Jinamanjari 2001 09 No 24

Author(s): Jinamanjari
Publisher: Canada Bramhi Jain Society Publication
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/524024/1

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JINAMANJARI International Journal of Contemporary Jaina Reflections Volume 24 Number 2 October 2001 ISSN 1188-0287 EXPLORING ASPECTS OF JAIN ARCHITECTURE AND CULTURE A bi-annual publication of BRAMHI JAIN SOCIETY, Est. 1989 United States of America and Canada

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JAINISM TODAY International Quarterly News Magazine in English A Publication of Jain Friends Editor Mahavir Sanglikar Write to Jain Friends 201 Bombay-Pune Road Chinchwad East Pune - 410019, INDIA Tel: (20) 7488916 Fax: (20) 7474373 E-mail:jainfriends@123india.com

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JINAMANJARI For the expansion and diffusion of Jaina knowledge and reflection IN THIS ISSUE A bi-annual joumal published every Apnl and October 1 Jain Archaeology in Eastern India -- Prof. B.K. Tiwary Editor-in-Chiet Dr. S.A. Bhuvanendra Kumar Associate Editor Dr. Sushil Jain Production Mikal Austin Radford Ambika Jain 11 Jain Sculptures in the Salar Jung Museum -- Dr. Balagouni K. Goud 21 Vikrama Era and Jainism -- Prof. L.C. Jain and Dr. Prabha Jain 89 26 Jaina Warrior: Anxiety Over Practices of Himsa vs. Ahnsa -- Dr. Hampa Nagarajaiah 36 Sallekhana: Final Circle of Life in the Jain Religion -- Bradley Kerschensteiner Publication Council President Dr. Dilip K Bobra Tempe, AZ Members Dr. Pradip Morbia Port Neches, TX Di Sushil Jain Windsor, ON Mr. Sachindra K Jain Brampton, ON Mr. Jitendra A. Shah Edmonton, AB Prof. S.A.S. Kumar Bangalore, India Dr. C.K. Khasgiwala Andover MA Dr. Mahendra R. Varia Martin. KY Dr. Narendra Hadpawat Woodmere, NY Dr. Pushpa R Jain Bluefield, VA 18 Yasastilaka: An Ancient Jaina Story About Karma and Its Karmic Complexity -- Dr. Bruce Costain 64 Book Review -- Siri P. Kumar 69 News Digest 72 You Said It Papers must be accompanied with notes and references separate from the main text. Send to Editor 4665 Moccasin Trail, Mississauga Canada LAZ 2WS. (c) Copyright of Articles is Reserved

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CORRECTION RE: The last issue of Jinamanjari, Vol. 23, No. 1, April 2001, with the theme, "srimad Rajachandra," under invited Guest Theme Editor, Peter Flugel. We regret to report some omissions of the references to the paper, "Srimad Rajachandra On The Role of The Sadguru for Self-Realization" by Drs. M. Shah and U.K. Pungaliya. Unfortunatley, this was due to the electronic transfer of E-mail material. The Guest Theme Editor, Peter Flugell, is not responsible for these omissions and errors. The sole responsibility lies with the Editor-in-Chief. -- Dr. Bhuvanendra Kumar

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Jinamanjari, Volume 24, No.2, October 2001 JAIN ARCHAEOLOGY IN EASTERN INDIA Professor B.K. Tiwawry, Patna, India Introduction Jainism is not an offshoot of either Buddhism or Brahmanism as presumed by many scholars, but rather, a religious tradition that has ancient roots preceding both. The Jainas themselves believe that their religion had been revealed over endless cycles of time by great souls called Tirthankaras. In the current cycle, Rsabha was the first and Mahavira, who existed during the sixth century B.C.E, was the last in a cycle of twenty-four Tirthankaras. In this context, it would not be an exaggeration to say that any study of the ancient religious history of Northern Indian should be written with Jainism as a core contributor to that history. According to tradition the twenty-four Tirthankaras resided in what we call today, eastern India, and maintained a strong cultural influence until the series of foreign invasion in the twelfth century C.E. It is this region that has served as a firm cradle of Jainism were many of the Jain teachers took their birth, propagated their religious faith and in which most attained nirvana. For example, six of the Tirthankaras were bom in this region, while twenty-two attained nirvana (according to tradition only the first Tirthankara, Rsabha, and the twenty-second, Neminath, achieved nirvana at Kailash and Girnar Mountains respectively). It is said that Mahavira liked this area of eastern India so much that he declared it as the most safe and sacred area for the propagation of his faith, and that followers should never leave the area. Today the Jaina community constitutes a numerically small group in eastern India, but the impact of the Jaina culture in this region is quite marked. The main concentration of Jainas in this area is in the urban centers where most are engaged in the trade and business professions. The following article will

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attempt to explore the history of eastern India to explain this decrease in the Jaina population. 3 5 Despite the many valuable contributions to the way of life of eastern India made by the Jaina community over the centuries, most historians often neglect this contribution. Prominent scholars such as Shah,' Raychoudhary, 2 Chatterji, " Thakur, Jain, and Tiwary" have referred to the history of Jainism in various parts of eastern India, but have neglected to give a substantive and comprehensive picture of the development of the religion in this area. To help establish a more comprehensive picture, we must first look at the archaeological evidence. Epigraphic Evidence Among modern archaeologists, Buchanan was the first to conduct a systematic survey of the ancient ruins of eastern India about a century ago. Although not aware of the history, culture and various religious sects of the region, he was the first to collect most of the important data and try to categorize the material to the best of his ability. His work was followed by such men as Major Kittoe, Cunningham, Broadley, Beglar, Hoey, Waddle, Grierson, Stein and others. Since 1957, the Archaeological Survey of India have launched a project in which a village by village exploration of all monuments in the country, but is still a 'works' in progress. 8 Scholars like Hiralal Jain, P.C. Nahar, Muni 10 11 12 13 14 15 Jinavijaya, B.C Bhattacharya, A. Ghosh, B. Jain," U.P. Shah, and M.N.P. Tiwary" have written on various aspects of Jain archaeology, but they have not given a clear and detailed account of all archaeological findings, the result of which is that we are currently lacking a concise picture of Jaina history in eastern India. However, to date, there is not doubt of the Jaina presence. Since the start of the Mauryan period and well into the later centuries, Jainism was propagated to a great extent through the medium of Jain art and architecture, monuments and inscriptions on images of Tirthankaras, yaksa and yaksinis, caves, manastambhas, frescoes and paintings. The inscriptions are, of course, a solid source of information. Through the study of the old epigraphs and ayagapatas1 found throughout this region one can trace both the development and migration of not only the Jaina people, 9 16 2

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but the transmission of their ideas, sectarian differences, religious concepts and the social and cultural development of Jainism. Also these records demonstrate a "how-to" documentation of temple building, installation of Jaina images, and donations of grants towards such things as the maintenance of Jaina institutions or the raising of a memorial pillar in the name of a Jain muni who fasted to death." In form, most of the inscriptions discovered thus far are carved into stone or copper plates, and much like the Jaina manuscripts found in the region, most are dated. A large numbers of these inscriptions have been deciphered, edited and published in the Epigraphy Volumes, Archaeological Survey Reports, Indian Antiquary and other collection and research journals, but still a large number of these findings have yet to be published formally. This is unfortunate because these inscriptions help us more than the literary texts form the time of the Mauryas due to its large-scale use. The Mauryan king, Asoka, in his edicts has mentioned the Nirgranthas and" Ajivikas" as important religious sects. While the Nirgranthas have been regarded to be Svetambara Jainas by some, the Ajivikas, the followers of Mankhaliputra Gosala, merged into the Jaina fold during or after the Mauryan period itself.20 The Hathigumpha inscription?' and Sravanabelgola inscription22 throw a welcome light on the religious belief of the kings and people of eastern India. A large number of dedicatory inscriptions have come to light that belong to the periods of the first century C.E. to the twelfth century C.E. They are all located on the pedestals of statues that are recognizable partly by the special mention of the names of Jaina Tirthankaras, and partly by the statue's absolute nudity and other marks. They show that the Jaina community continued to flourish in those periods, and give extraordinary information concerning religious tolerance, the amount of royal patronage to Jainism during the different dynasties, 24 and the popularity of this religion (as well as its decline). An example of this is in the personalized inscriptions contained in one particular Jaina tirth at Pavapuri, however the fact that the inscriptions are from the middle period tend to shed some shadows for this being the place where Mahavira breathed his last breath. But what it does demonstrate is that after 1000 C.E., Jainism started to migrate towards the western

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and southern parts of India, - this being partly supported by the lack of inscriptions found in this region after this period. Iconography Jaina iconography is no less valuable the Jaina epigraphs for the study of Jainism in eastern India. Contrary to some opinions, the Jaina tradition was not strictly against idol worship amongst the laity. It has been suggested that the Buddhists borrowed the worship of images from Brahmanical Hindus first, and later by the Jainas.26 Thousands of Jaina statures discovered from various sites in eastern India attest to the growing popularity of this practice since 300 B.C.E. Many of the icons bears both the date and the name of either the Tirthankara or deity, and this helps to fix both the age and provenance of the image. It is difficult to state when idol worship actually started in Jainism, but there is several icons which would suggest that this tradition had developed prior to the period of Mahavira. On the other hand, Jaina art has been classified into two divisions: the first from the time of Mahavira to around the eleventh century C.E., and the second from that time onwards. The first period saw the evolution of the basic iconographic ideas, and shared much with those of Buddhism and Hinduism. The second period, however, witnessed both the codification of the iconography and the striking innovation in sculptural forms. Statues of various Jaina Tirthankaras have been found in different parts of eastern India. These are made of both stone and metal, and are without clothes (i.e., the Svetambara tradition of wearing a loin-cloth found its expression in art at the much later dates of the eighth to ninth centuries C.E.). In the early days, statues of yaksa and yaksinis s were made with those of the Jaina Tirthankaras, but their independent statues are also found. The Jainas, it appears from the archaeological evidence, had a rather favourable attitude towards many of the salient features of yaksa/yaksinis worship and incorporated it into their own form of worship.29 The Kushana period is a very important phase for the history of Jaina iconography. During this period Jaina images were made in three styles: (a) Jaina figures which formed apart of a sculptured panel, (6) Jaina figures which were created to represent images for worship, and (c) figures in the middle of 4

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ayagapatas." Idolatry became on of the chief institutions of orthodox Jainism in the region, and the process was to a great extent a parallel to the appearance of this institution in Buddhism. Si By this time the vaksa and yaks is (which were called sasanadevatas and devis) gained importance" along with the Tirthankaras, and their images also started being installed around the image of the i irinankaras. The Jaina statures and chaumukha (the quadruples) of this period bear, in some cases, figures of devoted worshipper on the pedestal flanking a dharma chakra, and this is mostly in profile. During this period the individual identity of the image was not marked with any special emblem or lanchana, a component which developed much later (the exception being the first and twenty-third Tirthankaras. Triratnasialso find an important place around the Jaina figures. That is, in the preGupta iconography we begin to see the stories from the life of the Tirthankaras. But from the Gupta period onwards we begin to find some remarkable developments in the iconographic characteristics of the Jaina figures. The Indian sculpture was at the height of its glory during the Gupta period, and a lot of importance was given to ornamentation. Although the sculptures of this period were identical to those of the Kushana period, they were far better carved, and began to be displayed with their respective "coat of arms" and surrounded by other gods and goddesses. Not only do we come across images with a particular lanchana, but also miniature figures of yaksa and sasana associated with these particular images. As the years progressed we begin to see a series of yaksa and sasana figures being carved as separate images with Tirthankara images carved over their heads. 36 Other marks such as trilinear umbrellas, with a drum player surmounting it, or an elephant with two sides of the umbrella and a dharma chakra symbol attended by a pair of either bulls or deer began to play an important role in Jaina sculpture." It was also late in the Gupta period that the practice of showing the navagraha along the two sides of a Tirthankara figure came into vogue. It was established that the useful number of navagrahas was to be confined to eight with ketu being left out of the initial stage. 38 It is also noticeable that the images of the Jaina Tirthankaras with clothing and drapery can dated to this particular period of

