Meaning And Historical Significance Of Term

Author(s): Ernst Steinkellner
Publisher: Ernst Steinkellner
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/269631/1

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1 TSHAD MA'I SKYES BU. MEANING AND HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE TERM 3 by 3 E.STEINKELLNER (VIENNA) The term tshad ma'i skyes bu occurs in numerous passages1 of the works of rGyal tshab rje (1364-1432) and mKhas grub rje (1385-1438) that belong to the epistemological and logical literature, the "tshad ma"-literature, and is well-used in the later kindred literature of the dGe lugs pas. The "earliest" text it can be found in, is rGyal tshab's Tshad ma'i brjed byan chen mo; and this text is a compilation of notes taken down by rGyal tshab at the occasion of Tson kha pa's lectures on tshad ma. 275 Man unterschatze den Terminus nicht! Quod non est in verbo, non est in cogitatione. (Friedrich Kainz, Philosophische Etymologie und historische Semantik, 22) The term is easy enough to understand and to interprete within its context. The genitive characterizing the compound is simply attributive; the word literally means, therefore, that the person (skyes bu) is a means of valid cognition (tshad ma), and I translate the term as "a person of authority". The word designates the Buddha, of course, the authority par E.g. in the Tshad ma'i lam khrid of rGyal tshab (Ca/VIII, 1b5, 3a1 and passim) and of mKhas grub (Ta/VI, 1b3, 4a4 and passim). For rGyal tshab's and mKhas grub's works I am using the microfiches of the Lhasa-edition of the Yab sras gsuns 'bum prepared by the Institute for Advanced Studies of World Religions, New York. 2 E.g. 3b5. It is therefore often included in Tson kha pa's collected works too (cf. Tohoku 5400 5438, Lhasa Pha/VII = Rgyal Tshab NA/III). Although written by rGyal tshab these notes could be considered as representing a truthful mirror of the contents of Tson kha pa's lectures. Since our term does not occur in Tson kha pa's only tshad ma-work, the sDe bdun la 'jug pa'i sgo, its appearance in the Tshad ma' brjed byah can indeed be considered as the "earliest".

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276 E.Steinkellner excellence and thus the final source and judge of any validity and usefulness in any kind of cognition. It is also easy to show the original source of the concept meant by this term. This concept has been introduced by Dignaga in the first words of the benedictory verse of his Pramapasamuccaya, the verse which contains the key to the religious meaning of the whole Buddhist epistemological and logical tradition. The word used by Dignaga is the attribute pramanabhuta," the technical meaning of which is somebody "who has become a means of valid cognition".5 Both Tibetan translation of the verse and its commentary show tshad mar gyur pa - a correct translation of pramanabhuta. And that the term was only understood as an attributive adjective is also clear from various commentarial notes on -bhuta-. Jinendrabuddhi, e.g., gives the synonyms utpanna (skyes pa) and pradurbhuta or prajata' (for byun ba), while Devendrabuddhi-Sakyamati also give -jata with a corresponding Tibetan 'khruns pa. Important as it is for fundamental Buddhist reasons, that the attribute includes the notion that the Buddha "has become" or "developed to be" a pramana, tshad ma, the essential meaning of the term definitely is, that the Buddha is a means of valid cognition.o Nowhere, however, is the Buddha called a tshad ma'i skyes bu (Skt. *pramanapurusa) in the relevant Indian texts. 10 Neither do the Tibetans use that term when explaining Dignaga's benedictory verse, but they keep to the correct form of the attribute tshad mar gyur pa. For an explanation of the verse, its meaning and the interpretation of the terms involved cf. Hattori M.: Dignaga, On Perception, being the Pratyaksapariccheda of Dignaga's Pramanasamuccaya. Cambridge, Mass., 1968, 23. and 74ff. Hattori, loc.cit. 74, explains: "'to have come into existence' (bhuta) as a 'means of valid cognition' (pramana)" and translates p.23: "who is the personification of the means of cognition." The explanation of the compound as a kind of dvandva (pramanan casau bhutas ceti pramanabhutah, E.Steinkellner, Some Sanskrit-Fragments of Jinendrabuddhi's Visalamalavati. A Corpus of Indian Studies - Essays in Honour of Professor Gaurinath Sastri, Calcutta 1980, 100: fragment 1) has exegetical purpose mainly. 6 Fragment 1, E.Steinkellner, loc.cit., 100. 7 cf. E.Steinkellner, loc.cit., n.16. Devendrabuddhi's pratika in Sakyamati's PTV II, fragment 4 (Cf. Steinkellner, Philological Remarks on Sakyamati's Pramanavarttikatika. In Studien zum Jainismus und Buddhismus - Gedenkschrift fur Ludwig Alsdorf, Wiesbaden 1980, 290) and PVTt 86b4. 9 Cf. Dharmakirti's tadvat pramanam bhagavan (PV II, 9a). 10 D. Seyfort Ruegg, The Study of Indian and Tibetan Thought. Some Problems and Perspec tives, 1967, 17 referring to Vetter's contribution mentioned below, gives the term pramanapurusa in explanatory brackets, but only retranslates it from the Tibetan (personal communication of Sept. 14th, 1981).

