Monks Monarchs And Materialists

Author(s): Piotr Balcerowicz
Publisher: Piotr Balcerowicz
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/269197/1

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(c) Springer 2005 Journal of Indian Philosophy (2005) 33: 571-582 DOI 10.1007/s10781-005-7037-6 PIOTR BALCEROWICZ MONKS, MONARCHS AND MATERIALISTS Review: Willem Bollee: The Story of Paesi (Paesi-kahanayan). Soul and Body in Ancient India. A Dialogue on Materialism. Text, Translation, Notes and Glossary. Beitrage zur Kenntnis sudasiatischer Sprachen und Literaturen 8, Harrassowitz Verlag, Wiesbaden 2002. ISSN 0948-2896/ISBN 3-447-04555-8, viii + 386 pages. The work by Willem B. BOLLEE presents a critical edition and richly annotated English translation (pp. 15-221) of 'The Story of Paesi' (Pkt.: Paesi-kahanayam, Skt.: Pradesi-kathanaka), which forms the kernel of the Jaina canonical book of King's questions (Pkt.: Rayapaseniya, Skt.: Rajaprasni?, RP), $$ 667[47]-817[84]). A version of an ancient philosophical dialogue between a materialist governor and a philosophically inclined monk is here preserved in the Ardha-magadhi Prakrit. The edition is supplemented with a Glossary of selected words' (223-305), 'Index rerum' (pp. 307-316), list of quotations (p. 317); an 'Appendix' contains a relevant extract of Haribhadra's Samaraicca-kaha 164, 18 ff. The title of the second supplementary book of the Jaina Canon (Pkt.: uvariga, Skt.: upanga), from which the philosophical dialogue stems, is in itself problematic and has several variants (Pkt.: Rayapaseniya/ Rayapasanaiayam / Rayapasenaijja / Rayappasenaiyya / Rayappasenaijja/ Rayapasenijja / Rayapaseni; sanskritised: Rajaprasni / Rajaprasniya / Rajaprasiya-sutra). Accordingly, the understanding of the title meaning can vary, e.g. Ravapasenaijja (derived from the causative form) would mean: 'what has been prompted by king's question' (i.e. *Replies to royal questions"), or Rayapasenijja--the contents of the king's questions. One of the sanskritisations, Rajaprasni, would imply: 'A book of king's questions' (from rajaprasnal). It has been suggested by LEUMANN (1883:2), LEUMANN (1885: 536) and BOLLEE (p. 9) that the title may reflect the king Paesi's name: the early Pkt. title may thus have been Rayapasniya (Skt.: Rajaprasniya), transformed into Ruyapaseniva in later Prakrit; thus, the title was subsequently contaminated under the influence of the popular Buddhist Pali legend of the king Pasenadi (Pkt.: Pasenai, Skt.: Prasenajit), whose vassal was Payasi (vide infra). However, it seems that that opaseniya of the title may

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572 PIOTR BALCEROWICZ be directly related to Pkt.: pasina < Skt.: prasna (similar to the Milinda-panha), a hint to which is found in RP $ 719; no atthaim heuim pasinaim karanaim vagaranaim pucchai. The whole book of RP bears its title after the central dialogue contained in its two chapters, known as Paesi-kahanayam. The Solar Deity Suriyabha (Skt.: Suryabha) pays homage to Mahavira and, along with his retinue, stages a dance performance. Subsequently, Mahavira replies to a number of questions asked by his close disciple Goyama (Skt.: Gautama), who wishes to know who Suriyabha was in his previous birth. We learn that he was a wicked materialist acting against the moral law (Pkt.: ahammia / adhammiya, s. adharmika), called Paesi / Paesi, which is sanskritised in commentaries as Pradesin. In the sequel, we also learn of governor Paesi's encounter with a prince-monk Kesi/ Kesi (Skt.: Kesin), a follower of Passa / Pasa (Skt.: Parsva), the 23rd tirthamkara. Kesi is apparently of aristocratic birth, as well; this is suggested by his appellation kumara-samane: 'prince-ascetico; an alternative understanding 'young ascetic' or 'a monk initiated in his childhood' seems less plausible in view of the fact that he address raja Paesi by his name (see RP 737 ff.) and treats him as equal by birth (cf. BOLLEE, . 