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the Gupta dynasty. It appears that this development sharpened the distinction of the Svetambaras from the Digambara Jainas. 39 Apart from the characteristics of the Gupta images and their association with particular religious practices, we sind that in the post-Gupta period the tradition of worshipping Tirthankuras along with many gods and goddesses were beginning to hecome prominent in both the Digambaras and Svetambaras traditions. Jaina sculptures from the seventh to eighth centuries C.L. also begin to be distinguished in that the Tirthunkaras images are attended with identifiable images such as Saraswati, Ambika, Kubera, Naga, and so on. The introduction of the twenty-four yaksas and the same number of yaksinis as attendants of the Tirthankaras was becoming well developed by the close of the eighth century C.E. Later on the practice of putting eight planets on two sides of a Tirthankara was developed in the eastern school of medieval art. In the western school, the eight planets were generally carved on the pedestal of the statue of a Tirthankara. After 1200 C.E. we also have the figures of the months of the twenty-four Jinas, each with a child in their lap. All these sculptures are made mostly of bronze or stone (it is suggested that because stone statues were being damaged by invaders, the Jaina community began to cast metal images as an alternative, and Nalanda became the center of such activities. 41 The Jaina literature also refers to wood carving. Wood images were carved during the Pala rule in eastern India. *2 Thus we see that in the later centuries, Jainism was propagated through the medium of Jaina art. Jaina monuments also help us in determing the position of Jainism. Several temples of both Digambaras and Svetambaras are found throughout all states of India and in all four architectural styles - Nagara, Vesara, Dravid, and Kalinga -- however, in the eastern Indian region we don't find all the styles being used. The temples of Parasnatha, Rajgriha, Champapaur, Deoli, Charra, Teleuppi, Pakbirra, Khandagiri and Udaigiri tend to use a more artistic style, especially after the eleventh century.43 The Jaina literary evidence suggests the existence of Jaina temples in almost all important place of eastern India, but a very few are in existence in the present times. There are instance to show that the Jainas pulled their

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old temples down and erected new ones in their place, which could explain that much of the existing architecture tends to date to the fifteenth century.44 Besides, we do know that several temples were destroyed with the waves of invasions, and that this contributed to the more recent establishment of religious centers on mountaintops in order to maintain inaccessibility to raiders.' We can also note that these new places were of natural beauty and located away from the bustle of city life The Jaina community were also very interested during this period in constructing stupas, 6 chaityagrhas and jinagrahas in those places where tradition maintains that the Jaina teachers took their nirvana, or on the funeral places of the Jinas. Several Jaina"and Buddhist texts have referred to such construction, and refer to the building of Jaina stupas in member of their gurus since ancient time." While the stupas were made purely from a religious perspective, it is also important to realize the importance of the construction of these features on Jaina architecture as a whole (the construction of Jaina stupas began around the tenth century B.C.E. and remained important until the Gupta period). It is suggested that the first stupa was the one constructed at Kailash in meinory of the first Tirthankara, Rsabhadeva, by his son Bharata. 50 The Jambudvipannati also suggests the erection of Jaina monuments at the cremation ground of a Tirthankara." The Aupapatikasutra describes the Purna Bhadra chaitya outside Champa Nagari." The Avasyaka Niryukti also describes the erection of a stupa, chaitya, and jinagrahya at the nirvana place of Mahavira. " The Jain stupa dedicated to the twentieth Tirthankara, Munisuvratanatha, existed at Vaisali, and Harisena has mentioned that in very ancient times the Vidyadharas constructed stupas. As well, the Jaina commentaries and the Curnis material written in the Gupta age onwards provides information regarding various Jaina chaityas." Descriptions of Jaina sravakas worshipping in the chaityas of Rajgir and elsewhere have been recorded in those texts. The fifth century copper plate of Paharpur of Acarya Guhanandi informs us about the existence of five Jaina relics, and according to Jinaprabhasuri, there existed at Mathura a stupa of gold and jewels, raised by Kubera in honour of the Tirthankara, Suparsvanatha.

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Apparently, this stupa was repaired several times by many different kings of the region." Also, the Jambuswamicharita of Rajmalla tells us about the existence of more than five hundred stupas in Mathura during this period. 99 The Jaina sramanas and munis used to meditate in the remote forest according to ancient tradition. During the time of the Tirthankara, Mahavira, and the Buddha, the Jaina and Buddhist monks lived a secluded life in "natural caves in peaceful places." The caves not only served as a suitable place for meditation by the reclusive, but also served as protection from the elements. But, as we see in the archaeological evidence in eastern India, many of these caves were also excavated and donated to the Jaina munis during different periods in this region. Such caves are found at Rajgriha, Gaya, Knandagiri, Udaigiri, Jausambi, Pabhosa, and several other places in this region, and show a deep commitment to the Jaina tradition not only by the munis, but also by the kings, merchants and common peoples of eastern India. O ENDNOTES 1. C.J. Shah, Jainism in North India. London:1932, Indian Reprint, New Delhi, 1989. 2. G.C. Roychoudhary, Jainism in Bihar. Patna: 1956. 3. A.K. Chatterje, A Comprehensive History of Jainism, Calcutta:1978. 4. Upendra Thakur, Studies in Jainism and Buddhism in Mithila. Varanasi:1964. 5. K.C. Jain, Lord Mahavira and His Tilaus. Delhi:1974. 6. B.K. Tiwary, History of Jainism in Bilar. Gurgaon:1996. 7. D.R. Patil, Antiquarian Remains in Bihar. Patna:1963. (Introduction) 8. Jain Silalekha Sangraha. Bombay:1928. 9. Jain Inscriptions (Jain Lekha Sangraha), pts. I-III. Calcutta:1918-1929. 10. Prachin Jain Lekha Sangraha, Bhavanagar:1921. 11. Jain liconography. Delhi:1974. 12. Jain Art and Architecture (ed.), pts. I-III. Delhi:1974. 13. Bharat ke Kigambar Jain Tirtha, pts. I-III. Bombay:1974. 14. Studies in Jain Art. Banaras:1955. 15. Prachin Bharatiya Murti Vigyan. Banaras. 16. A tablet of respect and worship. It was used in Jaina shrines with inscriptions for the worship of arhats. 17. D.P. Diskalkar, Studies in Jain Inscriptions. J.O.I, Vol. IX, No.1, p.23. 18. Pillar Edict, VII, Delhi version. 19. 1.A., Vol. XX, p.364. 20. B.K. Tiwary, History of Jainism in Bihar, pp.100-103. 21. D.C. Sarkar, Select Inscriptions, p.217. JBORS, Vol. VII, 1917, pp.425,472.

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22. E.I., Vol.IV, pp.22ff; I.A., Vol. III, pp. 153-158. 23. R.K. Mookherjee, Gupta Samrajya. Bombay:1948, p.155. 24. B.K. Tiwary's articles in The Journal of Historical Research, Vol.26, No.2, pp. 108-113; Jain Antiquary, Vol.37, No.2, pp.21-27; Jinamanjari, Vol.2, No.2, pp.43-50. In this respect it is obvious to mention that Jainism never sought royal patronage like its contemporary religions, but it got it in one way or the other throughout the periods of ancient and medieval India. 25. Jainismi is still a living religion in western and southern India today. (The Cultural Heritage of India, Vol.I, ed. S.K. Chatterji, A.D. Pusalkar and N. Dutta. Calcutta: 1975 (Reprint), p.lvi). 26. U.P. Shah, op. cit, pp.39-40. 27. Though the Jainas were not an idol worshipping sect, this has not prevented them from carving statues in honour of their siddhas (Encyclopaedia Britannica, Vol. 12, p.846). 28. Their popularity can be seen as early as the time of the Arya literature. It is believed that Indra had appointed one yaksa and on yaksinis to serve on each Tirthankara as attendants of the right and left sides of the Jinas (R.S. Gupta, Iconography of the Hindus, Buddhists and Jainas, p.175). 29. A.K. Chatterjee, A Comprehensive History of Jainism, pt. I, p.365; U.P. Shah, Studies in Jain Art, p.3. 30. B.C. Bhattacharya, Jain Iconography, pp.33-34. 31. S. Stevenson, Heart of Jainism, Oxford: 1915 (Indian ed., New Delhi, 1970), p.12. 32. Uttaradyayana, 3.14. 33. Jain Iconography" in Acarya Bhikshu Abhinandana Srantha. Calcutta: 1961, pp. 193-194. 34. Samyaka jnana, samyaka darsana andsamyaka charita. 35. The pedestals of the Jaina sculptures during this period have been adorned with certain symbols which in later years came to be stabilized as emblems or lanchanas. 36. B. Jain, Bharat ke Digambara Jain Tirtha, pt. 1, pp. 14-15. 37. B.C. Bhattacharya, op. cit., p.30. 38. Bhikshu Abhinandana Grantha, p.114. 39. U.K. Jain, Jain Sects and Schools. Delhi: 1975, pp.43-44. 40. Jain Antiquary. Vol.XVIII, No. II, pp. 32-34. 41. G.H. Ojha opines that the Jainas made metal statues between the 7th_9th centuries C.E. He claims to have seen as many as one thousand metal Jain images having some inscriptions on them (Prachin Bharatiya Lipimala, Delhi: 1971, p.154). 42. G.S. Gogate, "Uniqueness and Grandeur of Jain Art," Organiser, Nov. 11, 1974, p.17. 43. H.L. Jain, Bharatiya Sanskriti mein Jain dharma ka yogadan. Bhopal: 1962 (Reprint 1975), p.281. 44. P.C. Roychoudhary, Jainism in Bihar. Patna: 1956, p.21. 45. Ala-ud-din is said to have plundered this area of North India and destroyed many Jaina temples. He also converted a few Jain shrines to mosques (S. Stevenson, op. cit., pp.18, 283). Also, J. Fergusson, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture. London: 1910, Vol. II, p.9. 46. Cylindrical structures with arched tops standing on quadratic platforms. 47. Avasyaka Niryukti, gatha 435; Jabudvipa Prajypti, 2.33. 9

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48. H.L. Jain, op. cit., p.303. 49. N.C. Shastri, Adi Purana mein Pratipadita Bharata, Varanasi:1968, p.292. 50. Abhdhanacintamani, IV, 94. 51. Jabudvipannati, 2.23. 52. Aupapatikasutra, 2. 53. Gatha, 434. 54. Avasvakacurni, pp.223-227,567. 55. Vrahatakathakosa, 12.132. 56. A Comprehensive History of Bihar (ed. B.P. Sinha). Patna:1974, pt. II, p.457, 57. Jain Art and Architecture (ed. A. Ghosh). New Delhi:1974, pt.1, p.50. 58. Vividhatirthakalpa, pp.17-18; Vyavaharasutra Bhasya, 5.27-28. 59. He lived during the period of the Mauryan emperor, Akbar. 10