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Tshad ma'i skyes bu 277 Should we then consider the term tshad ma'i skyes bu just to be a sloppy and more or less unintentional substantivation of the original adjective? Or is there more behind this seemingly clear and harmless term? I think that its immediate context and a survey of the history of the Buddhist attitude towards its own epistemological tradition clearly indicate that this term has been created by somebody who was fully aware of what he wanted to express by it. At another occasion I dealt with the various modern misconceptions regarding the problem of the development of a seemingly irreligious tradition of epistemology and logic within the context of Buddhism. 10 a The spiritual place of this tradition in Indian Buddhism has been clearly identified by Vetter in his study of 1964, Erkenntnisprobleme bei Dharmakirti (31ff.), and we need not deal with his results here in detail. Suffice it to state, that the Buddhist philosophers and scholars whose work represent about 700 years of the tradition in India, did certainly not consider their work as a secular, non-religious occupation, but as a necessary part of their kind of Buddhist belief, or - in traditional words - as a part of the path. This self-interpretation of the school centers around Dignaga's benedictory verse mentioned above, and then particularly on the second chapter of Dharmakirti's Pramana varttika which is a lengthy commentary on just this verse and carries the title pramanasiddhi ("Establishment of the means of valid cognition"). But although there has been a great emphasis on this chapter within the school itself until its final stage in India, and when most of its works had already been translated into Tibetan, it seems that the Tibetans understood the import of that tradition at its surface value only when in the 12 and 13" century they began to incorporate the school's tenets and problems into their own spiritual and cultural life. According to all that we know of this first strictly speaking Tibetan period of the school's history - and we do not know very much due to insufficient materials available and only a few studies having been done so far" - the Tibetans seemed to consider the tradition of epistemology and logic as a branch of the secular sciences, together with grammar, poetics and others. 10a The Spiritual Place of the Epistemological Tradition in Buddhism. Nanto Bukkyo 49, 1982, 1-18. For some recent remarks of relevance cf. L.W.J. van der Kuijp, Introductory Notes to the Pramanavarttika Based on Tibetan Sources. The Tibet Journal 4:2, 1979, 6-10. Cf. also D. Seyfort Ruegg, The Life of Buston rinpoche, Roma 1966, 37f. (n.1).

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278 E.Steinkellner This attitude towards the pramana-tradition is reflected in the fact that the early Tibetan scholars who started to give their own interpretations and explanations of Dharmakirti's works, evidently concentrated on Dharmakirti's Pramanaviniscaya - it may of course also be considered as the result of this fact. Before the Sa skya Pandita's revision of the Pramanavarttika's translation in the beginning of the 13th century it is indeed difficult to imagine that the study of the then available Tibetan translation would make much decent sense, and van der Kuijp even thinks with good reasons, that Phya pa Chos kyi sen ge (1109-1169) did not know the Pramana varttika at all. 12 But the Pramanaviniscaya does not deal with the religious aspects of the pramana-theory, and it is quite uncertain whether on the basis of the study of such material, these early Tibetan scholars were in a position to be aware of the problem. 13 According to a note in gzon nu dpal's (1392-1481) Debther snon po (BA 335), the spread of the Pramana varttika was due to the Panchen and his pupil u yug pa Rigs pa'i sen ge middle of the 13th cent.). And that the shift of interest from the Pramanaviniscaya to the Pramanavarttika took place gradually, and was generally accepted only towards the beginning of the 15th century, can be taken from gzon nu dpal's words: "In my younger days the inmates of gSan-phu used to study the PramanaviniScaya, but now-a-days they have changed over to the pramanavarttika." (BA 335). Since the Pramanaviniscaya is a perfectly clear and well-organized text, in fact a much maturer work of Dharmakirti's than the 'Pramanavarttika, and as such quite sufficient to represent Dharmakirti's. teachings on epistemology and logic, the reason for the shift of interest to the Pramanavarttika can only lie in the latter text's, especially its second chapter's, substantial and essential discussion of the foundation of valid cognition, and thus of the Buddhist meaning of epistemology in general. 12 L.W.J. van der Kuijp, Phya-pa Chos-kyi seng-ge's Impact on Tibetan Epistemological Theory. JIPh 5, 1978, 357. 13 L.W.J. van der Kuijp, who dealt with this question in his Introductory Notes ... (cf. n. 11), 6ff., mentions a number of scholars with a positive approach towards a possible religious significance of the pramana-tradition: Sa skya mchog ldan (1428-1507), Bo don pa chen Phyogs las rnam rgyal (1376-1451), Sod nams grags pa (1478-1554) and finally 'Jam dbyans bzad pa'i rdo rje (1648-1721/22). There are differences among these scholars as to how the relation between the tshad ma-theory and the Buddhist path is accounted for, but for the very idea itself that there is such a relation, all these scholars are certainly indebted to the early de lugs pas and their possible predecessor(s).

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Tshad ma'i skyes bu 279 It is Tson kha pa who still states in his mDun legs ma, 14 a kind of autobiography, that "there are many in Tibet, learned and unlearned in the tshad ma-texts, who unanimously say that in the Sutra (i.e. the PS) and in all the Seven Treatises (of Dharmakirti) there is no (spiritual) stage to internalize (nams len) for proceeding towards enlightenment." 15 But he continues, claiming that there exists a decisive clue to the function of the tshad ma-tradition with regard to the Buddhist path. 16 For he says that "the meaning of the benedictory verse of the Pramanasamuccaya as an establishment of the means of valid cognition (tshad ma grub par = pramanasiddhi) is the establishment forwards and backwards (lugs 'byun lugs ldog) 17 of the Venerable one as the means of valid cognition for those who strive for liberation !" 18 Both Obermiller and Wayman, who previously referred to these lines, misunderstood the exact connotation particularly of the words "forwards and backwards" (lugs 'byun = anuloma, lugs ldog = pratiloma). Tson kha pa's disciple rGyal tshab, however, gives in his Tshad ma'i lam khrid (f. 4b4-5a1 = p.14, 15-16,5) a short sequence of four proofs that establish forwards (lugs 'byun) that the Venerable is a means of valid cognition. And then, f.5a1-4 (=p. 16,5-17,3) he gives a sequence of three proofs that establish backwards (lugs ldog) how we can know that he is of such kind. 19 14 Ed. and transl. by A. Wayman, Observations on Translations from the classical Tibetan Language into European Languages. IIJ 14, 1972, 175-185. 15 byan phyogs 'di na tshad ma'i gzun lugs la l| sbyans dan ma sbyans du ma mgrin gcig tu || mdo dan sde bdun kun la byan chub tubgrod pa'i nams len rim pa yod min zer | (Wayman, loc.cit. 180; also translated in Matsumoto Shiro, stag tshan pa no Tson kha pa hihan ni tsuite. Report of the Japanese Association for Tibetan Studies 28, 1982, 12). Wayman, loc.cit. 180f.: the same passage refering to the pramana-tradition has already been interpreted by E.Obermiller, Tson-kha-pa le Pandit. MCB 3, 1934-35, 334f. 17 This has been misunderstood by both, Obermiller and Wayman. The former thought that lugs 'byun lugs ldog gis meant "par la methode positive et negative (anvaya vyatireka)", the latter translates "by the forward and the reverse order (of Dependent Origination), proving logically" and adds in a footnote that "Tson-kha-pa refers here to the contemplation of dependent origination as idampratyayata, 'state of having this as its condition (for arising)'." 1 tshad ma kun las btus pa'i mchod brjod don || t shad ma grub par lugs 'byun lugs Idog gis | rnam grol don du gner ba bcom ldan 'das Il tshad mar bsgrub sin ... Il (Wayman, loc.cit. 181) 19 Page-references are to the new Indian edition, Varanasi 1969. Also in Tson kha pa - rGyal tshab's Tshad ma'i brjed byan 5b5ff. the two ways of explaining "forwards and backwards" are directly applied to the first half of the Pramanasamuccaya's benedictory verse, always of course with reference to Dharmakirti's elaboration in the second chapter of the Pramanavarttika. Cf. also mKhas grub rje's Tshad ma'i lam khrid 3a 3-5 and 3b6ff.

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280 E.Steinkellner It is not necessary to show these two chains of proofs in detail. Suffice it to realize that these proofs are closely connected with the structure of the Pramanavarttika's second chapter - they are in fact a logical formulation of the essential ideas of this chapter. That such a concise formulation is possible only after a careful analysis and a scrupulous knowledge of the details of the basic text need hardly be pointed out. In other words, if Tson kha pa in his autobiography uses these methodological terms, he refers to a very complex summary of the essential arguments of the second chapter based on a careful analysis of this text. This, however, is not the result of his own work, it can only be attributed to scholars who worked on the Pramanavarttika before Tson kha pa and evidently found the latter's approval. The two methodological terms and the corresponding steps of the proofs are mentioned, in fact, already by an Indian exegetical school, since they appear in Vibhuticandra's "notes".20 Once the religious significance of the theory of valid cognition has been accepted - with all its corollaries, "down" to the art of disputation-, the question remains still why the dGe lugs pas talk of the Buddha as a tshad ma'i skyes bu. The term itself suggests that it is related to the terminology of the "three (kinds of persons" (skyes bu gsum) as it is known from the beginning of Atisa's Bodhipathapradipa (vv. 3-5), and then in the whole lam rimliterature which later follows this text. These three kinds of persons are: "the inferior or lesser" (chun nu, tha ma), who pursues his own objectives in the pleasures of this world; "the mediocre or middling" ('brin ba), who turns away from worldly pleasures and sinful actions, pursuing his own quiescence; and finally "the superior" (mchog pa) who pursues the cessation of suffering for the other beings because of his own experience of suffering. 21 Indeed in his Tshad ma'i lam khrid rGyal tshab devotes a whole introductory division, the second (2b5-4a5), to - and these are the words of this heading (sa bcad) - "the way how the stages of the path of the three (kinds of persons are indicated directly and indirectly" 22 in the Pramana-sastra, particularly the Pramanavarttika. 'rGyal tshab takes pains in showing especially how the lowest kind of person has been referred to, 20 PVV, Appendix, 521, 5-13. Cf. Kimura Toshihiko, Pramanavarttika, Pramanasiddhi-sho ni tsuite. Tohoku Indogaku Shukyogakkai, Ronshu 2, 1970, 54-68 (64ff.) 21 cf. Bodhipathapradipa. Ein Lehrgedicht des Atisa in der tibetischen Uberlieferung. Hrsg. V.H.Eimer, Wiesbaden 1978, 104ff. 2 skyes bu gsum gyi lam gyi rim pa dnos sugs la ji Itar 'phans pa'i tshul (Tshad ma'i lam khrid 1b4 and 2b5).

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one. since according to him it is the "middling" who is specially meant in the second chapter of the Pramana vart tika, and "when reference is to the person of authority (tshad ma'i skyes bu), who promotes this (middling person), the stages of the path of the superior (person) are being taught." 23 In this chapter rGyal tshab, therefore, not only identifies the tshad ma'i skyes bu with the skyes bu chen po, but clearly displays a keen interest in showing that and how the teachings of the Pramanavart tika are in accord with the religious "anthropology" of the lam rim-theory. He even refers in the beginning 24 of this chapter to a discussion on whether the inferior person was only implied by meaning (don gyis 'phans pa) or was actually taught (dnos su bstan par) in the course of argumentation. There are also other indications that the purpose of this whole division is to reconcile the tshad ma-tradition with the lam rim-tradition. E.g. when rGyal tshab feels that he has to deal with the question, where in the Pramana varttika Dharmakirti teaches the "selflessness of the phenomena" (chos kyi bdag med), and why he does not teach it in the second chapter. The general character of this whole division is not explanatory as is the rest of the text, but clearly apologetic. But why? There is only one reason for such an attitude, and that is that the idea brought forward is still a rather new one, and a not generally accepted - Tshad ma'i skyes bu 25 281 The apparent sign of the new system to combine the tshad-ma-tradition with the path-theory seems to be the term tshad ma'i skyes bu. In its unspectacular and seemingly traditional form it is the result of a flash of genius. The simple compound word, indeed, symbolically combines two cultural traditions inherited from India and separately dealt with for a considerable period. Not only does it indicate thereby that the level of understanding has been reached in Tibet too, on which the Indian pramanatradition interpreted itself originally, it also shows that finally the theoretical frame was found to give the strong rational tendencies in Tibetan Buddhism a natural place within the practice of the path. As a final question we may ask whether it is possible to determine, who first propounded this new theory of the tshad ma-teachings as being a part of the path or as we could call it in agreement with a title to be found with rGyal tshab as well as with mKhas grub this theory of a "tshad ma'i lam"? 23 de rjes su 'dzin pa'i tshad ma'i skyes bu'i dban du byas nas chen po'i lam rim bstan cin... (loc. cit. 2b6f.) 24 loc.cit. 2b5f. 25 loc. cit. 4a2-4.

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282 E.Steinkellner rGyal tshab in the postscript to his Tshad ma'i lam khrid mentions Red mda' ba, Blo bzan grags pa and Kun dga' dpal - in this sequence - as the ones he feels obliged to with regard to the tenets presented. Kun dga' dpal is known as one of rGyal tshab's teachers. 26 Whether he is the same as Na dpon Kun dga' dpal, 27 who is mentioned as the author of a Prajnaparamita-commentary and Red mda' ba's and Tson kha pa's teacher in this subject, I cannot say. I found no hint in the biographical literature that would relate this Kun dga' dpal to tshad ma-studies. Quite clear, however, seems to be that Red mda' ba gzon nu blo gros' (1349-1412) played an important role in shaping the major theoretical ideas of Tson kha pa and his pupil rGyal tshab. Only eight years senior to Tson kha pa he is not only in high esteem as Tson kha pa's teacher in two subjects, dBu ma and Tshad ma, 28 he is also considered as one of his two most important (gtso bo) teachers. 29 G. Tucci has already inferred from biographical statements and the allusions of Tson kha pa's disciples that "it appears that he developed and gave greater depth to ideas already elaborated by a great master, at whose school he had his training: gzon nu blo gros of Red mda'". 30 This assumption can only be corroborated by the possible conclusions from the context of the tshad ma-tradition. Tucci notes (loc.cit. 120) that the exegetical tradition which "acknowledges Logic as a fundamental part of Religion" begins with Kumaramati, i.e. gzon nu blo gros, but in his note he only refers to Stcherbatsky's meagre remarks on p.46 of his Buddhist Logic I. As far as I can see, no further sources of such knowledge are indicated - evidently the circle of scholars around Stcherbatsky, particularly Vostrikov and Baradijn, had access to oral or other information. I have no reasons to doubt that this information is correct. My reasons are: It is evident that Tson kha pa is not the creator of the "tshad ma'i lam"-system. If Red mda' ba had no part in its development, Tson kha pa's disciples would not have acknowledged such a part. The shift from studying the Pramapaviniscaya to studying the Pramanavarttika is attested by the Debther snon po for the first half of the 15 century. Red mda' ba wrote at least three works of relevance. 31 And finally - Tson kha pa 26 R. Kaschewsky, Das Leben des lama istischen Heiligen Tsongkhapa Blo-bzan-grags-pa (1357-1419), dargestellt und erlautert anhand seiner Vita "Quellort allen Glucks". 1. Teil, Wiesbaden 1971, 216. 2 R.Kaschewsky, loc.cit. 24, 83.; G. Tucci, Tibetan Painted Scrolls, Roma 1949, 119. R.Kaschewsky, loc.cit. 24, 838., 86, 88. 29 R. Kaschewsky, loc.cit. 24. 30 Tucci, loc. cit. 118f.

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Tshad ma'i skyes bu 283 also studied U yug pa's commentary on the Pramanavarttika, with special emphasis on the second chapter, as noted by one biography. 32 U yug pa Rigs pa'i sen ge, the pupil of the Sa skya Pandita, seems to have written the first Tibetan commentary on the Pramanavarttika in the middle of the 13th century, but there is nowhere a hint to be found, that Tson kha pa, besides studying it, has been particularly influenced by this explanation, which almost certainly must have been written in the secularistic mode generally attributed to the earlier Sa skya pas. Of course, such cummulative evidence would be superflous if only we had access to one of Red mda' ba's tshad ma-works. It is one of the odd features of the Tibetan literary history that most of the works of one of their supposedly important and perhaps original minds are lost or forgotten, although he has been truly esteemed by the founder of the de lugs pa-tradition and his immediate disciples, and although as Tson kha pa's teacher and friend he has been always highly venerated - at least verbally - by this tradition until today. The following three tshad ma-works of Red mda' ba are known from A khu Rinpoche's Tho-yig. Nr. 11820: rNam 'grel gyi spyi don ("The general meaning of the Pramanavarttika"), Nr. 11822: r Nam 'grel tikk, Rigs pa'i 'dod 'jo ("Pramanavarttika tika, Wishing cow of arguments"), and Nr. 11821: rNam 'grel rgyan gyi 'grel bsad chen mo ("Great subcommentary on the Pramanavarttikalamkara"), i.e. Prajnakaragupta's commentary which is famous for its elaborate development of the theme of the second chapter. None of these works seems to be extant nowadays, although not everything Red mda' ba wrote is lost. His commentaries on the Madhyamakavatara, on the cat uhsataka, and on the Suhrllekha were recently published in India. 33 Could it be that other texts of this important Tibetan master and evidently original thinker have been kept in Sa skya pa circles? Let us hope that these works of Red mda' ba are not irretrievably lost, and will eventually be recovered and published. Non est in verbo, quod non est in cogitatione! SA The three are mentioned as rare works in the Tho yig of the A khu Rinpoche (Lokesh Chandra, Materials for a History of Tibetan Literature, New Delhi 1963, Vol.3) as Nrs. 11820-22; cf. below. 32 R. Kaschewsky, loc.cit., 86.; the text mentioned there is a rNam 'grel gyi rnam bsad rigs md zod which is probably no mistake as Kaschewsky thinks (note 102), but rather the same as A khu rin po che's Nr. 11814, rNam 'grel rigs mdzod chen mo. 33 dBu ma la jug pa'i rnam bsad de kho na nid gsal ba'i sgron ma reproduced from an example of the sDe-dge xylographic print by Ngawang Topgay, Delhi 1974. dBu ma bai brgya pa'i 'grel pa. Sakya Student's Union, Sarnath 1974. bees pa'i sprins yig gi 'grel pa dongsal. Tibetan Foundation Press, Darjeeling 1960.

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E.Steinkellner Abbreviations PV PVT Pramanavarttika - Karika (Sanskrit and Tibetan). Ed. Yusho Miyasaka. Acta Indologica 2, 1971-72, 1-206 Pramanavarttikatika (sakyamati) Pramanavarttikatika, Tibetan translation: Peking Edition Nr.5718 Pramanavarttikavsttih. Ed. R.Sankstyayana, Patna 1938-1940 George N. Roerich, The Blue Annals. Calcutta 1949, 1953 PVTE PVV BA , Postscript: Janos Szerb reminds me of the fact that Bu ston's teacher bSod nams mgon was also called Tshad ma'i skyes bu according to sGra tshad pa's biography which was completed in 1366 (cf. D.Seyfort Ruegg, The Life of Buston Rin poche. Roma 1966, 70, 74, 146). This would qualify my attempt to pin down a first propounding of the new theory to Red mda' ba who was born only in 1349.

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WIENER STUDIEN ZUR TIBETOLOGIE UND BUDDHISMUSKUNDE 200, 200, 1: Ernst Steinkellner, Verse-Index of Dharmakirti's Works (Tibetan Versions). 1977. XIV, 225 p. 2: Lobsang Dargyay, Die Legende von den Sieben Prinzessinnen (Saptakumarika-Avadana). In der poetischen Fassung von Guhyadatta/Gopadatta aufgrund der tibetischen Ubersetzung herausgegeben, uber setzt und bearbeitet. 1978. X, 162 p. 3: Piotr Klafkowski, The Secret Deliverance of the Sixth Dalai Lama, as narrated by Dharmatala. Edited from the Hor Chos-'byun and translated into English, with an introduction and comments. 1979. VI, 93 p. : Gudrun Buhnemann, Der Allwissende Buddha. Ein Beweis und seine Probleme. Ratnakirti's Sarvajna siddhi. 1980. L, 175 p. :: Helmut Tauscher, Candrakirti - Madhyamakavatarah und Madhya makavatarabhasyam (Kapitel VI, Vers 166-226). 1981. XXVII, 214 p. 1: Lobsang Dargyay, !! 95.955 77 99g u 9 5 985 a n9911 - A Concise Biography of Gun 200, 200, 200, 65, 35,-. 1981. VI, 45 p. 7: Ernst Steinkellner (Ed.),1175095576 * 359.989 28.9.28.3898 gsum-gyi-rnm-pr-bzhg-p-legs-bshd-rgyu-mtsho'i-rb-rlbs / / Gun than dion mchog bsTan pa'i sgron me'i rNam thar sgo gsum gyi rnam bag pa Legs bsad rgya mtsho'i rba rlabs. 1981. 20 p. 3: Gudrun Buhnemann, Jitari: Kleine Texte. Description of a manu script from the Bihar Research Society with 10 i small texts of Jitari, and the edition of the following texts in Sanskrit: Vedapramapyasiddhi, Sarvajnasiddhi, Nairatmyasiddhi, Jatinirakrti, *Isvaravadimatapariksa. 1982. 48 9: Josef Kolmas, Ferdinand Stoliczka (1838-1874): The Life and Work of the Czech Explorer in India and High Asia. 1982. XI, 58 p.. 10: E.Steinkellner/H.Tauscher (Ed.), Contributions on Tibetan Language, History and Culture. Proceedings of the Csoma de Koros Symposium held at Velm - Vienna, Austria, 13 - 19 September 1981, vol.1. 1983. XX, 478 p. 11: E.Steinkellner/H.Tauscher (Ed.), Contributions on Tibetan and Buddhist Religion and Philosophy. Proceedings of the Csoma de Koros Symposium held at Velm - Vienna, Austria, 13 - 19 September 65, 80, 560, 270, To be ordered from: ARBEITSKREIS FUR TIBETISCHE UND BUDDHISTISCHE STUDIEN Maria Theresien-Strasse 3, A-1090 WIEN / Austria