45-46). Further, his noble birth is indicated in the text (RP 686: jaisampanne kula-sampanne). He is the same monk that features in a conversation with Mahavira's disciple Goyama in Uttar 23 (that Goyama can hardly be the same person as Goyama of RP who asks Mahavira about Kesi's previous births). All the most important features also match: he is known as Parsva's follower (Uttar 23.1), is surrounded by numerous disciples, is called 'prince-ascetic' (23.2: kesi kumara-samane) and is, as it is emphasised, possessed of two kinds of supernatural knowledge: testimonial cognition and clairvoyance (Uttar 23.3: ohi-naana-sue = RP 746). As if incidentally, or rather: entangled in the course of events by virtue of his charioteer Citta, Paesi - while strolling in a park - comes across a Jaina monk, who gives a sermon to his followers. The governor, whose Weltanschauung is laconically described by the Jainas as 'the doctrine (maintaining that] the soul is the same as the body' (taj-jiva-tac-charira-vada), questions the monk's claim that the soul exists and that there is life after death. In a animated dispute, he attempts to demonstrate that neither empirical observation nor conducted experiments allow to acquiesce to the Jaina teaching that 'the soul is not the same as the body, that it is not the case that the soul is the same as the body' (RP 748-750: anno jivo annar sariram;

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MONKS, MONARCHS AND MATERIALISTS 573 no: tam jivo tam sariram). His ascetic interlocutor endeavours to establish the Jaina thesis with couter-comparisons, applying the reasoning per analogiam and pointing to contrary tests, whereas Paesi gives account of a number of drastic experiments he has carried out himself in the search of the soul in the material body. A turning point in the discussion when Paesi finally gives in is not a solid piece of evidence, a rational device or logical argumentation on the part of the Jaina monk, but rather his psychological stratagem: Kesi rebukes Paesi for his inappropriate behaviour towards (viz. the criticism against) such a respected monk as Kesi is (this is not even the censure of Paesi's experiments that involved torture and murder); Paesi's main vice is that not only does he not yield, having been insulted by the monk as more brainless than a thickhead' (RP 765: mudhatarae ... tucchatarao), but he is audacious enough to continue ree. In response, reprimanded by the monk, plagued with remorses and eventually convinced of his own error, Paesi renounces his materialistic convictions, adopts the Jaina faith and becomes a lay follower. Kesi gains victory in the debate not through his rigid logic and well-founded argument, but by virtue of verbal aggression and by taking recourse to social etiquette which he claims Paesi has apparently abused by not accepting the teaching of a learned monk: in his view, a criticism directed against a spiritual guide must necessarily be symptomatic of haughtiness, moral frailty and contempt for the whole monastic order. The implication is that the line of reasoning and evidence presented by a morally inferior disputant such as Paesi cannot be by definition correct (we find a interesting parallel in the encounter, as described in mediaeval prabandhas, between the erudite Siddhasena Divakara and the old Jaina monk Vrddhavadin, who appeals to commonplace thinking and likewise bases his final argument on moral-religious principles in order to defeat Siddhasena; cf. GRANOFF (1989-1990)). The Jaina dialogue offers a parallel, albeit not too close, to a less consistent and shorter conversation between the Buddhist monk Kassapa (Skt.: Kasyapa), designated kumara (which might similarly suggest his princely birth) and the local administrator Payasi, as recorded in the Digha-nikava 23, 319.12 ff. and known as the Pavasisuttanta. A brief comparison of these two accounts is offered by BOLLEE (p. 2 ff.), following LEUMANN (1885: 469 ff.). To a certain degree both versions contain the same elements and line of argumentation. The similarity is, however, largely structural and does not pertain to the linguistic or terminological layers, which is the reason

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574 PIOTR BALCEROWICZ to maintain that the Jainas did not borrow the story from the Buddhists or vice versa. Thus, both versions probably go back to some common source, the core of which might perhaps date to, or even predate, missionary activities of Mahavira and the historical beginnings Buddhism in the fifth century BCE, viz. the times of the formation period of both religions. In the Buddhist version, maintaining that 'there is no hereafter, there is no being born spontaneously (viz. no divinte being and no inhabitant of hell), neither good nor bad deeds have any consequence' (iti pi n'atthi para-loko, n'atthi satta opapatika, n' atthi sukata-dukkatanam kammanam phalam vipako ti), Payasi provokes monk Kassapa to engage in a longer dispute, in the course of which the monk attempts to refute the materialist thesis by citing a number of contrary evidence; clearly, his main point differs from that of Paesi (vide supra). Payasi's thesis echoes verbatim that of Ajita Kesakambala (Skt.: Ajita Kesakambalin) known from (Samanna-phalasutta 23 (Digha-nikaya 2.23: no atthi sukata-dukkatanam kammanam phalam vipako, ... n'atthiparo loko, ... n'atthi satta opapatika). We have no information as regards the historical authenticity and identity of Paesi, occurring in the Jaina legend. Due to dearth of any counter-argument, it is hard to either reject or fully accept his historicity. He may have been a district governor or a local administrator around the times of Mahavira. Occasionally, and the first to suggest it was WEBER (1883-85: 382 ff.), he has been identified with Pasenadi (Skt.: Prasenajit), the ruler of Kosala, or with Pasenadi's vassal Payasi, mentioned in the Pali Canon. The suggestion does not seem implausible, however solid grounds for its acceptance are still missing. BOLLEE (e.g. p. 8, 22) expresses his doubt whether indeed Pkt. 'Paesi' and the name of his Pali counterpart 'Payasi' have genuine Skt. equivalents, being probably desi words. Indeed, it may be extremely difficult to find a common etymological denominator for both Paesi and Payasi, despite apparent similarity. Whereas a genuine Sanskrit equivalent for 'Payasi' seems unlikely, I see no real reason to reject the sanskritised version "Pradesin'. What might perhaps be problematic can be its accurate original meaning. Following the interpretation of Malayagiri-suri's RPT 115b.5, TRIPATHI (1936: 56) and BOLLEE (p. 22) render it as 'king of a province', 'ruler and 'prince' respectively, which would make perfect sense provided we took pradesa to mean 'province' or 'district' of a kingdom.

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MONKS, MONARCHS AND MATERIALISTS 575 However, still another (perhaps even more plausible) interpretation of 'Paesi' might be to relate it to the verb paesei (= pradesayati), meaning either to point out, indicate, make known' or 'to urge, incite', as attested e.g. in OBh 64 (paesesum, see Vol. 2, p. 89: ...gomuttiyadaddhoisu bhunje ahava paesesum), and also paesaya (= pradesaka) Thus Paesi' could mean either (1) 'inciter', i.e. someone who provokes a discussion or urges the monk Kesi to engage in a dispute, or (2) 'faultfinder', viz. 'some who indicates' inconsistencies in the Jaina doctrine that the soul is not the same as the body' (anno jivo annam sariram). That meaning would be in keeping with the immediate setting and circumstances of the dialogue. However, there is an interesting hint found in the Artha-sastra, where pradesa belongs to the technical terminology of king's statecraft and politics in the meaning: *news received from informants as the indication of some event', viz. 'collected information', 'gathered evidence', 'intelligence', as in the examples: 'In conformity with this indication (with this intelligence collected from his informants), the king should inform the customs inspector about the size of the caravan in order to display his own infinite knowledge (AS 2.21.28: tena pradesena raja sulkadhyaksasya sartha-pramanam upadiset sarvajnatva-khyapanarthanam) and 'In conformity with this indication (having this intelligence collected from his informants), the king should appeal to the citizens and country people (AS 5.2.33: etena pradesena raja paurajana-padan bhikseta). All these semantic shades would imply: 'the one who points out in the sense of someone who makes use of background information (intelligence)' or of 'someone who has the collected evidence at his disposal. In any case it does appear that "Paesi' was not the original proper name of the local governor, and it was coined as an epithet, whereas his real historical name remains obscure. Further (p. 8), BOLLEE suggests that both Paesi and Payasi might perhaps have had a common historical source in Occidental world: 'The experimental search for the soul seems to be expected rather from a Greek than from an Indian. Could, therefore, a foreign name be hidden behind desi words Paesi and Payasi of whom a common etymology seems difficult?' It seems that the ground for this supposition is the conviction that the Indian mind was more prone to the observation of the world than to carrying experiments. Indeed, the accounts of experiments in India are relatively rare but not absolutely uncommon, as is confirmed by early accounts of experiments e.g. with salt, described in BAU 2.4.12 and ChU 6.13.1-3 (cf. also H.W. BODEWITZ (1991/92)). Another noteworthy example is found in

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576 PIOTR BALCEROWICZ ChU 6.12.1-2, which describes the process of cutting a banyan fruit into pieces in the search for the soul: upon finding only the seeds inside, these are cut up into bits, which are further cut into smaller pieces, with no soul to be seen. This Upanisadic experiment is very similar to the one described in RP 764(71), with the only difference that in RP it is a thief, instead of a banyan fruit, that is subjected to the cruel experiment. The obvious background for such a search (both meticulous and atrocious) for the soul in RP are numerous passages found in the early Upanisads, such as: 'this soul that is deep in my heart' (ChU 3.14.2: esa ma atmantar-hrdaye), or 'The soul, smaller than the smallest thing, greater than greatest thing, is hidden in the heart of a living being' (SVU 3.20: anor aniyan mahato mahiyan atma guhayam nihito 'sya jantoh), or presented in the famous discussion between Vidagdha Sakalya and Yajnavalkya in BAU 3.9.126. In view of such a strong background belief that the soul is located somewhere deep in the heart of a living being, an obvious response of an adharmika materialist would be to carry out the search for the sould exactly in the manner presented ChU 6.12.1-2 or in RP 764(71), and one does not have to assume any non-Indian (especially Greek) origin for this legend. The dialogue between Paesi and Kesi in the extant form is also one of the oldest accounts of the materialist doctrine, once fairly widespread in India. Although it is a valuable source that offers an insight into the ancient Indian materialist philosophy, one should bear in mind that it presents the doctrine in a distorted fashion, from the viewpoint of its staunch opponents. The dialogue is not without a literary value in its own right, distinguished by a fairly coherent rhetorical structure and a good dramatic composition, terminating in a climactic finale slightly more demanding than a Holly-Bollywood happy end (RP 778[79]-796[81]): having lost interest in mundane pleasures and having embarked on the pious path, Paesi is offered poisoned food by his wife Suriyakanta (Skt.: Suryakanta) alias Dharini, who feels abandoned and neglected, and seizes the opportunity to grasp power. Despite its importance for the study of early Indian materialism, the dialogue between Paesi and Kesi remains unknown to the authors and editors of the important monograph on Indian materialism: Carvaka Lokayata. An Anthology of Source Materials and Some Recent Studies (ed. Debiprasad Chattopadhyaya, Indian Council of Philosophical Research, Delhi 1990), although they do include a translation of the Buddhist version of the dialogue: Payasi-suttanta.

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MONKS, MONARCHS AND MATERIALISTS 577 It is actually disregarded by most historians of Indian philosophy to date. In addition, 'The Story of Paesi' is of much interest to a Jaina specialist, inasmuch as it contains an account of the 'the moral teaching of the fourfold restrain' (Pkt.: caujjama-dhamma; Skt.: caturyamadharma; Pali: catu-vama-samvara), the gist of Parsvanatha's ancient doctrine. Furthermore, the abundance of detail of everyday life and customs, the description of birth rites, customary rituals as well as the classification of skills and arts, characterisation of social strata etc. make the Paesi-kahanayam an important source of information for the sociologist of ancient India. Since no satisfactory dictionary of Prakrits exists and the Ardha-magadhi vocabulary has not been properly catalogued so far, BOLLEE's principle - as it is the case with his other publications - to add a lexicographic index with Sanskrit equivalents and to supplement the translation with ample philological explanations and references to Jaina Prakrit works as well as Buddhist and Brahmanic sources proves very useful also here. * BOLLEE proposes a new etymology of Pasa / Passa and suggests (U)pasva(sena)' (pp. 273, 275), which is - in his opinion - 'wrongly sanskritized as Parsva' (p. 273). The support and indication of such a derivation (p. 273) would be the name of Parsvanatha's father: Asvasena / Assasena, as it is mentioned in some biographical accounts of his life (e.g. in the Kalpa-sutra). Despite the initial attractiveness of BOLLEE's suggestion, it is difficult to account for the loss of the initial U- in *Upasvasena (the name is not attested in . textual sources), as well as to explain why -sena would altogether have disappeared in **Pasva', although it was preserved in 'Asvasena'. Furthermore, Pasa's biographical accounts in which the names of his parents (Assasena and Pkt. Vama / Skt. Varma, or Varmila) occur - and are said to belong to the Iksvaku dynasty, as did most other tirthamkaras - are in themselves dubious. We cannot even be sure of these names, insofar as another strand of tradition preserved in the Maha-purana (MP) indicates different names: here Parsva's parents are called Visvasena and Brahmi (which is just descriptive term, not a proper name). The life of Pasa always follows a certain standardised and highly artificial pattern, which is basically the same for 22 tirthamkaras (the exceptions being Rsabha and Mahavira). Thus, the names Assasena and Vama appear to be as imaginary as are the names of other 21 tirthamkaras' parents.

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578 PIOTR BALCEROWICZ Assasena is nowhere found in historical or legendary accounts as the ruler of Varanasi where Pasa is said to have been born, nor is his wife. Incidentally, Assasena's name does occur in the Adi-parvan of the Maha-bharata as the name of... a serpent companion of the Naga king Taksaka. Since the historicity of Assasena is highly debatable, the suggested name of *Upasvasena, which was to be associated with his father's name, also turns out to be questionable. On the other hand, the traditional sanskritisation of passa < parsva, even though it might seem semantically slightly awkward, is well attested both in Prakrit (cf. PISCHEL (1981: $S 87, 315)) and Pali sources, esp. in the sense of 'side' / 'mountain slope. related to Vedic parsu 'rib'. What was the actual meaning of 'Pasa? (Parsva) and how it was given to the 23rd tirthamkara is a different matter. There is no doubt that the legends that relate the name Parsva to a black snake which his mother saw at her side at night are secondary and should be classified as ad hoc justifications that are supposed to explain the link between Parsva and the folk cult of snakes and the Nagas with which Parsva seems to have been associated from a very early date, and the symbol of which was his serpent protector Dharanendra. The places Parsva is said to have visited in his ascetic itinerary are mostly related to the north-eastern part of India (east Bihar and west Bengal), viz. the territories where the Manasa serpent cult was (and is still) thriving. This may suggest some local, and perhaps non-Aryan tradition with which Parsva was ethnically associated and in which initially his cult developed. Perhaps it was for this reason and because of Asvasena's relation with the Nagas, as indicated in the Adi-parvan, that the name 'Asvasena' was secondarily selected as the one of Parsva's father. Perhaps Parsva was initially related to parsuh, not in the sense of 'rib' or 'curved knife, sickle' (e.g. RV 1.105.8, 10.33,2; cf. MAYRHOFFER (1953-1980: 2. vol., p. 229)), but rather in the sense of 'Parsuh' as associated with some tribal/ethnic group? We come across occasional mention of such a group in Vedic passages (RV 10.86.23, AV 20.126.23), which refer to a human woman called Parsu who simultaneously gave birth to twenty sons' (parsur ha nama manavi sakam sasuva vimsatim); her unusual fertility and human character is juxtaposed here with divine character of Indra's wife Indrani, and may be an echo of some ethnic non-Aryan group. Another such tribal unit of warriors called Parsava' was known to Panini who likewise derived their name from parsu (Pan 5.3.117); these people of Parsu' were so called probably less because of their

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MONKS, MONARCHS AND MATERIALISTS 579 mythic ancestor Parsu, but rather because of curved knives or sabres they may have used as warriors (occasional identification of this group with Persians lacks solid basis). We have no evidence that would help us establish the link between the tirthamkara Pasa with these particular tribal "peoples of Parsu', however, it is not impossible that originally the 23rd tirthamkara was a member of a similar tribal unit of north-eastern India that its name derived either from (1) some mythical forefather Parauh or from (2) a mountainous locality where this group lived, especially in view of a particular meaning of parsva/ passa: 'side, hill slope' (cf. TURNER (1966): '8118 parsva Pa. passa"side, mountainslope"). The Prakrit text of 'The Story of Paesi' is based on the comparison of seven editions. One of the editions (RP) which were not used by BOLLEE contains some additional minor variae lectiones. Although the English translation is very faithful and the interpretation of dubious passages is well-grounded, there are still some improvements to be made. Below I give a handful of such minor suggestions (underlined are phrases in doubt) by way of example: (1) $ 754: the expression avauda-bandhana-baddham BOLLEE san skritises as apavrta/ka)-bandhana-baddham and renders: "smy city guards brought me a thief], (his hands) tied behind his neck". Suggested: apakrta-bandhana-baddham "smy city guards brought me a thief], painfully tied with fetters as punishment'; see the expression apakara in the Artha-sastra = 'suffering, pain, injury' (8 5.6.6, 7.1.7) and in the technical meaning of 'punishment' (SS 2.22.15, 6.1.6,), and apakarin = 'wrong-doer / criminal' (88 3.16.04, 3.19.18, 7.6.32). Skt. apavrta would rather correspond to Pkt. avauda. $ 754: Unclear saloddam (in the apparatus) BOLLEE sanskritises as sa-lot(r)a (p. 299), although in the main text he prefers a less common lectio: sahodham = "[with] stolen goods' (p. 113), 'with thief's booty' (p. 116). Saloddam and sahodham are practically synonymous, but it is perhaps better to relate sa-loddam to Skt. saluptam = `along with what has been robbed'. (3) $758: Imprecise is the rendering of the phrase langhana-pavana jaina-vayama-samatthe, about which Bollee himself had some doubts: 'who is a long and a high jumper (?) as well as a runner and an able gymnast. Better: dextrous/skilful in jumping, swimming, running and wrestling (langhana-plavana-javanavyayama-samartha), in short: 'accomplished in tetrathlon'.

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580 PIOTR BALCEROWICZ (4) 88 758, 759, 760(69), 761: niuna-sippovagae (Skt.: nipuna silpopagata) = 'competent in the arts and crafts'. Suggested: 'who has mastered skill arts (sc. arts that require much dexterity). (5) $ 763: jivassa a-guru-lahuttam paducca jivantassa va tuliyassa muyassa va tuliyassa n'atthi kei anatte va java lahuyatte va. In the translation the syntactic relation is rendered inaccurately: there is no difference (nor distinction nor inferior condition nor small(er) size nor greater} or lesser weight in heaviness or lightness - of this soul when a man is weighed alive or dead'. Rather, the phrase jivassa a-guru-lahuttam paducca (Skt.: aguru-. laghutvam pratitya) introduces causal justification: 'in dependence on / following from the absence of heaviness and lightness', which is just a paraphrase of a causal subordinate clause: 'insofar as the soul is neither heavy nor light'. Thus, preferably: 'Insofar as the soul is neither heavy nor light, there is no difference between it being weighted alive or it being weighted dead, ... or lesser weight.' 88 765, 774: Doubtful is the translation of the phrase: tise agamiyae chinnavayae diha-m-addhae adavie: '[these men went to a certain spot) in that forest, where there were no villages nor settlements and where one could take long walks' (p. 133) or 'forest without villages or settlements, a long way off?. BOLLEE seems to translate the expression chinnavaya as 'nor settlements'. Even (mistakenly) granting that avaya (sanskritised as apita, p. 233, 251) means 'settlement', the phrase chinnavavae would mean: 'where settlements have been cut out (sc. established) [in the forest)', i.e. where forest has been cleared out for settlements; that would be exactly the opposite meaning to the one intended by BOLLEE! However, avaya can also be related to apadu ("arriving at; approach; [way of] access') < uvpad ('go near, approach, enter into'), hence chinnavayae should here correspond to chinnapade. Still, its meaning remains slightly equivocal: either '[these men went to a certain spot in that forest...] where the access road [to this spot) ended (lit. "was cut')', or '[...in that forest. . .] where passages were cut across'. Also the compound diha-m-addhae (Skt.: dirghadh van) is rendered inaccurately ("where one could take long walks'). It is a typical bahu-vrihi compound describing the forest 'the paths/ways of which are long'. Accordingly, I would suggest the following: 'in

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MONKS, MONARCHS AND MATERIALISTS 581 that forest, where there were no villages, where passages were cut across and long paths (ran). (7) $ 767, 751: Likewise, the same phrase sulaie va egahacce kudahacce jiviyao va-varovaejja varovijjai is translated slightly differently in its two occurrences: 'I would have him impaled ... and have him deprived of his life' (8 751[168] pp. 101/103) and: 'is impaled or at once deprived of his life' ($ 767[184] pp. 136137). In BOLLEE's rendering the underlined expression is missing It is derived from the verb avhan 'to strike' to kill': eka + ahatya and kuta + ahatya ('having pierced with one (sharp end), spiked with a prong'). Thus, suggested: 'I would have him impaled, by having shim) pierced with one (sharp end], having shim) spiked with a prong... and have him deprived of his life'. (8) $ 769: BOLLEE leaves out the sentence: Evam-eva tumam pi vavahari no c'eva na tumam, Paesi, a-vvavahari. - 'In exactly this manner also you are socially engaged, certainly it is not the case that you, Paesi, are not socially engaged'. The above are just minor suggestions of what I hope could be slight improvements in cases which are indeed extremely problematic and the interpretations of much later Sanskrit commentators often rather clouded the matter, instead of throwing some light on Prakrit expressions. A very good idea was to supplement 'The Story of Paesi' with the edition of Prakrit text and English translation of another dialogue devoted to the subject of the (non-)existence of the soul and afterlife in the Appendix (pp. 357-368). This is a discourse between a materialist Pingakesa, called a nihilist (nahiya-vai), and a Jaina monk Vijayasimha, that is included in the religious poem Samaraicca-kaha of Haribhadra-suri (d.c. 800). Also this dispute remains practically unknown to the Occidental student of Indian philosophy. The disturbing feature in the book is the abundance of stray hyphens, a result of final re-formatting of the book before the actual process of printing, which is the fault of the publisher alone, not of the author. The book is a well-researched contribution to the study of the philosophy, especially materialist thought, and society of ancient India. In addition, in view extensive philological elucidation and methodical glossary of Prakrit terms, BOLLEE's book may serve as a good companion or practical introduction to the Ardha-magadhi Prakrit.

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582 PIOTR BALCEROWICZ REFERENCES Bodewitz, H.W. (1991/92). 'Uddalaka's Experiments with Salt (ChU 6,13)', Annals of Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 72/73: 423-436. Chandog vopanisad. (1998). In Patrick Olivelle: The Early Upanisads. Annotated Text and Translation. Oxford-New York: Oxford University Press. = ChU. Granoff, P. (1989-1990). "The Bibliographies of Siddhasena-A Study in the Texture of Allusion and the Weaving of a Group Image', Part I: JIPh 17 329-384. Part II: JIPh 18 261-304. Jinasena (1951). Maha-purana. Mahapurana of Acharya Jinasena. Bharatiya Jnanapitha Prakasana, Varanasi. = MP. Leumann, E. (ed.) (1983). Das Aupapatika Sutra. I. Theil. Abhandlungen fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes 8.2, Harrassowitz, Leipzig. Leumann, E. (1985). "Beziehungen der Jaina-Literatur zu andern Literaturkreisen Indiens', Actes du Vle congres international des Orientalistes III(2), 469-564. [Reprinted: Kleine Schriften, Glasenapp-Stiftung, Wiesbaden, Stuttgart 1998: 29-124). Malayagiri-suri (1937-1938). Rayapaseniya-tika. In Bechardas Jivraj Dosi (ed.), Acarya-varya-sriman-malayagiri-pranita-vrtti-vuktam srimat raja-prasniya-sutram. Bombay- Ahmedabad: Agamodaya-samiti. = RPT. Mayrhoffer, M. (1953-1980). Kurzgefasstes eumologisches Worterbuch des Altindischen. A Concise Etimological Sanskrit Dictionari', 4 vols. Heidelberg: C. Winter. Oha-nijjutti-bhasya (1991/1994). In Willem B. Bollee (ed.). Materials for an Edition and Study of the Pinda- and Oha-nijjuttis of the Svetambara Jain Tradition. 2 Vols. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag. 1991 (no. 142) and 1994 (no. 162). = OBh. Pischel, R. (1981). A Grammar of the Prakrit Languages. Translated into English by Subhadra Jha. 2nd revised edition with Glossary and Index. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass [Ist edition: Delhi 1955. German original (without Appendix III): Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen, Band 1, Heft 8, Grundriss der Indo-Arischen Philologie und Altertumskunde. Strassburg 1900.] Svetasvataropanisad (1998). In Patrick Olivelle. (ed.), The Early Upanisads. Anno tated Text and Translation, Oxford-New York: Oxford University Press. = SvU. Tripathi R.C. (1936). Rarapasenivasutta. Text critically edited with notes, introduction and complete translation. Ahmedabad. Turner, R.L. (1966). A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Arvan Languages. London. Uttarajjhayana-sutta (Uttaradhyayana-sutra] (1977). Muni Punyavijayaji & Pt. Amritlal Mohanlal Bhojak (ed.), Dasave valivasuttam. Uttarajhavanain and Avassayasuttam. JAS 15. = Utter. Weber, A. (1983-85). "Uber die Heiligen Schriften der Jainas', Teil I: Indische Studien 16 1-90, Teil II, ISt 17: 211-479. Yuvacarya Sri Misrimalaji Maharaj 'Madhukar' (ed.) (1982). Sri Ratan Muni (Hindi tr.): Rajaprasniya-sutra. Second Upanga Rajaprashniya Sutram (Original Text, Hindi Version. Notes, Annotations and Appendices etc.). Jinagama Grantha-mala 15, Sri Agam Prakasan Samiti, Beawar (Byavar / Rajasthan) = RP. Un anilay Mohanlal Bhojak ucite Oriental Institute Warsaw University Krakowskie Przedmiescie 26/28 PL-00-927 Warszawa Poland