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Jinamanjari, Volume 24, No.2, October 2001 Jaina Sculptures in the Salar Jung Museum Dr. B. K. Goud, Salar Jung Museum Introduction In 1961 an Act of Parliament (No.26) declared the Salar Jung Museum, Hydrabad, South India, as a museum of the 'greatest National importance for the preservation of India's history and art.' Although the Museum has a varied art collection of stone sculptures of Indian and Western origins, my scope for this article is confined to Jaina art. Art and life in India have moved with an intimate handclasp through the great periods like the Rashtrakuta, Chalukya and Kakatiya, and have left behind their permanent impress on the visible creations of their respective religious sculptures. In this context, the Museum can modestly claim to possess some of the finest specimens of Jaina sculptures. This article describes the Jaina stone sculpture of different regions represented in the Museum's collection and provides an outline about some sculptures that have undoubtedly helped the Jainism in its expansion over the regions in India. First, however, a brief outline of Jaina history. For the Jaina community birth and suffering were undividable. The one who is alive was bound to suffer according to one's deeds (karma). Therefore one should control one's deeds and purify oneself by leading a pious and holy ascetic life - the only path to salvation. One such ascetic was Vardhamana Mahavira, who is considered to the last 'founder' of Jainism in this current time cycle. Parsvanatha (c. 817-717 B.C.E.) and Mahavira (27-3598 to 15-10-527 or c.599 - 527 or 540 - 468 B.C.E.) are the twenty-third and twenty-fourth Tirthankaras respectively. The first Tirthankara is Adinatha or Rishabhanatha and followed by Ajitanatha, Sambhava-natha, Abhinandanatha, Sumatinatha. Padmaprabha, Suparsvanatha, Chandraprabha, Puspadanta or Suvidhinatha, Sitalanatha, Sreyamsanatha, Vasupujya, Vimalanatha, Anantanatha, Dharmanatha, 11

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Santinatha, Kuntanatha, Aranatha, Malinatha, Munisuvrata, Naminatha, Neminatha, Parsvanatha and Mahavira. Mahavira, according to the Pratistasara Sangraha manuscript preserved in Arrah (Bihar), attained supreme knowledge at the age of forty-two years on the Rjupalika River after which he travelled from place to place and preached his religion called 'Jainism'. He practiced and propagated the principles of peaceful coexistence. He enjoined upon his followers to take the three-fold path called the 'Three Jewels' of Jainism --- right faith, right knowledge and right action, and dedicated himself to the development of a new creative social order for the healthiest orientation of the individual. Mahavira regarded the basic social values as ahimsa, aparigraha and anekantavada. He died at Pavapura (South Bihar at the age of seventy-two years (probably on 15-10-527 B.C.E.) and was contemporary with Gautama Buddha (c. 566 B.C.E.486B.C.E.), the founder of Buddhism. The main emphasis of Jainism is on leading a pious and virtuous life in order to one day attain moksa. Jainism places special emphasis on ahimsa. By the first century C.E. Jainism split into two sects called 'Svetambaras' and 'Digambaras'. With time it was further divided into the sub-sects of Valahari, Koti Muduva, Addakaligaccha, Kandigaccha, etc. In the Sravanabelgola inscription of Iruguppa of A.D. 1422, it reads: May the glorious religion of the Jina be victorious-the religion of the lord of the three worlds, the unfailing criterion of which is the most profound doctrine of possibility. One Kalinga Jaina sculpture carried away by a Magadha king (Nanda) was subsequently recovered by Kharavela and reinstalled according to Hathigumpha inscription of the early Christian era of Satavahanas. Kala Kasuri, a Jaina acharya, had visited the capital city of Satavahanas. There is evidence that the Jaina acharya, Simha Nandi was living in Ganga Peruru near Ontimitta of the Cuddapah District during the fourth century C.E. The late Chalukyas who ruled from Vatapi, followed Jainism and patronised it by giving donations to Jaina acharyas, viharas, etc. 12

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Also, during the Rashtrakutas the religion flourished in Rayalaseema and Telangana, especially during the reign of Nitya Varsha Vallabha who ruled from Bodhan. In the thirteenth century C.E. there existed several Jina pujas and Jina alayas in Nellore district as revealed by some inscriptions, However, in the Kakatiya period Kumariia Bhattu had ruled out any philosophical arguments by Jinas and Jainism lost its significance greatly in the area. In the Deccan Jainism flourished during tenth to thirteenth centuries C.E., particularly in Karnataka (Sravanabelagala) and Andhra Pradesh (Pithapuram, Bodhan, Jogipet, Patancheruvu and Kolanupaka). The Chalukyas and Kakatiyas had patronised Jainism during this period and they demonstrated a great religious tolerance. As well, they produced many Jaina sculptures and constructed temples (Jina aalayas). They also built many viharas and donated several villages for their maintenance. After some time Jainism was gradually replaced by Saivism as some Saivist kings forced Jainas to introduce 'Siva' in Jina aalayas. However, Jainism as an ancient and important religion was still followed by a large number of people (mainly in Gujarat and Rajasthan). Jaina Iconography Jaina gods and goddesses are classified as: a) Jaina divinities and b) Brahmanical divinities. Sculptures and texts like the Jaina Puranam, Neminathapuranam, Jaina Vangmayam, Uttarapurana, Yaksha, Vastu and Tidhakalpa, reveal the iconography of the Jaina Tirthankaras and their sashana devatas, emblems, vehicles, kevala trees etc. The prominent Jaina Silpasastras are Silparatna, Brhatsamhita, Pratisthasarasamgraha, Pratisthapatha, Rupamandana, Mayamata, Trisastislakapurusacarita, Acaradinakara, Pratisthalitakam, the Vastuvidya of Visvakarma, Vastusastra of Visvakarma, Manasara, Aparagitapraccha, Pratistasara Sarodhara, Vishnudharmottara, Vivekavilasa, Mantradhikarakalpa, Padmananda- mahakavya, Nirvanakalika and Vrksarnava. Further inconographic norms have been stated in another work, the Kalpasutras, written by Bhadrabahu (third century B.C.E.) and later texts such as the Pravachana, Mandira, Pratistavidhi, etc. These marks are 13

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important because they will help us identifying each particular Tirthankara. In sculpture the Tirthankaras are generally shown in asana (sealed) or sthanaka what we call kayotsarga (standing posture). In the asana pose, the padmasana depicts the jnana or preaching of the Tirthankaras. In the kayotsarga pose (also known as khadganasa), the stretched hanging hands of the Tirthankara are carved in such a way as they do not touch the body. The yogic Tirthankaras standing in kayotsarga are idealized in the practical aspect of teaching the observance of penance to the devotees. The associated nuga or chatra depicts the divinity of the murtis. Depending on the purpose and the utility, the Jaina sculptures are divided as four varities, 1) Nama Jina (for general worship in any place), 2) Stapana Jina (made of gold, copper, stone, etc., and to be installed in temples), 3) Dravya Jinas, and 4) Bhava Jinas (samvasarana) such as those of Mahavira. The important emblems or cognisance of the Tirthankaras are the lion, bull, elephant, horse, dear, buffalo, snake, makara, padma, nilotpala, conch, swastika, srivatsa, vajra, etc. The male and female attendants, yaksha and vakshini, are the sasana devatas who assisted the Tirthankaras to become the ideal beings. Gomukha, Mahayaksha, Trimukha, Brahma, Dharanidra, Matanga etc. are the vakshas, while the sasanadevis are Chakreswari, Ajitavala, Duritari, Kali, Manavi, Dharanidevi, Padmavati and Siddhayika. Similarly, the kevala tree where under which the Tirthankara were enlightened are also included: for Adinatha the nyagrodha (banyan tree), for Sitalanatha the bilva, and for Neminatha, Parsvanatha and Mahavira the mahavenu or vetasa, devana aru, and sala vruksha respectively. Also, some Hindu gods and goddesses are incorporated such as Brahma, Vigneswara, Saraswati, Kali and Padmavati. Besides the iconographical marks, the images of Tirthankaras also depict wide chest, half open eyes, elongated ears, and in some cases, kundalas. To differentiate the padmasana of the Jaina Tirthankaras from the Buddha in padmasana, the srivatsa symbol on the chest. These were probably introduced after the Gupta period (6th century C.E.), when the mudras and laksanas were introduced in iconography. 14

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The Museum Collection There are four Jaina sculptures in the reserve collection and six sculptures displayed in the Indian Sculpture gallery of the Museum. Six of these sculptures come from North India, and the remaining four are from South India (Deccan). These objects are acquired by the Museum through: 1) the Salar Jung Collection, 2) the Purchase Committee and 3) loan from the National Museum, New Delhi. These Jaina sculptures are assignable to 10th through 19th century A D. and without doubt have been a great contribution to the landscape of Indian culture. I shall now describe these pieces in detail. 1. Sculpture of the 10th Century C.E. (Deccan) The standing nude figure of Jaina Tirthankara in kayotsarga pose with curled hair and halo at the back of the head is seen in relief work in black granite stone prominently (see plate 1). He has prominent eye-brows and elongated ears. A diamond emblem (srivatsa) is seen on his chest that reveals the status of Visnu Purushottama. The three-tier umbrella (chatri) tops him. Museum records reveal the name of the figure as a Jaina Tirthankara without a specific name; however, the srivatsa and three-tier chatri helps to identify this figure with the tenth Tirthankara, Sitalanatha. According to tradition, Sitalanatha parents are Drudharatha and Sunanda of Bhadrikapur, and the sasanadevi (yakshini) is Manavi/Asoka. The associated yaksha is the Brahmanical deity, Brahma, while the kevala tree is called Bilva. The name Sitalanatha depicts that the Tirthankara has removed the 'hotness' in the body and mind of the suffering people and saved them by preaching as well as giving 'coolness'. In another version the name (i.e., Sitalanatha) was given when he was in the womb of her mother, Sunanda (who touches the King and that incident had removed the immense pain suffering by him). This rare sculpture is assignable to tenth century C.E. During this period the late Rashtrakutas or Kalyani Chalukyas, who patronised the Jainism, were ruling the ancient Karnataka/Mysore region. It is believed that this figure was acquired from Mysore through the Salar Jung collection. Onc standing figure of Sitalanatha with varada hasta and a lotus in his left hand (c. eleventh century C.E.) is in the Patna Museum. 15

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Parsvanatha is seen in standing posture as kayotsarga or khadgasana with his stretched hands hanging straight, and not touching the body. Unfortunately the head of the Tirthankara is missing. The cognisance of the Tirthankara is mainly a snake with seven heads. In the Museum's example the hood (slightly chipped oft) of the snake tops the Tirthankara. The sasanadeva or yaksha of Parsvanatha is Dharanindra where as Padmavati is his yakshini or sasanadevi. The yaksha and yakshini are seen on either side near the foot of the image of Parsvanatha, and near his left shoulder there is a human figure caning a garland in its hands. The Tirthankara is carved in standing posture as if he preaches his devotees, the observance of penance. The sculpture is assignable to the tenth century C.E. It is assumed that the provenance of the sculpture is Karnataka (i.e., Mysore State), a region under the control of late Rashtrakutas or the Kalyani Chalukyas who greatly patronised Jainism in the South. The sculpture was acquired by the Museum in 1987 for Rs. 8,000/- from Brig. Kulwanth Singh from Secunderabad, Andhra Pradesh. II. Sculpture of 12th Century C.E. (Deccan) The nude figure of standing Parsvanatha in kayotsarga pose is rich in disclosing its iconographical details (see plate 2.). A figure of snake coiling from down shades with its seven heads tops the canopy of the twenty-third Tirthankara, Parsvanatha. An umbrella with ornamental pattern is carved over the heads of the snake. Twenty-three miniature Tirthankaras, seated in meditation posture, in individual circle designs over the yaksha and yakshini are carved in fine relief on the circular ring of the sculpture. A flywhisk (camara) carved on either side is seen near the shoulder of the image. Two armed figures of snake are also seen at both the right and left ends on the pedestal. The associated seated sasanadevatas, Dharanindra (yaksha), with snake's hood on top and Padmavati (vakshini) with chatri on top are seen near the feet of the Parsvanatha, The sasanadevi is seen in ardhaparyankasana (lalitasana) with varada hasta and with her vehicle, serpent and usual emblems such as the goad in her hands. Dharanidra is seen seated as lalitasana with goad, snake etc. 16

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On the middle of the stepwise pedestal it is carved a squire in squire design in which a small figure of lotus flower is seen. This design is probably a symbol of the school of art or the region or an emblem of the master sculptor. On the front upper portion of the pedestal there is an inscription in Kannada script. It has been translated in English by Dr. Uma Kanth P. Shah, and published in SIM Bi-Annual Research Journal, 1970-71 (Vol. I & II, p.11-14): The inscription states the fact that the Jaina image of chaurisa Tirthankara was carved to be made by Bopana, resident of the holy town Kopana and dedicated on the occasion of consumation of religious vows to a Jaina temple erected by Madana Dandanayaka of Mulasanga. This standing Mahavira as kayotsarga pose, is seen with a halo under a richly carved umbrella, in the centre of the basalt (black) stone slab, and is in a cut-in-relief with high polish. The image is surrounded by a circular ring (see plate 3.). Four small and seated Tirthankaras, two in the upper portion near the shoulders and two in the lower portion near the feet of the main image with chatri on top are carved prominently. These four figures are seen in meditation posture in padmasana. A symbolical fly- whisk on either side is seen clearly between the head of Mahavira and the circular ring. The Svetambara sect calls this five Jina sculpture pancatirthy pratima where as the image the Digambaras adorned them with the name pancha-parameshthins. The pedestal of this sculpture too designed as the Museum No. 72/XLII. It has also an inscription in Kannada script that has been translated by Dr. Shah as: The inscription states that the image of Panchaparmesthi was sanctified on the occasion of the completion of vows by Devana, the senabova (Revenue Officer) of the capital Eramborage and a disciple of the preceptor Madhava Chandra; who belonged to Mulasangha desigana Pustaka gachha and Ingalea varabhi. 17

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The high polished sculptures (at Nos. 2 & 3) are removable from the pedestal. A small chakra figure on either side is carved on a small piece that joins the hanging delicate arm and the thigh of the Parsvanatha and Mahavira. These two sculptures produced by one school were collected by the Salar, Jung III, from his own Jagirdar, Kopbal (in Mysore State) Karnataka. The above two inscriptions have been translated into Telugu by me and the same has been published in the Journal, ITIHAS, by the A.P. State Archives, December 1996 (Vol. 1 & 2, page 139-140). Prolaraju II (c. 1118 to 1158 AD.) was one the great Kakatiya kings who followed and patronised Jainism in the twelfth century. Some of the Kakatiya inscriptions in the Deccan are found in the Karnataka area in Kannada script. The style of the said sculptures are nearer to that of Kakatiya sculptures found in the various Telangana areas and border districts of Karnataka. While the Kaiyani and Vemulawada Chalukyas were also patronised and produced Jaina sculptures too. The Museum sculptures are said to be Kakatiya-style as they are suggestive of high polished ones like any other Kakatiya sculpture, the model of the surrounded circular ring, carving of small Jina figures on circular ring etc. Some say that these sculptures are of Chalukyan school. But it is doubtful that they had any influence of Chalukya style though the inscription incised on the sculpture is Kannada. III. Sculpture of 12th Century C.E. (Gujarat) The marvellous arch-shaped sculpture of the Jain prabhavali, received in 1971 on loan from the National Museum is carved in white marble (see plate 4.). There are seven wheels on top of the prabhavali. Below the wheels an umbrella is carved with about three-inch projection. In the middle an elephant with a rider, is seen lifting a man with its trunk on either side of umbrella. At the centre of the sculpture between the elephants, a man from musical troupe is seen holding something like a sannai in his hands. It depicts a religious procession, and at the bottom corners of the prabhavali two figures of Parsvanatha near an open mouthed makara on either side. They are carved beautifully in dhyanamudra with snake's hood on top. The main image under the umbrella, probably Parsvanatha, is unfortunately missing. 18

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All figures in the sculpture are carved in relief work on a marble slab imported from Gujarat and said to be a piece of temple architecture. IV. Sculpture of 15th and 19th Centuries C.E. (Rajasthan) The Rajasthan region with its various sculptural centres and abundant resources of white marble has been producing exporting marble products to various parts of the country throughout the ages, but especially since the nineteenth century. The Musem is fortunate to have acquired some beautiful Jaina sculptures made from this Rajasthan marble. The figure of Parsvanatha is seen in padmasana with his hands in meditation clasp (see plate 5). He has elongated ears and curly hair. His graceful face, slender waist and broad chest denotes of calmness and serenity and nobility too. A diamond figure is carved on the chest of the image as srivatsa. The snake, an emblem of Parsvanatha, with its seven- hooded snake tops the twenty-third Tirthankara. The pedestal is inscribed in a Devanagari script that depicts the dating of the figure to Vikram Samvat 1548 (c.1490 AD.). The figure was purchased in 1984 by the Museum through purchase committee, and is said to be imported from the provenance of Rajasthan. The figure of Parsvanatha, the twenty-third Tirthankara, is seen sitting in padmasana under the canopy of a nine-headed snake whose tail reaches down to the pedestal along the spine of the image (see plate 6). He is in dhyanamudra and is devoid of any garments, but does have srivatsa on his chest. The slender waist, broad shoulders, etc., bespeaks of calmness and dignity. A four-petal flower and a knot are carved prominently on the pedestal. Unlike the other SJM Parsvanatha sculptures, this image has been covered on the head by a serpent with nine instead of seven, The figure here is shown seated in the meditation pose in which the Tirthankara achieved enlightenment, the asana pose. Among the twenty-four Jaina Tirthankaras Mahavira, Parsvanatha, Neminatha and Rshabhanatha (or Adinatha) had their enlightenment while practicing austerities in this pose, and beneath their respective kevala trees. The sculpture collected by the Salar Jung, is said to be of the provenance of Jaipur, Rajasthan (see plate 7).

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The ligure Parsvanatha is seen in meditation holding the hands closely one over the other on the folded legs in sitting posture as padmasana. On his chest the figure of a srivatsa is seen. The snake, an emblem of the Tirthankaru, is seen with its seven hoods as canopy. It is assumed that this ligure is a product of the Rajasthani school of nineteenth century which is well preserved in the Museum, and was collected by Salar Jung III. It is also a seated one, most probably from Rajasthan, with a figure of srivatsu on its chest and elongated ears (sce plate 8). On his head is seen a small bulbous round in three rows and a small knot on top. The figure is identified with Mahavira that is in the meditation posture of pudmasana. Another figure is preserved in the Museum under the Salar Jung collection, and depicts that the 24th Jaina Tirthankara, Mahavira, with the srivatsa emblem on his chest and seated in meditation posture known as padmasana (see plate 9). He has elongated ears, broad shoulders and a small knot on his head which is carved in wavy lines. On the whole the sculpture shows clearly the calmness and dignity of the Tirthankara. The figure is said to be imported from Rajasthan and is collected by the third Salar Jung, Nawab Mir Yousuf Ali Khan. U BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Sastry, T.V.G., Introduction to the Iconography of Jain Tirthankaras, Arhat Vacana, Kund Kund Inanapeeth, April, 1991, Vol. 3 (2). 2. Satyamurthy, K., Pratimalakhana Sastram (Telugu version), Telugu University, Hyderabad, 1998. 3. Shantilal Nagar, Iconography of Jaina Deities, B.R. Publishing Corporation, New Delhi, 2 Vols., 1999. 4. Osborn Martin, E., The Gods of India. Their History, Character & Worship, Indological Book House, New Delhi 5. Kamal Chand Sogani, Mahavira and Social Values, Deccan Chronicle, dt. 1-2-1998, p. 27. 6. Umakanth P. Shah, Jaina Bronzes and Sculpture in the Salar Jung Museum, SJM Bi-annual Research Journal, Hyderabad, 1970-71 (Vol. No. 1 & 11, page 11-14). 7, Vijaya Bharathi, B., Andhradesamuna Bouddhamu - Jainamu, Mana Samskriti Charitra (Telugu version), Navodaya Samithi, Hyderabad, 1960, p. 412-424. 20

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Plate 1. Jina Sitalanatha, Black Granite, H. 72 cm., W. 32 cm., 10th century C.E., Deccan Karnataka Plate 2. Parsvanatha, Basalt, H. 88 cm., W. 43.9 cm., Base H. 25.2 cm., length 52.5 cm., 12th century C.E., Kakatiya, South India Plate 3. Mahavira, Basalt, H. 85 cm., W. 40.8 cm., Base H. 25 cm., length 52.3 cm., 12th century C.E., Kakatiya, South India Plate 4. Jaina Prabhavali, White Marble, L. 85 cm., H. 55 cm., 12th century C.E., Gujrat PARSANATHA WHITE MARBLE RAJASTHAN VIKRAMSAMVAT 1548 MB Plate 5. Parsvanatha, White Marble, H. 32.3 cm., W 21.8 cm., Late 15th century C.E., Rajasthan. www.jainelibrary.or

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Plate 6. Parsvanatha, White Marble, H. 60.3 cm., Base 37.2 cm., 19th century C.E., Jaipur. Plate 7. Parsvanatha, White Marble, H. 26.3 cm., W. 15.6 cm., 19th century C.E., North India. Plate 8. Plate 9. A Jina, White Marble, Mahavira in Dhyanamudra, White Marble, H.38.8 cm., W. 30.5 cm., H.38.2 cm., W. 30.5 cm., 19th century C.E., North India. 19th century C.E., North India. www.jainelibr yrg

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Jinamanjari, Volume 24, No.2, October 2001 THE VIKRAMA ERA AND JAINISM Prof. L.C. Jain and Dr. Prabha Jain, Jabalpur, India. Recorded history of India in general is known from the sixth B.C.E. in the times of Lord Mahavira, the last and the twenty-fourth Tirthankara of Jainism and Lord Buddha, who was a junior contemporary of Mahavira. However, the first B.C.E to first C. E. period is dark in chronology. The Vikrma era has a great relevance to Jaina works. After 413 years of Lord Mahavira's nirvana, which took place on 15th of October 527 B.C.E., King Naravahana ruled for 40 years, Gardabhllla for 13 years and the Saka king for four years. During this period, the Jaina samgha was led by Revatimitra for 36 years and Aryamangu for 20 years. A great Jain Acarya, Kalakacarya got the Ujjain kingdom of Gardabhilla smashed away in Vira (Mahavira) era, 470 B.C.E. Later, Vikramaditya, son of Gardabhilla, ruled for 60 years. During this period, acayas such as Bahula, Srivrata, Svati, Hari, Syamarya, Sandilya, etc were functionaries in the Jaina samgha. The tradition of pratyeka Buddha and svayam Buddha were to end, while Jaina preceptors Bhadrabahu, Srigupta, Vajrasvami were flourishing. -- The above facts have a relevance with a KathanakaVriti', of Devendrasuri (Vikrama era 1146), according to which Kalaka was a prince, and became an ascetic along with his younger sister, Saraswati, initiated by ascetic Gunakara. The king of Ujjain, Gardabhilla captured Saraswati in his queen's palace, as he was charmed. Acarya Kalaka, not being able to persuade the king to get his sister back, went to Saka land and got Gardabhilla defeated by the Saka and got his sister back in to the samgha. The Saka dynasty in Ujjain was then exterminated by king Vikramaditya, who established his era at the instant. 21

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Vikramaditya and Jain Texts There are literary works and Pattavalis: Katha-SaritaSagara, Brhat Kathamanjari, Prabhavaka Caritam, GathaSapta sahi, Vetalpanncavimsati, Simhasana Battisi, Satrunjaya Mahatmya, Vikrama Carita are some of the important works that refer to king Vikrama. The Kalaka story told above and the evidence of Periplus confirming the presence of Sakas in Sindh suggest their presence in Saurastra, Gujrat and Ujjain in or around about 60 B.C.E., and the Vikrama era has been founded to commemorate the expulsion of Sakas from Ujjain. The reference to Vikrama and founding of an era is mentioned in Hala's Gathasaptasati, Vetalapancavimsati, Katha-SaritaSagara, Simhasanabhattisi and Brahatkathamanjari. These Jaina sources, which bear a definite historical background, make a clear reference to Vkramaditya of Ujjain who fought and defeated the Sakas. According to Cunningham' the Vikrama era is reckoned from the vernal equinox of the year 57 B.C. E. The Satrunjaya Mahatmya professes to have been written 477 years after Vikrama (A-D. 4 20). From the way in which King Siladitya of Vallabhi is spoken of as "honoring the advice of Siddhasena Suri as the words of Jina," it appears that Vikramaditya was a Jaina, which would account for- the use of his era in Jain writings, but not in early Brahminical inscriptions. Franklin Edgerton's findings on Vikrama Carita is eloquent. Weber and Hertel regard that the original Vikramacarita was Jainistic, and is similar to Merutunga's Jain work, Prabandhacintamani (Wishing Stone of Narratives). In the Vikrama Carita we are told that Vikrama -- Vardhamana samvatsara-parivartana akarot - "in his pious exaltation after listening to the instruction of Jaina teacher Siddhasena Diwakara, freed the whole earth from debt, and (in doing so), effected a change (literally, a turning point) in the era of Vardhmana (Mahavira)." According to Edgerton, this is a secondary intrusion into Vikrama Carita by the Svetambara ascetic author. Other sources of Jainistic tradition corroborate this statement and almost uniformly place the date of this statement and the charge is reckoned with 470 years after Vira nirvana. Jacobi, however, is the authority for the 22

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statement. The Digambara Jainas put 605 years instead of 470, between Vikrama and Mahavira. Jacobi argued that figure 470 is too large by 60 years, and hence 605 is the right number. There has been a Jaina story, "Kalaacarya Kathanaka" (Jacobi, ZDMO.34.247 E, esp. 286). This work tells how the Sakas conquered Gardabhilla, (father of Vikrama) or Gandhrvasena, king of Ujjain, but later on were expelled by Gardabhilla successor, Vikramaditya, who freed the world from debt and in celebration of this generosity, established a new era. After 135 years, however, another Saka king returned and overthrew the dynasty of Vikramaditya, establishing another era (the Saka era of 78 C.E.). Konow brings this account into relationship with certain Chinese historical records of the doings of the Saka and Kusana dynasties. He makes out at least plausible case for the historicity of Vikrama as king of Malava, and founder of the era of 58-57 B. C. Vincent Smith and Charpentier agree with this view. Vikramaditya In the Light of Vaddamanu Excavations Vaddamanu is a village in Guntur district of Andhra Pradesh, and in this village, T.V.G. Sastri et al have carried out extensive archaeological work from 1981-1985. The Rasabha kings of Gardabhilla line were originally. of Cedi origin (Bundelkhand). The evidences from archaeological remains in the ancient sites at the KrisnaGodavary basin of Andhra Pradesh bring out the following information: - The local tradition of Vikramaditya at Bhattiprolu. - Presence of Vikramaditya in Andhra is well authenticated in Hathigumpha inscriptions. - A number of coins of his descendents, the Sadas, from Amaravti, Bapatla, Kolanukonda, etc. - The pillar inscriptions of Siri Sada from Guntapalli. The above data is further substantiated from Vaddamanu excavations. The excavations on the hillock Peddakonda (a height of 100 km above ground level) have brought to light two important periods of structural activity which were associated with Jainism from 200 - 50 B.C. E., and 50 B.C. E. - 50 C.E. The existence of two stupas and ellipsoidal structures at Vaddamanu are architecturally different 23

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from those found at Amaravati and Nagarjunakonda Buddhist sites. Thus, the structures at Vaddamanu indicate a complete dissociation with those of the Buddhists. As far inscriptions and coins discovered at Vaddamanu, it is known that the Jain monastery there had received support from Vaisali, Kasi, Vidisa, Pithudpura (Andhra) etc. Three potsherd inscriptions read as Cedirajno Satho, Cedi rajno and Ceti Raj, a reference to the successors of Vikrmaditya, evidently indicate Cedi country from where the Rasabha kings were originated.10 The reign of these descendants of Emperor Kharavela come to light from the pillar inscriptions, found at Guntupalli in West Godavari district of Andhra. It refers to the king Siri Sada who bore such titles as Maharaja, Kalingadhipati and Mahisamadhipati. The Sada coins discovered from the levels of second period at Vaddamanu, evidently show various names of the kings - Siri Sada, Mahasada, Sivanaka Sada, Asaka Sada. These evidences from Hathigumpha and KrishnaGodavari region in Andhra further more confirm that emperor Kharavela was a Jain by birth, and so also his descendant Sada kings. The structural embellishments on the stupa railings as well as the sculptures displayed therein bear a close resemblance with those of Udayagiri and Khandagiri caves. They confirm the Sada line from emperor Kharavela. Besides Vaddamanu, there is another important Jaina center in the Krishna valley. It is Bhattiprolu, not far from Vaddamanu. Jainism in Bhattiprolu must have been continued during the Sada rule. The Jain tradition has links from the beginning of Maurya period up to King Vikramaditya of Ujjain. According to local legends, Bhatti was the brother of Vikramaditya through different mothers. Bhartrhari [Bhatti] and Vikramaditya are two brother identified as two sons of Gardabhilla, the latter regarded as third in the dynasty." Vikramaditya's exploits are known from the legends at Bhattiprolu. The great event of expulsion of foreign rulers from the land was thus marked by establishing the Vikrama Era. O 11 1. 2. 1971. Ahmedabad, 1949. Book of Indian Era, pp.47-50, Oriental Publishers, Indian ed, Delhi REFERENCES 24

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3. Harvard University Press, London, 1926. 4. Harvard University Press, London, vols. 11-14, 1908-15. 5. "An Earliest Jaina Site in the Krishna Valley," in Arhat Vacana, JuneSept. 1989, pp.23-54, Indore. 6. Ibid. 7.Ibid. 8. Ibid. 9. Ibid. 10. Ibid. 11." Details of Hathigumpha Inscriptions of Kharavela" in The Early History of Kalinga, p. 56, Calcutta, 1977. 25

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Jinamanjari, Volume 24, No.2, October 2001 JAINA WARRIORS: ANXIETY OVER PRACTICES OF HINSA VS. AHINSA Dr. Hampa Nagarajaiah, Professor Emeritus Bangalore University A clear-cut dichotomy of vyavaharika olim laukikadhanna (practical or feasible virtue) vs. paramarthika dharma (spiritual truth) has posed a valid challenge to the Jaina theory of ahimsa. Jaina philosophers were quite adept at comprehending this duality long ago, and while developing a Jaina 'code of conduct,' the early ascetic scholars had to be quite tactful in handling the perplexing enigma of ahimsa vs. himsa -- that is, the teachings of religion against the realities of day-to-day life. Without repudiating the kernel of ahimsa required an inextenso discussion. The metaphysical question of ahimsa vs. himsa is one of the pivotal problems surrounding the whole of Jaina philosophy, and the semantic range of the word himsa is wide enough as to include nearly thirty Prakrit synonyms. Ultimately, however, consensus tends to boil down' the meaning of the word to any act of carelessness actuated by passion, and leading to the destruction of life. In spite of all the intricacies involved in the debates surrounding the meaning of ahimsa and himsa, abstinence from all forms of hissa has become an absolute in that, paraphrasing Acaryas Amrtacandra and Amitagati, "it is quite clear that killing and harming (hinsa) not only applied to human beings, but to all living creatures.' Religion and society, being complimentary to each other, have shaped human history in their own image. For example, local culture and traditional elements may affect the outer layer of religion-in-practice, but not necessarily the 'core' of the religious message. At first this may appear to make religious institutions appear rigid and 26

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inflexible; however, in the context of the "religious message,' the message can be 'constant' or 'changeless' while being at the same time quite flexible. . The ancient preceptors and pontiffs, envisaging such a philosophy/metaphysical encounter, did not remain ambivalent on this issue. They have prescribed a practical way of life, and developed a code of conduct that recognized that many of their lay votaries had to engage in duty-bound activities. In other words, a code of conduct had to be developed that could help deal with the complexities of the 'art of king-craft.' The early apostles who developed the philosophy of ahimsa had made, therefore, a distinction between munidharma (individual ethics), and sravakadharma, (social ethics) that outlined the differences between the dharma of the ascetic to that of householder. This, in fact, has become one of the characteristic features of Jaina ethics. That is, for the monk or nun the negation of spiritual compromise is the cardinal principle, and for the laity moderation must be the keynote of existence since his life is rooted in compromise. A transparent and categorical segregation of armbhajahimsa (occupational violence), and virddhi-himsa (countering violence with violence), as opposed to the strict principle of ahimsa, helped the expounders of the Jaina philosophy to reasonably explain the tangled position of laity vs. ascetic. The Jaina ascetics and scholars expressly forbade, however, intentional himsa, and emphasized a renunciation of samkalpaja-himsa (willful violence). Of all the challenges that a strict philosophy of ahimsa faced, the major problem revolved round the axis ksatriyadharma (the military conduct/duty of the martial race) and the ahimsa philosophy of the Jaina ascetics. This polarization had to be logically and convincingly disposed. Before addressing the issue from its historical perspective, I would like to start with two relevant quotations: Indian history, even until Gandhi, has accepted violence as a means to promote social good. The Mahabharata says that there are two things: 'abstention from injury, and injury done with righteous motives. Of these two, that which brings in righteousness is 27

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preferable. There is neither an act that is entirely pure nor any that is entirely simple. In all acts, right or wrong, something of both prevails (Sekhar Vincent, 2000:172). It also demonstrates the fact that a stage comes when the welfare of the sangha and the propagation of the faith become more important than the personal salvation of the individual. An individual does not then hesitate to do something for the sangha that he may never do for himself. His act is justified on the ground that the sangha is essential for the propagation of the only right path. Such an act also suggest the belief that the ends justifies the means, as against the basic ethical postulate that means are as important as the ends (Swami Brameshananda, 1992:249). Therefore it appears from these quotes that there is a specific difference in the intentions and inclinations with which a weapon is used and their relationship to the injury caused. Two illustrations may elucidate this. A medical practioner using a knife in the operation theatre cuts an affected portion of the human body with the intention of saving the patient, whereas a thief, using the same knife, can use the same knife in the commission of a crime to steal from someone. The former act does not amount to himsa in the traditional sense, whereas the latter is considered a clear act of himsa. As the pandits state: For it is the intention that is the deciding factor, not the external act, which is inconclusive. From the real point of view, it is the evil intention, which is violence whether it materializes into an evil act of injuring, or not. There can be nonviolence even when an external act of violence has been committed and violence even when it has not been committed (cf.infra). Jinadattasdri, writing at a time when the Moslem destruction of temples and interference with pilgrimage routes was causing the Jain community great trouble, stated bluntly, "in a manner more reminiscent of Islam itself, that anybody 28

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engaged in a religious activity who was forced to fight and kill would not lose any spiritual merit but instead attain deliverance (Paul Dundas: 140)." We find a similar sentiment in the act of Visnukumara that occurs in the Neminatha-purana. Therefore, "violence as such is ethically bad, but in true life one has to consider the whole situation before deciding whether the use of violence is justified as a mixed good. The whole situation may not be dominated by one, single ethical principle (Sekhar Vincent: 172)." Analogous with this, a soldier killing his enemies on the battlefield will not make him a criminal, but, if the same warrior murders or harms somebody whom he does not like, this act warrants punishment as it amounts to violence. Participating in war - an act which many would say causes wholesale himsa is the most debatable part of the controversy the ahimsa and himsa doctrine. Mahameghavahana Kharavela (c. 2nd century B.C.E.), possibly the greatest of the Kalinga kings -- who happened to be a practicing Jaina -- presented a possible synthesis solution to this conflict between the path of the warrior and the path of the ascetic. over -- Although he reiterated that a ksatiyas should abide by the conduct of ksatradharma, and allowed for the performance of yagas (religious sacrifice), he modified the 'code' by stressing that warriors could wage war only in order to defend their people. In this sense, loyalty to the land and loyalty to the Jaina religion need not contradict each other. The reality was, ksatriyas waged war, merchants traded goods, peasants cultivated food, it was their duty and obligation. Jaina canon had to be interpreted to allow for this reality (which was not overlooked by the 'sixty-three men of eminence,' most of whom were kstriyas). But the genius of this Jaina interpretation rests not in making a marginal accommodation to allow each social group to follow their profession, but in meticulously protecting the basic tenets of ahimsa intact the nucleus of nonviolence was maintained. For the ksatriyas there was room for their profession, but no room for its glorification. For them the real battlefield was the human body itself, the veritable war was against the Self. True victory was against ego. As Lawrence Babb states: 29

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Jainism's emphasis on nonviolence might foster the impression that this is a tradition that emphasizes mere meekness or docility. Such an impression, however, would be quite mistaken. Martial values, albeit in transmuted form, are crucial to Jainism's message and to its understanding of itself, The Jina is a conqueror... he is also one who might have been, had he chosen to be a worldly King and a conqueror of the world. But instead the Jina becomes a spiritual king and transposes the venue of war from the outer field of battle to an inner one ... the metaphor of transmuted martial valor is basic to the tradition's outlook and integration (Lawrence A. Babb, 1998:51). Acarya Simhanandi, a celebrated teacher and promoter of the Ganga dynasty, laid down the following Jaina code of conduct for his protege, rightly swept up in the spirit of the age and history, and fusing religion, prowess and patriotism together: If you fail in what you have promised If you do not approve of the Jaina teachings If you seize the wife of another If you eat honey or flesh If you form relationships with low people If you do not give your wealth to the needy If you flee from the battle field Then your race will go to ruin. As I stated previously, all the Gangas faithfully adhered to these commandments; they fought bravely and won many decisive battles which were wholeheartedly acceptable within the Jaina teachings of maintaining a sterling character, remaining virtuous, following vegetarianism, aim at altruistic principles, and distribute their wealth to the needy (Nagarajaiah, 1999B:75-76). In this context, we must realize that Jaina thought did not confine itself to preaching an attitude of life negation, but also maintained an attitude of life affirmation. Jainism was engaged with society, not just retreating from it. This novel orientation was not intended to persuade reluctant warriors into battle, but rather to address 30

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religious ambiguity presented within the Jaina community, and enhance a more invigorated social pluralism. To support this notion, the following legend is quite interesting. Once time, so the story goes, Dadiga and Madhava, two distressed ksatriya brothers approached the Digambara ascetic, Simhanandi, who was leading a life of austerity on the outskirts of the city. Taking pity on the forlorn brothers, Simhanandi educated the young men and gave them a boon, a sword and a kingdom. Once given the gifts, Madhava, with all his might, struck a stone pillar which broke with cracking noise. Convinced of Madhava's power, Simhanandi placed a coronet of the petals of Karnikara flower, and blessed him by scattering aksata (rice grains). Thus, the ascetic as kingmaker had a pleased mind, and gave the Gangas a kingdom with a crest and cognizance, making his pinci olim rajoharana (a peacock feather whisk broom), and a lancana furnished with numerous attendants, elephants and horses. Simhanandi not only promoted the Ganga kingdom, but probably initiated a neo-military concept in the Jaina church which provided a social moral courage with all its spiritual sanction. Analysis of the historical significance of Simhanandi's charter, is provided by Prof. Vasantha Kumari who writes: It was only a change introduced with regard to ahimsa in practice and not in theory. Without this change, Jainism would have remained merely as an impuissant or as an act of myth like a king without 'might,' or a religion without 'many followers.' The political sovereignty of the Jaina rulers was thus made possible and military services and the warrior profession received spiritual sanction. These changes helped the Jaina rulers to raise themselves to the trend of the period.... Thus the spiritual concept of ahimsa, and the military concept of imperialism were amalgamated and the impossible was achieved, which in fact led to the political and cultural matrix of Jainism in Karnataka (V. Kumari, 1991:179). We also have other examples of this new interpretation of matial behaviour. For example. Gangaraja, the chief commander of the Hoysala army and a practicing Jaina, picked 31

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up on the code prescribed by Acarya Simhanandi. One of his inscriptions has brilliantly crystallized his noble standard of morality, and certainly echoes Simhanandi's religio-political wisdom: To be false in speech To show fear in battle To be addicted to others wives To give up refugees To leave suppliants unsatisfied Forsake those to whom he is bound Live in treachery to his lord Inspired by this ideal, the Jaina community produced not merely bhavyas (devout Jainas) who could execute orthodox duties to gain salvation, but mighty commanders of armies as well commanders who being faithful Jainas themselves, liberated their country from its enemies. For example: The greatest claim of Jainism at the hands of posterity is that it gave to Indian men a chance to turn it into a philosophy of action, and clearely showed the importance of the fact that ahimsa, which was the keynote of their great faith, instead of being an obstacle in the path of their country's liberation, was really an adjunct without which no freedom could be effected either in the field of religion or in that of politics (Sushil Jain, 1996:31). Whether it amounted to reconciliation or the relaxation of rigid rules, Jaina ascetics entered into politics, and even enthroned or dethroned kings in the interest of the people at large and for the survival of the sangha. The earlies examples of similar instances comes from the life of Kalakacarya (c. 2nd1st century B.C.E.). Gardabhila, the King of Ujjain, kidnapped a Jaina nun to satisfy his sexual desire. The nun happened to be Kalakacarya's sister. Outraged by the unpardonable behaviour of the King, Kalakacarya approached the neighbouring Sahi kings and incited them to invade Ujjain. Accordingly Gardabhila was punished, the Jaina nun was freed from the 32

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King's seraglio, and Sahi rule was established. Interestingly, we also find that the Buddhism of this period also considered danda punishment and a righteous war as unattached violence. We also have many other examples of devout Jaina emperors, kings, ministers, generals, queens and a hierarchy of soldiers who had engaged themselves in wars. Jains do profess that there is no himsa which has purely pleasant and agreeable consequences; however, waging a righteous or duty bound war is a necessary evil, and to a great extent has been given legitimate justification within a Jaina philosophical context. Jaina monks do not brand those valiant fighters as mithyadrstis (heretics) because of blood they shed during wars, but considered these fighting men as individuals who have discharged their professional duties with dignity. In this context, warriors met death with a smile on their face, but with a strong and steady determination to stick to the rigid rules of their religion. Here, the Jainas may appear to have shared a panIndian belief, but not so. As Jaini notes, "Contrary to the widely held belief that death on the battlefield is almost equal to holy martyrdom, the Jaina answer as put in the mouth of Mahavira shows extraordinary courage of their conviction that death accompained by hatred and violence can never be salutary and must therefore lead to unwholesome rebirths" [Padmanabh S. Jaini, 2000:141. Thus, Jaina approach departs drastically from the following non-Jaina conviction: hato va prapyasi svargarm jitva va bhoksye mahim (Bhagavad Gita ii.37) Slain, you will attain heaven, Conquering you will enjoy on earth It may be recalled, that even Laksmana, Krsna, and Srenika ended their lives in hell for committing himsa, and could only regain salvation by being reborn as human beings and observing austerity. Jaina literature, both canonical and noncanonical, did not remain noncommittal on the subject himsa. The Nisitha 33

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Gatha and other canonical texts cite such examples as the following: Once a group of monks had to pass the night in a forest infested with wild beasts. An exceptionally robust monk was posted as a guard. The monk on duty killed three tigers and saved the Acarya and others. His act, though blatantly against the vow of ahimsa, was not condemned. According to another exception to the rule of ahimsa, monks were permitted to take a recourse to violence, if need be, to protect nuns (Swami Brameshananda, 1992:249). Jaina literature contains many accounts of the dialogues between Mahavira and King Srenika on this subject. For example, we have the following traditional story: Once Srenika asked Mahavira the reason for his being born in hell. Mahavira said to the king: 'Yes, it has to be. On account of your deep interest in hunting in the past you have acquired karma leading to a birth in hell. And for following my path you will be born again as a human being, and just as I am the last Tirthankara of the present phase of the time-cycle, so you will become the first Tirthankara named, Padmanabha, in the next phase. Hearing the great prophecy, King Srenika became consoled. In conclusion, the pre-Aryan Jaina concept of ahimsa is unique. Heinrich Zimmer and Noel Rettig endorse the view that the Jaina religion, representing pre-Aryan system of thought, and can be considered to be the oldest of all Dravidian born philosophies. In this context, and in light of the evidence I've presented, it would indicate that resolution to the dichotomy of ahimsa vs. himsa, the reverence for life, and the theory of nonintentional killing as a resolution to the dichotomy is a very old one, even predates the primitive practice than human and animal sacrifice. 34

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BIBLIGRAPHY Babb, Lawrence, A: Ascetics and Kings in a Jain Ritual Culture, Delhi, 1998. Brown, William. The Story of Kalaka. Wahington, 1933. Brameshanada, Swami. "Jain Monastic Rules," Jain Journal, vol. XXVI, No.4, April, 1992. Dundas, Paul. 1. "The Digambara Jain Warrior." The Assembly of Listeners: Jains in Society, Cambridge; 1991, pp. 169-187. (eds.) Michael Carrithers and Coroline Humphrey. 2. The Jains. London-New York, 1992. Jaini, Padmanabh S. 1. The Jaina Path of Purification Bekeley, 1979. 2. Collected Papers on Jaina Studies, New Delhi, 2000. Kumari, Vasanta. "Power and Tranquility - a profile of Jaina Martial class of Karnataka." Jain Journal, XXV-4, April 1991, pp. 178-184. Nagarajaiah, Hampa. 1. History of the Early Ganga Monarchy and Jainism. Bangalore, 1999A. 2. The Later Gangas: Mandali Thousand. Bangalore, 1999B. 3. A History of the Rastrakutas of Malkhed and Jainism. Bangalore, 2000. Rettig, Noel. 'An Anthropological study of the Religion of the Jainas,' Jain Journal, VI-3, January 1972. Sekhar, Vincent. "Give Away Violence, Preserve Life...."Jain Journal, XXXIV-4, April 2000. Zimmer, Heinrich: Philosophies of India, (ed) Joseph Campbell, New York, 1951. Jain, Sushil. "On Jaina Polity and Somadeva's Nitivakyamrtam," Jain Journal, XXXI-1, July 1996, pp.4-17. 35

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Jinamanjari, Volume 24, No.2, October 2001 SALLEKHANA: FINAL CIRCLE OF LIFE IN THE JAIN RELIGION Bradley Kerschensteiner, Columbus, OH Ed. Note: The final circle of life seeking peace in death - in Jainism is a personal affair to resolve conflict within and with others. The principle of this final journey in Jainism is called sallekhana, a process wherein it makes imperative that the objective is to ensure access to emotional and spiritual support for the person who is approaching death; and to the family. Therefore, it could be said that sallekhana is about rediscovering the art of dying well, and the secret of good death is in being control of life's last passage. Thus sallekhana of the Jainas is not suicide per say, but it is a philosophical rite where physical, emotional and spiritual needs are met to experience life's meaning and closure. Acknowledgement of dying is an integral part of human stage of living and coming to terms with mortality. Sallekhana rite achieves manifestation of social and spiritual change, and facilitates to be in control during the final phase of life. Balancing physical and emotional needs, sallekhana brings in mental comfort to the most difficult journey toward death. The paper explores taking the Jaina philosophy to the death through a field study by the author in India about the perception and practice of sallekhana death. Introduction In November and December of 1998, 1 conducted interviews with over a dozen members of the Jain community from the state of Karnataka in India about death, their sallekhana rite. Before entering into a dialogue between these various members of the Jain community, allow me to elucidate the lines along which sallekhana is agreed and understood upon by Jains. Sallekhana is a ritual, unrestricted to householders or ascetics, of facing death by means of fasting. Old age and terminal disease are the circumstances under which one decides to observe sallekhana. The first step is to make vows and ask for forgiveness from family and friends that one may have caused harm to in the past. Next, one is expected to abandon all worldly, external, materialistic attachments, which 36

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includes food. The observer of sallekhana, in accordance with his or her individual capacity, undergoes a gradual process of fasting to the point where one even abstains from water. The rationalization is that by giving up bodily attachments such as food, one's energy can be re-channeled into the purification and nature of their soul (jiva). During sallekhana, one is to empty his or her mind of all fears, prejudices, desires, hatred and regret and focus solely on the soul. The purpose of sallekhana is not only to purify the soul, but by doing so, one also helps prevent the influx of new karmas. According to Jain philosophy, karmas restrain the soul from purity and ultimately spiritual liberation. During sallekhana, meditation is oflen undertaken to help enforce introspection into the nature, elevation and understanding of the soul. The fact that my study of sallekhanu ended with perhaps more questions than it began with is a telling sign that this topic is a rich well from which many other aspects can be drawn. Thus, this is by no means a static or permanent study of sullekhana. However, I believe looking at the way a religion handles death can begin to shed light onto an entire belief system. I was confronted with what often seemed to be insurmountable questions: what is my frame of reference to match up, compare and critique the concept of sullekhana against? Am I in a rightful position to judge another belief system? As my project will reveal, sallekhana is a unique ritual because it is not only an approach to death, but reflects a way of living as well. I discovered by the end of my fieldwork and at the beginning of my analyses that these questions were enough to dismantle and simultaneously reshape the theoretical parameters of the project. An inverse relationship between the static notion of my "project" and sallekhana unfurled. The methodology of the project looked at sallekhana as much as sallekhana spoke about the project. The observer, became the observed and the duality between subject and object began to dissolve. I found that I cannot deem sallekhana as "suicidc" or "wrong" because I am taking my personal internal system of rationalization and expecting it to mesh harmoniously with internally embedded Jaina philosophical belief system. Rather than simply defend the spirit of sallekhana, this analysis will attempt to advance an understanding of this ritual. 37

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By analyzing the contradictions and harmony between the different perspectives of Jains on sallekhana, one can begin to place oneself in the context of their internal logic and belief system. And this approach, I strongly believe, is a balanced way to begin understanding sallekhana. I have separated the areas of contention into five topics and following each topic discussion is my response working within the context of the different perspectives. The following discussion will unveil very insightful internal logic of sallekhana and yet riddled with points of dissension and disagreement. Life and Death In the group of Jains interviewed, there was disagreement about whether sallekbana is a ritual about handling death or living life. Dr. Vasanthraj, a scholar from Mysore, emphasized that one should not confuse sallekhana with death. Furthermore, the purpose is to increase concentration on the soul by slowly lessening degrees of attachment and curbing desires. According to him, sallekhana is not death because the soul does not die. Sri Carukeerti Bhattaraka of Sravanabelagola, held the view that death and sallekhana have very different meanings. He argued that death is bodily death while sallekhana is the purification of the soul. By withdrawing the body from the mind, consciousness and speech, one begins an inward journey, returning to the soul. Niraj Jain, a noted Indian scholar, broke down sallekhana into two fundamental aspects: kasaya and kaya sallekhana; the first being the life-long ritual observing the basic Jain teachings, for example ratnatraya or the "The Three Jewels" -- Right Faith, R-Knowledge and R.Conduct, which are inseparable in order to live a meaningful spiritual life, as one cannot simply waste away the theoretical abstraction. Underlying knowledge and action is the necessity of faith. According to Jain philosophy, the soul is not liberated from the body until all activities cease. However, activities can only stop when complete spiritual discipline is achieved by adhering to guidelines such as the "Three Jewels". Niraj Jain pointed out that kasaya sallekhana has nothing to do with bodily illness but with minimizing impurities of the mind and body such as anger, greed, pride and illusion. Kaya sallekhana, on the other hand, is the process of fasting 38

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undertaken to protect the soul He argued only the soul can be saved and not the body. The conception that sallekhana is not an approach to death, but to life, is firmly grounded in the theoretical stance of Jainism. According to the philosophy of Jainism, life occurs cyclically and does not unfold in a linear manner as in the Western conception of time. One does not simply move from birth to life to death, but as Niraj Jain said with such profundity, "because we are born we die, because we die we are born." Since life is seen as cyclical and sallekhana is a way of perfecting Jain principles, the fear of death is minimized. It is not that death does not occur, but only a bodily death. Moreover, death is embraced because the soul is given a chance to be entirely purified. While the observance of kaya sallekhana seems to propagate the non-dualistic philosophy that life is cyclical, rituals are generally structured within a dualistic framework. Therefore, if the beliefs of Jain philosophy are taken as "what is meaningful", one may ask: why does a ritual of such formality as kaya sallekhana have to exist? Furthermore, why does a separate structure for the meanings of Jainism have to be constructed when the meanings can already be actualized by practicing kasaya sallekhana, which is a way of life blending knowledge, action and faith? This leads us into our next area of discussion. The Vehicle for a Better Life? It is important to emphasize that not all the Jains I interviewed disagree with sallekhana as an act of suicide. Two local Mysore shop owners both agreed that living a life according to the basic Jain principles (for example, the "Three Jewels") is enough to be reborn a better life. The owner of a home appliance store, H. Vasant Kumar, even contended that good deeds are enough for both a better rebirth and moksha. Rajan, an owner of a paint shop, argued good deeds are enough, but to attain moksha is very difficult. Towering columns of paint cans and mounting stacks of bills were testimony to his feelings that he has a job to work, a family to provide for and that sallekhana is almost an unrealistic concept to integrate into his daily worldly routine. Three students between the ages of 20 and 26 also argued that good deeds are 39

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enough to be reborn a better life. These arguments were countered by their elders, Chandrakeerti, Dr. Vasantaraj and Dr. P.D. Padmakumar (all Mysore scholars), who stressed that sallekhana is the avenue to follow in order too be reborn with a better life. Sri Sahamuniji Maharaj and Dr. Kanth both expressed hesitation, saying that by observing sallekhana, neither a better rebirth nor moksha is guaranteed. This last response expressing hesitation may appear to be a breach of one of the "three jewels": Right Faith. Although recent testimonies of near-death experiences provide convincing evidence that individuals have become aware of their past lives, it is empirically impossible to prove that one has been or will be reborn a better life or achieve moksha because the physical person expires. However, nothing in the philosophical doctrines of Jainism suggests that observing sallekhana is the exclusive vehicle for a better rebirth. Furthermore, in agreement with the Bhattaraka, there is no expectation of the next life, so if one does not practice sallekhana their chances are not less of being reborn a better life. This is supported by the philosophy of Jainism, which argues that one of the five transgressions to be avoided during the observance of sallekhana is that one should not wish for a better rebirth or moksa as a result of his or her penance. Prediction and Prescription Although bodily death is inevitable, how does one know when one is going to die? One of the original circumstances for observing sallekhana outlined by the Jain philosophy is if one is "nearing his end7' due to old age. The different interpretations resulting from my interviews reflect the ambiguity of this theoretical circumstance. It raised the question of whether one has the capabilities to anticipate their own death. Chandrakeerti and Dr. P.D. Padmakumar both argued that one must have, what they coined " a spiritually elevated soul" in order to predict one's own death. Dr. P.D. Padmakumar contended that "common people" do not have this ability because they have not struck a balance between knowledge and practice. Rajesh M.N. (a Mysore scholar) also held one must have reached a special level of spirituality in order to predict one's own death, a plateau that is usually exclusive to monks. In other words, while Chandra keerti and 40

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Dr. P.D. Padmakumar suggested it is possible for a scholar or educated Jain to develop this "spiritually elevated soul", Rajesh M.N. contended that it is improbable and will only be reached by monks. Finally, the Bhattaraka emphasized that one should not predict one's individual death. He recalled a guru's advice that one should "everyday be cautious, tomorrow is not yours." Sri Sahamuniji Maharaj is a Jain monk who holds the world record for fasting consecutive 365 days. Undoubtedly, he embodies the idea of the "spiritually elevated soul". However, in my interview with him, he argued that even he doesn't know if he is capable of anticipating his own death and consequently, observing sallekhana until he is in the situation of being ill. Students H Vasant Kumar and Sumati Kumar asked "how can we know when we are going to die?" Vasant Kumar further argued that if everybody knows when death is approaching, nobody would believe in the Tithankaras and that those who follow sallekhana do not believe in god-hood. The interpretation of the "old age" circumstance has swung the opposite direction as well. If one is old or sick, the decision to observe sallekhana is often put in the hands of doctors, families, or friends, however not without the consent of the patient. All the Jains I interviewed unanimously agreed that there is no pressure to observe sallekhana; it is a decision left to the individual. However, Chandrakeerti pointed out there are situations in which a person is physically unable to make a decision about how to die, that the vow of sallekhana is recommended by a doctor, family member or friend. In other words, the individual who is sick is often the passive recipient of the decision to take the vow of sallekhana. Chandrakeerti provided the rationalization that one should not spend so much money on hospitals and doctors, accept that death is inevitable and observe sallekhana. Dr. P.D. Padmakumar agreed that sallekhana is often a sort of prescription for the patient but ultimately, left to the patient's choice. The Bhattaraka disagreed, saying that if one is in the hospital and ill and recommended to observe sallekhana, then it is not sallekhana. The internal logic is wedged on these two topics and a complex host of variables are introduced. In response to those who believe one can anticipate one's own death, I ask: is a "spiritually elevated soul" strong enough to predict one's own 41

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death even during old age or illness? In other words, can the mind be distanced from the body before death to the degree that it won't flinch in the face of physical illness? And in response to those Jains who contend that one cannot predict one's own death, exactly when does one observe sallekhana besides during a terminal illness? I think the Bhattaraka's response was insightful into the true nature of sallekhana, whose observation is supposed to be left to the individual as only the individual can gauge the purity or impurity of one's own soul. I think it is precisely the perspective that sallekhana can be a kind of prescription that creates an impression both within and outside the Jain community that sallekhana is a form of suicide. Those Who Do and Do not Observe S allekhana In my interview with Chandrakeerti, he gave a rough estimate that probably only 10-15% of Jains in India even knows about sallekhana. He felt that in areas such as Mysore where the Jain community is larger, more Jains are familiar with this ritual. One reason a vast majority of the Jain population does not know about sallekhana is because they were never taught its principles, either in their family or temple. Obviously, if a Jain doesn't have the knowledge, then practice becomes impossible. I asked Chandrakeerti what or who is at fault for this lack of education. He held the Jain community responsible for not teaching the purpose of sallekhana. Dr. S.P. Patil said that formal education is unnecessary, but teaching about sallekhana in the family is crucial for continuing the legacy of this religious tradition. Niraj Jain argued that members of the Jain community need to spend more time learning about Jainism instead of preoccupying themselves with materialism. However, he argued that kasaya sallekhana is available to everybody, so the majority of Jains are not excluded from the fundamentals of Jainism. A reason why so many Jains are not familiar with sallekhana seems to follow a general trend in all major religious systems. The Jain community in India generally consists of middle and middle-upper class individuals and families. There isn't necessarily a need to know all, let alone adhere to all, religious rituals because the individual is 42

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financially secure. Similar to many other world religions, it is usually the monks and scholars who have the knowledge of and potential to practice a ritual like sallekhana. In all of my interviews, each of the scholars could talk about sallekhana at great lengths and some even spoke about observing the ritual some day. However, when I spoke to the several shop owners I had to explain to them a ritual in their own belief system before thcy could provide me with a rcaction. When thcy did comment on sallekhana, they felt it was unnecessary and that good deeds are sufficient to be spiritual and have a better rebirth. Niraj Jain is correct in saying that all Jains probably practice kasaya sallekhana without even knowing the terminology. However, there appears to be a split between the Jain scholars and some of the regular householders: the former are aware of sallekhana ritual while the latter arc gcncrally, unaware. I agree that it is the individual's choice to practice sallekhana and pursue any aspect of the religion that suits them, but it seems that some Jains are not given opportunity to make this choice because they do not have the knowledge about sallekhana. How can one make a choice about something when an alternative isn't even provided? Thus, I agree with Chandra keerti, who feels that the Jain community is partially responsiblc for cducating, by whatcvcr mcans, cach other about the philosophical tenets of Jainism. Judging from the overall support of sallekhana by the Jain scholars, it appears that the perfection of the soul should be a choice granted to everybody. By not spreading the knowledge about sallekhana to those who are unaware of its purpose, the choice is already made for them to not practice this essential ritual. Suicide Thrcc Jain students from Mysorc that I interviewed (between 20 and 26 years of age) believe that sallekhana when observed under certain conditions, can be a type of suicide. One member felt that sallekhana observed in any circumstance is suicide and that euthanasia (legal injection) is a better approach. Another Jain felt that if one observes sallekhana while terminally ill, then one isn't committing suicide. The third member argued that sallekhana is especially similar to suicide if practiced while one is terminally ill or if prescribed 43

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in the manner discussed earlier. These three Jains were also the one's who believed that monks are the only ones who may be able to predict their death. Instead of viewing sallekhana as an embrace of death and purification of the soul, they believe it is a way of pursuing or desiring death. While there are those who argue that one should not desire anything during the observance of sallekhana, these three members contend that merely undergoing sallekhana is an act of desire. The majority of the Jains I interviewed emphatically argued that sallekhana is not suicide. They believe one's intentions and mentality when undergoing sallekhana is different than those who commit suicide. They agreed that one who commits suicide has a mind full of impure feelings such as greed, anxiety, depression, guilt, and hatred. Suicide, they contend, is also approached violently and often clandestinely by means of cutting, hanging, poisoning or shooting. In short, they believe that suicide is a cowardly way of escaping life, while sallekhana is an act of purifying the soul, embracing life and facing death courageously. An observer of sallekhana is free of any passions, often has consent of a guru or the community, and seeks forgiveness from family and friends. The dualism between the mind and body as well as the fear of death are two issues that seem unresolved in my discussions with various Jains. According to Jain philosophy, the self (constituted by knowledge and perceptions) is not only separate from, but also superior to, the body. This dualism actually entered the discourse of Western philosophy with Rene Descarte's famous maxim: cogito ergo sum ("I think, therefore I am"), but occurred historically around 500 B.C.E.' The dualism between mind and body coupled with the Western concept of time as linear is widely accepted to be a culprit for man's fear of death. According to Ken Wilber in Up From Eden, linear time is an actual type of death denial. In ultimate reality, there is no past and no future; eternity is the condition of no future. Death is also the condition of no future. When man denies death, he refuses to live without a future and thus, is reluctant to live timelessly. As Wilber points out, in denying death, eternity is denied and a future is demanded. However, Wilber also reveals, "but Time is not merely a denial of eternity ... Time is a substitute for eternity, for it allows one

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the illusion of continuing and continuing and continuing (Wilber, 60). The Jains who believe sallekhana is a type of suicide did not suggest that the individual observing sallekhana has an impure mind or wants to violently and secretly escape death. Rather, it appears that these Jains fee that one who observes sallekhana is denying a "natural" bodily death. They are defining an unnatural physical death as one that is triggered by any type of extreme rituals. In other words, these three Jains think that since the body being denied (through fasting), that life is also being denied, which in their eyes is suicide. Furthermore, they are drawing a parallel between an unnatural bodily death and the idea of death denial: if one dies in an unnatural manner, then death is not being embraced, but feared and denied. However, the Jain philosophy maintains a careful balance between the mind/body dualism and not denying death. Death is not denied, on the theoretical level, because life is perceived as cyclical. Denial of death does not exist because in a cyclical life there is no death except for bodily death. As long as one is comfortable with the idea that the body is inferior to the mind, then bodily death according to Jain philosophy, should not be feared. This is not to dismiss the possibility that death cannot be feared on an actual day-to-day level. However, by understanding that life is cyclical and by practicing the fundamental tenets of Jainism, the fear of death is unlikely to emerge for Jains. If one thinks within the theoretical framework of Jainism, then one can understand that sallekhana is not suicide. The disagreement that crops up between Jains appears to be a result of a misconception of the philosophical justification for sallekhana. If sallekhana is given as a prescription to a dying individual, I would argue that while this is not sallekhana, it is not suicide either. Toward a Better Understanding of Sallekhana. Conclusion and Questions I do not wish to end this analysis of sallekhana with a static conclusion. There can be no fixed conclusions about Jainism, whose beliefs are very dynamic, porous and interconnected. However, by entering various members of the 45

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Jain community into a dialogue with each other in this study, I hope it has raised some important issues and questions. Here are several topics I find believe are worth further exploration for a more exhaustive understanding of sallekhana: Can a non-dual philosophy be properly conveyed in the dualistic framework of rituals? What sort of distortions of Right Practice and Right Faith occur when Right Knowledge is not provided or chosen? How can the internal logic regarding issues such as "prediction and prescriptions be harmonized? How can the Jain community effectively spread the tenets of its belief system to all members of the community? * * * * How can the claim, by Jains and non-Jains, that sallekhana is suicide be uprooted? What is the future of a ritual that revolves around death? As pointed out earlier, part of sallekhana concerns the way life is lived, but Jainism also sees sallekhana as one of the ways to perfect the purification of the soul. Unless physical death is no longer a reality that all sentient beings must face, there is little threat to the ritual of sallekhana because no one is going to surrender the notion of transcendence and purification of the soul. Another reason that sallekhana will endure is that there is no compulsion to perform this ritual; the decision is supposed to be left to the individual. Although there are few Jains who observe sallekhana, I do not think this suggests that it is a dying practice. The internal logic argues that sallekhana is "the victory of the soul over Karmas and other infirmities of the mind and the body... and a fitting culmination to a life of piety and religion" (Tukol, 279). And since there is an inseparable relationship between knowledge, faith and practice, it is unlikely this ritual will die. However, because there is such a tightly woven relationship between knowledge, faith and practice in Jainism, weakness of one aspect could possibly dismantle the others. Thus, I would argue that the tensions within the internal logic concerning the clarity and understanding of the Jain philosophy, poses the only real potential threat to sallekhana. If the ritual is going to crumble, it will most likely do so from the inside. 46

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ENDNOTES 1.Ken Wilber, Up From Eden, pp. 165. Wilber refers to the dualism between the mind and the body as the "European disassociation" that has haunted the ego since 500 BC. According to Wilber, this dualism led to the war between reason and instinct and between man and nature. 2.T.K. Tukol, Compendium of Jainism, p. 283. Tukol reminds us that Sallekahna is not the only way to a better rebirth or liberation but that "the path of salvation or deliverance lies through the acceptance and practice of the three Jewels (ratnatraya) as a unit which helps the individual to destroy the Karmas." BIBLIOGRAPHY Iyer, K.A. S. Bhartihari - a Study of his Work in the Light of the Ancient Commentaries. Poona:1969. Kalghatgi, Dr. T.G. Jaina View of life. Sholapur:Latchand Hirachand Doshi, 1969. Settar, S. Pursuing Death. Karnataka University: I.I.A.H., 1990. Tukol, T.K. Compendium of Jainism. Karnataka University: Prasaranga, 1980. Turner, Victor W. The Ritual Process. New York: Aldine Publishing Co., 1969 Wilber, Ken. Up From Eden. Boulder: Shambhata Publications, 198 1. 47

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Jinamanjari, Volume 24, No.2, October 2001 YASASTILAKA: An Ancient Jaina Story About Karma and Its Karmic Complexity Dr. Bruce Costain, Nashville, TN The original work is attributed to a Jainacarya named Somadeva, of Devasangha Jaina ascetic order, who respectfully mentions his guru Nemideva, whose preceptor was Yasodeva. Somadeva was, besides, a political thinker, who was certainly intimately acquainted with court life. It is clear that in 966 C. E. Somadeva was in charge of the Subhadhama temple, and seems to have carried on his literary activities undisturbed. He was held in the highest esteem by his contemporaries, and kings and feudatory chiefs are described as reverently bowing at his feet. Somadeva indicates that Yasastilaka was composed in saka 881 (959 C. E.), at an obscure place called Gangadhara, which seems to have been the capital of a prince named Vagaraja, the eldest son of a Calukya king Arikesarin. Yasastilaka is an ancient story about Karma and the grave Karmic complexity that can occur unexpectedly, even if the action is done with the best of intentions. It is a story that combines mystery with insight and leaves us on guard as to the consequences of our own actions. In addition, the story is an example of the culture of that time, as well as the Indian scholarly writing style. Yasastilaka: The Story In country of ancient India there was a beautiful city named Rajapura, adorned with magnificent temples and lofty mansions belonging to the wealthy. Here reigned Maradatta, a powerful prince who surpassed in valor the powerful kings. Ascending the throne while still quite young he embarked on a wild career of reckless adventure, along with companions who had passions and traits of 48

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character similar to his own. Sometimes putting on his armor, he would play with rogue elephants, 'who had broken their chains like lotus fibers, flung away the pegs like sprouts of grass, torn the ropes to pieces like branching creepers, and smashed the posts like reeds'. Sometimes he would pet vicious wild horses. Sometimes he would plunge into lakes and grapple crocodiles. Sometimes he would betake himself at night to cremation grounds, 'terrible with the sound of the loud drums in the hands of female goblins', and engage in duels with powerful spirits and overthrow them in the encounter. But there was also a lighter side to his activities. Like a veritable god of love, he enjoyed the company of the women of different nationalities. