANI, "Sambodhi" 7 (1978-79), p. 115.

Page #9
JAINA MAHARASTRI 511 There are about twenty occurrences in the Avn, e.g. : Jina-Cakki-Dasaranam vanna pamanaim nama gottaim au pura mai piyaro pariyaya gaim ca sahia 49 (368). "He (= Bharata) revealed (ct. sistavan) the colour and the size, the name and the family, the life-span, the city, the mother and father of Jinas, Cakravartins, Baladevas, Vasudevas and Prativasudevas (= Dasaras)". Others are pucchia, "he asked " (AvN 367); uvasiya, "he fasted" (AVN 528, 529; ct. upositavan); thasiya, "he remained standing" (AvN 530), kasiya, "he did" (AvN 178, 190, 366, 501, 513, 531; AvBh 11, 65, 66), asiya, "there were..." (AvBh 5, 6, 8, N 969) 50. All this calls for three remarks. 1. "The possibility of declaring the final ya of the forms in question... to be... a spurious ya" (= ca) has been considered by Alsdorf 51, but, I think, rightly rejected, all the more so since, out of a * total of 58 instances now available, half are located at the end of a sentence, in positions where a ca would make no sense : e.g. Tarangavai 105cd, namam ca bandhava me piuno souna kasiya, "Having listened to my father ('s opinion), my brothers gave me a name". 2. Two thirds of the -i (y) a pasts are used as a third person singular. One fifth of these verbs has a subject in the plural (see e.g. Tarangavai 105 just mentioned) 52. Two instances are used as a first person plural (Utt. 13.18 quoted earlier; Tarangavai 1045), and six as a first person singular (two in the Vasudevahindi, four in the Tarangavai 53). Thus we have here a polyvalent fossilized form. This peculiarity has been taken note of in the "modern recension" of Vararuci's Prakstaprakasa transmitted by Cowell's manuscript W, where it is said : 49. Sahia also appears twice in the Tarangavai (593 and 1131). 50. Both these last forms are equally well documented in the Tarangavai (and the Vasudevahindi). 51. BSOAS 8 (1935), n. 1, p. 325 = Kleine Schriften, p. 62. - In most cases, the (Indian) editors naturally print as two words. 52. Pi $ 516, p. 360 on the invariability of preterite forms. 53. Vasudevahindi : aham... gacchiya and (aham)... dine gamesiya, quoted by ALSDORF, loc. cit.; Tarangavai 800cd to ham... / hiyaenam puvva-gaya, paccha (ya) paehim gacchiya; 1106cd tahe parissamam ham cintiya chuham ca tanham ca; 1377ab ahayam anantara-bhave io ya asiya hatthi-padihatthi; 639cd (aham) uvavasa-paranam suha-manena khamanassa kasiya.

Page #10
512 N. BALBIR ia bhute (= Vr 7.23). bhute vartamanad dhatoh pratyayasya ia adesah syat (= Bhamaha's ct.) : asia, gehia, hasia, padhia (=) asit, agrahit, ahasat, apathat, ityadi. purusa-traya-rupani ekavacana-bahuvacana-rupani ca boddhavyani 54. The last sentence may suggest that the same form is valid for all three persons and both numbers, 3. The derivation of the -i(y)a pasts is a difficult question. Some of them are clearly based on an aorist stem (kasiya, thasiya, asiya); others, like cintiya, seem to be built on the present stem ; a few others, like gacchiya, vocchiya, etc., are ambiguous 55. C. Traces of Apabhramsa influence are not equally wide-spread in the corpus analysed here. They are doubtful at the stage of verse-commentaries. For instance, the niryuktis provide evidence for shortening in the nominative singular of feminine -a stems. Thus we meet citta-sabha in the Ohanijjutti (vs. 452, fourth gana v of an arya) 56, or Mihila in the Uttarajjhaya-nijjutti (vs. 396, second gana ) 57. While reading the AVN, I came across many such forms : in sixth ganas , puccha (366, 492, 1310), padima (489), Aojjha (383), Campa (1284), Vinia (382), etc.; in sixth ganas , , padima (516), Vijaya (520); in a sixth gana - puccha (348); in other metrical positions, padima (490), pavvajja (1298), mala (Bh 95), anukampa (Bh 2), etc. Though it is probably less significant, a similar tendency can be observed in the case of -i stems : thus devi (OhN 452, AVN 1288, sixth gana -- ), adavi (AvN 146, sixth gana -), Banarasi (Uttn 391 58). All this corresponds to the normal situation in Apabhramsa 59. But one must be cautious since these endings mostly appear in enumerative verses, where there seems to be a certain amount of grammatical 'freedom, and since they are bound by metrical constraints 60. On the other hand, however, after Jacobi 61, various editors of early 54. The Prakrita-Prakasa... of Vararuchi... The first complete edition by E. B. COWELL. Reprint Delhi, 1977 (Oxford, 18951), p. 65, note 10 and p. IX about the "W" manuscript. 55. See ALSDORF's suggestions, loc. cit. 56. METTE, Pind'esana, p. 179. 57. LEUMANN, WZKM 6 (1892), p. 43. 58. LEUMANN, ibidem, p. 42. 59. Pi $ 100, $ 374; G. V. TAGARE, Historical Grammar of Apabhramsa. Poona, 1948, $ 89. 60. For bare-stems in Digambara Prakrit, see K. OKUDA, Eine Digambara Dogmatik. Das funfte Kapitel von Vattakeras Mulacara... Wiesbaden, 1975, p. 30 ff. 61. Bhavisatta Kaha von Dhanavala. Eine Jaina Legende in Apabhramsa. Munchen, 1918, p. 58* ff. : * Vulgarismen ".

Page #11
JAINA MAHARASTRI 513 JM narrative works have emphasised that, to some extent, unquestionable Apabhramsa forms such as absolutives in -evi, -eppi, -evinu have crept in. This trend is documented in Vimalasuri's Paumacariya, in the Dhurtakhyana and the Lilavaikaha 62. Some attempts have been made to discover a similar trend in the Vasudevahindi, but, in my view, they have remained rather unconvincing since they are not all based on absolutely undeniable criteria 63 I shall here consider two narrative stanzas quoted in the Avasyaka commentaries which show dialectal variety and efforts towards standardization. The first one is a tristubh included in the " Tale of the ElephantDriver" 04. It shows ordinary JM features, except for the absolutive janeppi in pada c: cira-santhuo va 'liya-santhuena mellavio va 65 dhuva addhuvenam janeppi tujjham pagai-ssabhavam panno naro ko tuhu (tuha] vissasejja? "He who was (your) intimate since long is forsaken for the sake of another made intimate through a lie, he who is reliable for the sake of an unreliable. Knowing your innate behaviour which reasonable man could trust you?" 66 The second stanza has a problematic wording. The brahmin Vararuci who wants to take revenge on Sagadala, the faithful Jaina minister of king Nanda, spreads a rumour in order to drive them apart from each other. In Hemacandra's clear Sanskrit it runs as follows: na vetti raja yad asau Sakatalah karisyati vyapadya Nandam tad-rajye Sriyakam sthapayisyati 67. 62. Examples are conveniently collected in SCHWARZSCHILD, Some Forms of the Absolutive... (see above n. 27), p. 114 who notes: "(The short forms sevi and -ivi) are the most frequent in Apabhramsa from the beginning, and they appear in Prakrit texts influenced by popular speech where the Ap. endings of the absolutive have penetrated", see also K. R. CHANDRA, A Critical Study (as above n. 13), p. 554-578. esp. p. 572 (karevi 2 x; sunevi 1 x). 63. K. R. CHANDRA, Apabhramsa Forms in the Vasudevahindi, "Sambodhi" 4, 3-4 (1975-76), p. 34-39. 64. AVC 461, 14-465, 6; AvH 349a, 1-352a, 2; etc. See A. METTE, The Tale of the Elephant-Driver in its Avasyaka-Version in Siddhantacarya Pandit Kailashchandraji Shastri Abhinandanagranth. Rewa (M.P.), 1980, p. 549-559. 65. The curni edition 464, 11 reads mellevi tava, a difficult reading : mellavio va is the emendation proposed by Mrs METTE, loc. cit., p. 553. 66. Trsl. A. METTE, loc. cit., p. 553. 67. Parisistapar van VIII, 50. Ed. H. JACOBI. Calcutta, 1932.

Page #12
514 N. BALBIR "The king is not aware of what Sakatala will do : he will murder Nanda, and put Sriyaka [his own son) as the king". The Prakrit tradition, however, is quite corrupt : Nando raya na vi janai jam Sagadalo karehii : raya- Nandam marevinu Siriyam rajje havehi tti. a. raya Nandu AvH 649b, 3, Devendra's ct. on Utt 29a, 1; b. kahii AvH, Sagadalu karesai, DevUtt; c. raya-Nandam is the reading of AvH; Nando raya, AVC II 184, 10 is obviously wrong; raya Nandu, DevUtt; marevinu Avc, maretta AvH, DevUtt; d. ihavehii AvH; rajji thavesai DevUtt. But the absolutive form is striking and has led K. R. Chandra to restore the verse as an ordinary Apabhramsa doha: Nandu raya na vi janai, jam Sagadalu kahii raya-Nandam marevinu, Siriya rajje thavehii 68 Leaving aside these difficulties, both Apabhramsa absolutives in the aforesaid quotation have been reinterpreted in Haribhadra's tika : janeppi has become janemi, which makes very little sense ; marevinu has been normalized as maretta 69. Occasionally, we come across a first person singular in -ami 70 : e.g. in the Mahanisihasutta, niddahami 71. The narrative works and Canonical prose commentaries show the use of the declinable postpositions tanaya and ccaya attached to pronominal bases, and quite common in Apabhramsa : e.g. tujjha-ccaena AVC 468, 11-12 (versus AvH tumam atthae), tassa ccayani pottani AvC II 289, 14, etc. 72; mama tanaenam AVC II 198, 12 (versus H m. kaenam) AVC II 196, 10, etc. 73 68. K. R. CHANDRA, Apabhramsa Passages in the Pre-Tenth Century Sretambara Prakrit-Sanskrit Works in Contributions of Jainism to Indian Culture. Ed. R. C. DWIVEDI. Varanasi, 1975, p. 31 (30-41). 69. Apabhramsa influence is also felt in "Digambara Prakrit": see W. DENECKE, Digambara-Texte. Eine Darstellung ihrer Sprache und ihres Inhalts. Hamburg, 1922 (Diss.), p. 7 ff.; IDEM, Mitteilungen uber Digambara-Texte. Festgabe fur H. Jacobi. Bonn, 1926, p. 166 f.; W. SCHUBRING, Kundak unda echt und unecht, ZDMG 107 (1957). p. 567 = Kleine Schriften. Wiesbaden, 1977, p. 354. 70. Pi $ 454; TAGARE, op. cit., SS 136, p. 286. 71. SCHUBRING, Mahanisiha, p. 90. 72. And AvH 295a, 8; 565b, 5. - On -cca( ya) which serves to build possessive adjectives in Marathi, see H. C. BHAYANI, Some Interesting Features of the Prakrit of the Nanapancamikaha BhV 12 (1951), p. 157, referring to Hemacandra's Prakrit Grammar 2.149, etc. 73. See L. A. SCHWARZSCHILD, Notes on two Postpositions of Late Middle IndoAryan : TANAYA and RESI, RESAMMI Bh V 19 (1959), p. 77-87; J. BLOCH, Application de la cartographie a l'histoire de l'indo-aryen. Paris, 1963, p. 6 ff.

Page #13
JAINA MAHARASTRI 515 The fairly large number of past participles in -ellaya, particularly in the Avasyaka prose commentaries has been attributed to the influence of popular speech 74. Either they are merely equivalent to -ta participles, or they function as adjectives implying anteriority, in contradistinction to a -ta participle used as the main verb. For instance : gaaiya-maue ya jam sahassam... dinnellayam tam se darisiyam, "she showed him... one thousand (dinaras) which the courtezan's mother had given to her" (AvC 467, 9) 75. Elsewhere, the -ellaya participle works as a pluperfect, indicating an incidental event, and is sometimes emphasised by a particle (ya, kira): tise gabbho laggo. sa ya amaccena bhanielliya, "she became pregnant. She had been told by the minister" (AvC 448, 13) 76 These forms foreshadow the -I- participles of Western Neo-Indian languages : Marathi and Gujarati 77. In Gujarati, the suffix -elo (-1, -u) serves to derive from a verbal base an adjective exactly corresponding to what we saw in the first Prakrit example just mentioned, endowed with a resultative value 78. 74. See L. P. TESSITORI, Notes on the Grammar of the Old Western Rajasthani with Special Reference to Apabhramca and to Gujarati and Marwari, IA 44 (1915), p. 102, with a few instances quoted from Leumann's Av. Erzahlungen (ADD. p. 524). 75. See also santisuri's Uttaradhyayana-tika quoted by ALSDORF, A New Version of the Agadadatta Story NIA I (1938), p. 284 = Kleine Schriften, p. 110: tava ya agao parivvayao jakkha-deulao saiellae dalidda-purise ghettuna, and his convincing explanation of saieliae as " who had been sleeping". - Such forms are already sporadically documented in the Canon : e.g. in the narrative cliche ... kumaram amma-piyaro... sarisiyanam... sarisaehim raya-kulehinto anilliyanam... raya-vara-kannanam panim ginhavimsu, Viyahapannatti XI, 1 (Suttagame I. Gurgaon, 1953, p. 642, 1. 19), ubi alia. 76. Cp. the parallel version included in Haribhadra's Upadesapada (Baroda, 1923), p. 29a, vs. 10 aha sa puvvam amaccena asi bhaniya. -- Other instances are AvC 280, 5 mariellao; AVC 290, 5 ditthellao: AVC 466, 1 laddhellayam; AvC 529, 13 gaellao; AvC II 188, 3 thiellaga; AvH 188a, 9 jaellao, etc. 77. J. BLCCH, Indo-Aryan from the Vedas to Modern Times. English edition... Paris, 1965, p. 267. IDEM, Application de la cartographie a l'histoire de l'indo-aryen. Paris, 1963, p. 26. 78. See G. P. TAYLOR, The Student's Gujarati Grammar. Bombay, 19082, $ 152, p. 153; H. M. LAMBERT, Gujarati Language Course. Cambridge, 1971, p. 133; ubi alia.

Page #14
516 N. BALBIR (II) The series of forms which will be discussed now cannot be attributed to any known dialect, but they may be taken as isolated representatives of underlying tendencies, or attempts at innovation. As such they are not out of place here. They seem to belong to only one part of our corpus, namely the niryuktis, bhasyas, curnis (and Prakrit portions of the tikas). Very frequently we come across a polyvalent oblique ending -ae attached to the masculine stems piya and raya. Piyae and rayae are used as instrumentals singular. Thus in a Brhatkalpabhasya verse. (6101) where two girl-friends are exchanging harsh words (pharusa): kendnlam pisiyam ?... kim khu! tumam piyde ariant... "Who has brought this flesh? ... Who else? Your own father has brought it!" (tika tvadiyena pitranitam), In the prose commentaries (especially of the AvN) the examples are numerous e.g. rayae leho visajjio, "the king sent a message" (AvC 546, 13); piyae samam jemei... piyae samam gao, "he ate with his father, ... went with his father" (AvC 544, 9); rayae ghosaviyam, "the king has a proclamation made" (AvC II 154, 5), and so on 80. These forms also function as a genitive-dative. For instance: aham ca piyae kuram anami," and I am bringing rice to my father" (AvC II 57, 12); rayae paesu padio, "he threw himself at the king's feet" (AvC II 182, 9 = H); rayae samivam gao, "he went to the king" (AvH 418b, 3), etc. 81. Ambiguity may arise in the case of elliptic phrases such as rayae pucchiyam which could either mean "it was asked by the king" or to the king". Though it is generally clarified by the context, this difficulty could perhaps account for the fact that such forms had a very short life and were never really admitted by the tradition. There are variants, for, quite often, the curni reads rayae, piyae, while the parallel text of the tika has the ordinary JM instrumentals and 79. On tumam sporadically used as a genitive, Pi SS 420-421. 80. E.g. rayae nintena dittho AvC II 155, 4 (H); rayae varia mo AvC II 182, 2 (H); AvC II 154, 9 (= H); AvC II 181, 8 et 10 (H); AvC II 184, 3 (= H); rayae samam juam ramai AvC 550, 4 (= H); maya-piyae suyam AvC II 206, 8 = Santisuri's tika on Utt., 302a, 1. 81. See also rayae uvanio AvC II 154, 7 (- H); "he was brought near to the king": rayae paya-vadio AvC II 154, 8 (= H), etc.

Page #15
JAINA MAHARASTRI 517 genitives raina, ranna, ranno, piuna, piuno 82, and vice-versa 83. Hence, probably, the suspicions of modern scholars. In his critical edition of the Kokkasa-story (included in the Av commentaries), Alsdorf introduced the usual raina instead of keeping rayae, which both Leumann and the Indian editors had read 84. In another case, it seems to me that Jacobi was wrong to leave aside the reading rayae, provided by a good manuscript, and prefer raie "in the night" which makes no good sense in the particular passage 85. But how are we to explain these forms which are, to my knowledge, not listed by any Prakrit grammarian or any modern study? One could think of the dative in cae, which may have spread to masculine and neuter stems in -a starting from the feminine 86. I would be inclined to put forward a possible analogy with feminine -a stems, for from a synchronic viewpoint there is no difference between mala, an ordinary -a stem, maya "mother "which in Prakrit belongs to the same category 87, and raya, if we consider the nominative forms. "The reaction of the feminine on the masculine" 88 is not unknown : in Pali, for instance, usuma, usma "heat" < Sk. usman (masc.) can be inflected as a feminine -a stem, as the oblique in -aya shows 89, or as a neuter. In the present case, however, we would have to admit that a purely formal analogy has prevailed over the basic masculine-feminine gender distinction in words referring to animate beings, and this may explain why these forms quickly disappeared. mala maya piya raya malae mayae 90 82. Pi SS 391 and 399. 83. For instance : rayae varaga pesiya AVC II 58, 4; ranna AvH 558b, 7; pirae suram AVC II 206, 8; piuna AvH 718a, 3; rayae suta bhaniya AVC II 279, 7; ranna AvH 814b. 9; rayae H 694b, 4; ranna AvC; rayae samivam gao AvH 418b, 3; ranno C 547, 4; pijae kuram anami AVC II 57, 12; piuno AvH 558,6, 1, etc. 84. AvC 540, 6' = AvH 409a, 8 = AVM 512b, 2; L. ALSDORF, Zwei neue Belege cur "indischen Herkunft" von 1001 Nacht, ZDMG 14 (1935), p. 302 with fn. 2 = Kleine Schriften, p. 545. Alsdorf's edition is based on the manuscript which was prepared by Leumann when he thought of continuing his Avasyaka- Erzahlungen. 85. H. JACOBI, Ueber die Entstehung der Cvetambara und Digambara Sekten, ZDMG 38 (1884), p. 2 = Kleine Schriften. Wiesbaden, 1970, vol. II, p. 816 : so ( = Sivabhui)... rayanam uvagao "..." ranna bhaniyam "..." tava raie (v.l. rayae) annaya bhanio. The fact that the preceding sentence has ranna could explain Jacobi's choice. The same situation is repeatedly seen in Av. commentaries; it could account for the fact that the abnormal rayae was eliminated. 86. Pi $ 364. 87. Pi $ 389: "Die Feminina der Verwandtschaftsworter werden auch als -a- Stamme flectirt". 88. J. BLOCH, Indo-Aryan, p. 140. 89. CPD II 13 s.v. AMg umha has both fem. and masc. genders. 90. This form of the instrumental is precisely available in the JM of the Av. Erzahlungen : see Pi SS 392.

Page #16
518 N. BALBIR A transitional stage, which supposes that the analogy first took place in a pair of kinship nouns (maya, piya) before extending to the word "king", may not be necessary 91 A similar problem of linguistic authenticity and origin arises with the active past participles in -aio, fem. -aia, already briefly hinted at by Mrs. Mette 92, and found in the Av prose commentaries : e.g. pavvajjam kayaio, "he renounced the world" (AvH 714b, 2); Titthayaro dhammam kahiyaio, "the Tirthamkara taught the Law" (AvH 237b, 6 = tika on Bshatkalpabhasya vs. 1205); to samane bhaniyaio, "then he told the monks..." (AvH 312b, 11), etc. 93. An older instance is provided by the last verse of the Suyagada-nijjutti (205ab): Pasavaccijjo pucchiyaio ajja-Goyamam Udago. "Udaga, a follower of Parsva, asked the noble Goyama "... The Sanskrit gloss renders the verb as prstavan. A comparison of parallel passages in Av curni and tikas shows that attempts have been made to exclude these odd forms. Thus, instead of p. kayaio, quoted earlier, a passive construction is used in the curni :. pavvajja kaya (AVC II 202, 12); in place of dh. kahiyaio (above), the curni (332, 3) reads pakahio, and Malayagiri's commentary has kahei. Undoubtedly, these participles were considered strange. Pischel nowhere rnentions them, though at least three instances are found in Leumann's Avas yaka Erzahlungen, the material of which he had used for his Grammatik : seviyaio (p. 23, v. 1. 15); jiviyaio (p. 23, 1. 9 and p. 25, 1. 9) is the only example of an intransitive verb in this category. However, as was suggested by Mrs. Mette, they could be Prakrit counterparts of Pali and Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit derivatives in -tavin 94 Finally, attention is drawn to an isolated and curious form preserved in an arya of the Ayaranga-nijjutti (vs. 67ab): tattha "akari karissam" ti bandha-cinta kaya puno hoi. Akari and karissam are clearly put in asyndeton as a past and a future, and the phrase may represent an old formula (akariti krtavan 91. Strangely enough I have not come across this type of form in other terms like bhaya "brother", etc. (Cp. in G. FUSSMAN's article $ 18.3 dhituna, instr. of dhita, Ed.). 92. The tales belonging to the namaskara-vyakhya of the Avasyaka-Curni, IT 11 (1983), p. 130. 93. And also, in the feminine, piviyaia "she drank", AVC 152, 10 (= H); nindiyaiya tti "she blamed herself", AvH 486a, 10, etc. (ADD. p. 524). 94. METTE, loc, cit.; references in von HINUEBER, Das altere Mittelindisch, $ 494; and cp. F. EDGERTON in Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Grammar. New Haven, 1953, $ 22.51 : "So far as I can find, no such usage is recorded in Pkt. ".

Page #17
JAINA MAHARASTRI 519 karissan ti karisyamiti anenatitanagatopadanena... is the gloss of the tika): "The thought (which creates) bondage, viz. 'I have done / I shall do' is being made". The reading is certain; the form looks identical to a Sanskrit so-called "passive" -i aorist, which may be used very rarely with an active meaning os. But would not it be rather rash to think of such an explanation, all the more so since akari here appears as a first person singular? 96 (III) Old JM sources also retain another type of linguistic rarity, namely a small number of vaitaliya-stanzas composed "in einer Sprache, die man aufgrund ihres I fur r, aber nicht S fur s/s als die echte Ardhamagadhi bezeichnen darf", to quote Alsdorf's words 97. They show how Eastern and Western dialects can mix together or at least can be found side by side. So far, two groups of such stanzas had been brought to light by Alsdorf himself. The first one has been traced in the Uttarajjhayanijjutti 98, the second one in the anonymous Manipaticarita 99, a narrative work of unknown date closely connected with the Avasyaka tradition. In the latter case, the metre has undergone many distortions in the course of time. The importance of such verses lies in the fact that they can be seen as remains of the original Eastern dialect from which the Canon was later transposed, and thus of a stage earlier than the so-called "Ardhamagadhi" of the Svetambara Canon and a "missing link dans notre reconstitution d'histoire linguistique" 100. In his Etudes jaina, Alsdorf observed that there had probably been more such 95. "Apparemment par influence des finales en -it", L. RENOU, Grammaire Sanscrite. Paris, 1930, $ 318, p. 441; akari is already Vedic, cf. L. RENOU, Grammaire de la langue vedique. Lyon, 1952, $ 350; ubi alia. 96. There are only sporadic traces of this type of aorist in Middle-Indian, namely a few Pali forms: see, recently, von HINUEBER, Das altere Mittelindisch. $ 462, with reference to GEIGER, S 177. 97. L. ALSDORF, Das Jataka vom weisen Vidhura, WZKS 15 (1971), p. 28 - Kleine Schriften, p. 385. 98. Uttn 137, 138 : L. ALSDORF, Les etudes jaina. Etat present et taches futures. Paris, College de France, 1965, p. 23-25; IDEM, Ardha-Magadhi in Die Sprache der altesten buddhistischen Ueberlieferung... Herausgegeben von H. BECHERT. Gottingen, 1980, p. 17-23. 99. L. ALSDORF, Zwei Proben der Volksdichtung aus dem alten Magadha in Beitrage zur Indienforschung. Ernst Waldschmidt zum 80. Geburtstag gewidmet. Berlin, 1977, p. 17-24. 100. ALSDORF, Etudes jaina, p. 23.

Page #18
520 N. BALBIR evidence, but that it had partly been obliterated by standardization : "Il semble certain qu'avant leur normalisation par les copistes, il y [en] ait eu bien davantage [scil. de "ces premiers temoignages directs de la veritable semi-magadhi jaina"], et il est possible qu'on en trouverait d'autres en examinant de plus pres la grande masse de textes des commentaires " 101. I think I can now draw attention to two more similar passages. Like the above mentioned stanzas discovered by Alsdorf, the first one is narrative. It is quoted in the Avasyaka tradition, first embodied by the Avasyaka curni and Haribhadra's tika, later continued by parallel versions found in the Akhyanakamanikosa, the Kumarapalapratibodha and the Kathakosa 102. It is also found in Devendra's commentary on Uttarajjhaya 1.3 103. It is in the form of an enigmatic prophecy announced by a heavenly voice: samane jai Kulavalae Magahiyam ganiyam lamehil laya ya Asogacandae Vesalim nagalim gahissal a. s. jaha Dev.; b. lamehii AvC, lamissae Dev., lagehii AvH, lagissae Kumarap., labhissai Akhyanakam., gamissae Kathak.; infra about these readings; c. so all except AvC tada laya: better? raya A. Kathak.; d. nagarim AvCH, Kathak.! Vesali-nagalim Akhyanakam. " "If the ascetic Kulavalaka enjoys the courtezan Magadhika, the king Asokacandraka will take the city of Vaisali". We are faced with an historical fact clothed in legend and fantasy, namely the last phase of Kunika Ajatasattu's imperialism. Asokacandra is a pet name invented by the Jainas for this Magadhian king, who is also well-known to Buddhist sources 104. The stanza alludes to the way in which Kunika took the city of Vaisali from his enemy Cetaka by guile the courtezan seduced the monk who then became Kunika's agent. This particular episode has no counterpart in Buddhist sources Ajatasattu managed to take Vaisali in a different, more orthodox way! There is however no doubt that this stanza is an old one: the contents, the metre (vaitaliya) and the language clearly prove 101. Ibidem, p. 25. 102. AvC II 174, 3*-4* AvH 685a, 5* [cf. A. METTE, IT 11 (1983), p. 139]; Acarya Nemicandra's Akhyanakamanikosa with Acarya Amradeva's Commentary. Ed. by Muni Shri Punyavijayji. Varanasi, Ahmedabad, 1962 (Prakrit Text Series 6), vs. 13. p. 273; Somaprabha, Kumarapalapratibodha. Ed... Muniraja Jinavijaya. Baroda, 1920, p. 162; I. HOFFMANN, Der Kathakosa. Text und Uebersetzung... Munchen, 1974, p. 439. 103. In H. JACOBI, Das Kalakacarya-kathanakam, ZDMG 34 (1880), p. 291, fn. I. 104. It refers to an event of his early childhood: AvC II 166-167; AvH 678b-679a; Prakrit Proper Names..., Ahmedabad, 1970, s.v. Kunia.

Page #19
JAINA MAHARASTRI 521 it 105. Both -e nominative endings, preservation of l-s, and s-s show that the dialect is authentic AMg. Nevertheless a look at the main variants testifies to a tendency towards normalization : the Avasyaka-editions have nagarim, the Kathakosa has raya; the verb lamehii, lamissae (Sk. RAM), which seems to be the original reading, appears not to have been understood any more and is replaced by loose equivalents : LAG, LABH, or GAM in its technical meaning "to have sexual intercourse with ". Nor are we surprised to see that in the Kathakosa, a Sanskrit work interspersed with Middle-Indian quotations, the rhythm of the vaitaliya has been altered. On the other hand, we have two curious instances of what might be called hypercorrection. Throughout the tradition, the ascetic's name appears as Kulavalaka, in the AMg stanzas as well as in the prose accounts. The Avasyaka-curni, however, distinguishes between verse and prose and hands down a westernized form of the name in the surrounding prose, viz. Kulavaraka. . I find the second detail more puzzling : in Hemacandra's Trisastisalakapurusacaritra which also includes the same story, our stanza is in the shape of a Magadhi sloka characterized by the l (lamija) and the palatal sibilant, thus samane 106, Vesalim, but gahissadi 107. guniyam ce Magadhiyam samane Kulavalake lamijja Kunie laya to Vesalim gahissadi (10.12.316) 108 My second group of AMg vaitaliyas occurs in a dogmatical context in the Bshatkalpabhasya. These five verses (1 + 2 + 2, scil. 4325, 4330-31, 4362-63) are milestones in a section otherwise composed of ordinary aryas (BK Bh 4308-4366) and devoted to the discussion of a question which was undoubtedly of great importance for the Svetambara Jainas: the distribution of clothes (paribhayane BK Bh 4308) among nigganthas and nigganthis. 105. Cp. H. JACOBI, Buddhas und Mahaviras Nirvana und die politische Entwicklung Magadhas zu jener Zeit, "Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akad. d. Wissenschaften...", 1930, p. 567 = Kleine Schriften, vol. II, p. 813. 106. As expected : see Pi SS 202, Magadhi savaka = Sk. sravaka, etc. 107. We expect -SC: see Pi SS 520. Is this inconsistency due to an error? However, cp. Gandhari Dharmapada where the phonetic development of -sy- is different in a future (bhavisadi) and elsewhere (manusa): J. BROUGH, The Gandhari Dharmapada. London, 1962, $ 59. 108. This is the text as improved with the help of the aforesaid parallel versions. Both the Bhavnagar edition of Vikrama samvat 1965 and the Sanskrit chaya available in H. M. JOHNSON, Trisastisalakapurusacaritra or the Lives of Sixty-Three Mustrious Persons... Translated into English, vol. VI. Baroda, 1962 (G.O.S. 140), p. 326, n. 249 (with the correction of p. 379) are unsatisfactory.

Page #20
522 N. BALBIR Though the connection between the five vaitaliyas is somewhat loose, we can deal with them simultaneously. 4325. jai tava dalant' agalino dhammadhamma-visesa-bahila bahu-samjaya-vinda-majjhake uvakalane si kim eva mucchio? 4330-31. khamae laddhuna ambale dau guluna ya so valitthae bei gulum "em eva sesae deha jaina", guluhi vuccai : "sayam eva ya dehi ambale tava je loyai ettha samjae", ii chandiya-pesio tahim khamao dei lisina ambale. 4362-63. vayanam na vi gavva-bhaliyam elisayam kusalehi pujiyam ahava na vi ettha lusimo pagai esa ajanue jane. mulena vina hu kelise talu pavale ya ghane ya sobhai? na ya mula-vibhinnae ghade jalam-adini dhalei kanhui. The first stanza indirectly hints at the quarrels which cropped up when the monks came to share among themselves the clothes received from the laymen, and it warns them against envy : "When even householders who are unconcerned by the difference between dharma and adharma (agree to give (their own garments), how can you, who are living in a group of numerous self-controlled ascetics, be infatuated with a mere implement?". We should notice by the way that the following verse (4326) is a tristubh : it has been observed that vaitaliyas and tristubhs are closely connected 109 The next two vaitaliyas pertain to the sharing of the clothes brought by the ksapaka, scil. the fasting monk who is often given a special treatment in the disciplinary texts 110 : "Having brought the clothes and having given the best ones to his guru, the ksapaka says to him : "In the same way, please give the other (clothes) to the monks". The guru answers : "Give these clothes yourself to whatever ascetic you want". Being invited and dismissed in this manner, the ksapaka gives the clothes to the wise". I am struck by the pedestrian style of this short dialogue and by the apparently indiscriminate use of terms designating the Jaina monk (jai, samjaya, lisi). It looks rather queer in a section which otherwise shows concern for the religious hierarchy. The last two verses reproach the behaviour of the rebellious monk who claims that the ksapaka should show him deference: "Such an arrogant word is not praised by the clever ones". Or : "I should not be angry about that : such is the nature of a foolish person". 109. ALSDORF,Das Jataka (as in n. 97) = Kleine Schriften, p. 384. 110. See, for instance, C. CAILLAT, Atonements in the Ancient Ritual of the Jaina Monks. Ahmedabad, 1975 (L.D. Series 49), p. 113.

Page #21
JAINA MAHARASTRI 523 Then comes a drstanta : "Without a root, what tree would look excellent and thick? A pot with a broken base would never retain water, etc. ". Throughout these stanzas we find the main "AMg" characteristic, the /(agalino, bahila, uvakalane, gulu, ambale, talu and so on). As in one of the two cases analysed by Alsdorf, the Sanskrit commentator has here observed the dialectal difference. He has taken note of its specific linguistic feature and quoted the famous sutra on Magadhi: iha sarvatrapi ra-karasya la-karadesah "ra-sor la-sau "111 iti Magadha-bhasa-laksana-vasat 112, The other features are not so consistent. Nominatives singular in -e do occur, for instance in the masculine nouns (khamae 4330, je samjae 4331, ghade 4363, etc.), but -o forms are also found (mucchio 4325, pesio... khamao 4331). An extreme case is provided in 4331d: khamao dei lisina ambale, where and the -o ending stand side by side. The neuter nominative does not show the Eastern ending -e, but the ordinary -am: see 4362 vayanam na vi... pujiyam. Again, these are examples of the conflict between conservatism and normalization. Finally, the accusative plural ambale (4330, 4331; Sk. ambarani) reflects the loss of the masculine-neuter gender distinction in a stems. For this particular word, it is already documented in Pali: nanaratte ca ambare (Ja VI 230, 29*). The main tendencies observed in this paper can now be summed up. 1. To some extent, we have seen that a distinction has to be drawn between the two groups of our corpus as far as dialectal influences are concerned. 2. The influence of'AMg on JM seems to be partly limited by stylistic motivations. In several cases, we find in the context some elements which account for it. On the other hand, there are many linguistic features common to these two dialects. 3. The case of Apabhramsa is more difficult. Morphological evidence for the possible influence of this dialect on JM is scarce. It may be 111. See, for instance, Hemacandra's Prakrit Grammar 4.288. 112. Tika on the BKBh, vol. IV, p. 1173.

Page #22
524 N. BALBIR the influence of common speech, and will have to be supplemented by phonology and vocabulary. 4. A few instances have shown the elimination of innovations at work, or the normalization of intrusive dialect forms. 5. Writers or commentators very seldom take notice of intrusive, archaic, new or foreign forms. In other words, they are generally insensitive to the use of different dialects. It was probably no surprise to them. Their grammatical observations mainly concern cases of deviation from Sanskrit grammatical rules which they merely state as being due to praksta-saili-. There is however a wellknown exception, namely Uddyotanasuri, the author of the famous Kuvalayamala who apparently thought about his own way of using dialects and gave a credible picture of linguistic variety in daily life 113 In a paper which came to my knowledge only in May 1988. Prof. Bhavani has also listed instances of the past active participle in -aiya- (< Pavika-) and proposed a fourfold classification of the past participle extended with -ellaya which can be used 1) attributively, 2) predicatively in the simple past sense, 3) predicatively to convey pluperfect, 4) predicatively in the present perfect sense : Notes on the Prakrit of the Early Commentaries of the Jain Canon, in Pratishthan Patrika", Research Bulletin of the Rajasthan Oriental Institute Jodhpur, 1987, p. 114-120 [113-124). RESUME Deux groupes de textes relevant de genres litteraires differents sont ici examines : d'une part, d'anciens commentaires versifies du Canon svetambara (niryukti, bhasya), de l'autre, des cuvres narratives (Vasudevahindi, Tarangavai, Avasyaka-curni...). On cherche a reperer dans ce corpus, dont le dialecte dominant est la maharastri jaina archaique, des traces morphologiques incontestables de l'influence d'autres dialectes. (1) Ce sont : A. des traits caracteristiques de l'ardhamagadhi (nomin. sg. en -e, loc. sg. -msi, instr. sg. -asa dans la flexion thematique, absol. en -ttanam, aor. << moyen >> en -ittha) dont on peut souvent montrer que l'intrusion est conditionnee stylistiquement; B. quelques desinences verbales d'occurrence rare dans le prakrit canonique, que les progres de la documentation montrent attestees en jm. (1. sg. present -am, desinence -e en valeur de preterit, participe en -tavam, forme fossilisee de l'aor. en -iya); C. certaines desinences qui evoquent l'apabhramsa (cas direct sg. -a des themes en -a, absol. en -evi, 1. sg. present -ami, participe 113. See Kuvalayamala ed. A. N. UPADHYE. Bombay, 1970 (Singhi Jain Series 46), p. 77 ff.; and Lilavaikaha ed. by the same scholar. Bombay, 1949 (Singhi Jain Series 31): the author himself says that he is writing in marahatha-desi-bhasa, p. 75 ff.

Page #23
JAINA MAHARASTRI 525 passe en -ellaya). (II) On etudie ensuite une serie de formes curieuses dont on ne peut determiner l'appartenance dialectale, mais dont on constate qu'elles ont eu une existence ephemere en jm., avant d'etre eliminees sous la pression des normalisations grammaticales (obl. -ae des noms du << roi >> et du << pere >>! participe passe actif en-aio). (III) Enfin, on a cru pouvoir enrichir le repertoire, naguere dresse par L. Alsdorf, des stances redigees en << amg. authentique >> (ou l est conserve) en y ajoutant quelques exemples que les commentaires ont transmis vaille que vaille. L'ensemble de ces faits montre notamment les conditions dans lesquelles s'effectuent les melanges dialectaux : les archaismes cotoient les formes courantes, pourvu qu'ils soient bien integres au systeme linguistique (I. A.); les innovations marginales et difficilement explicables ne resistent pas (II ; III). Fevrier 1987. INDEX FORMANTIUM -a, nom. sg. of -a stems, 512. -am, pres. 1 sg., 509. -ami, pres. 1 sg., 514. -asa, instr. sg. of -a stems, 507. -aio, -aja (cf. -tavin), past. participle, 518. . -ae, obl. ending of raya, piya, 516 f. -aga-, 506.. -i, nom. sg. of -i stems, 512. -ittha, aor. ending, 508 f. -iya, preterite ending, 510 f. -el-o, nom. sg. of -a stems, 505 f. -e, optative-preterite ending, 509 f. -eppi, absolutive, 513 f. -ellaya (Guj. -elo), past participle, 515 f. -evinu, absolutive, 514. -ccaya-, postposition, 514. tanaya-, postposition, 514. -taraga-, comparative, 506. -tavam (cf. -tavant), past participle, 510. -ttanam, absolutive, 507 f. -msi, loc. sg., 506 f. 1- (opp. r-), 519 f. PRAKRIT DIALECTS Apabhramsa, 412 ff. "Archaic Jaina Maharastri", 503 f. Ardhamagadhi, 505 ff. "Digambara Prakrit", *n. 60, 69. "Echt Ardha-Magadhi", 519 ff. Jaina Maharastri, 503 Magadhi, 521.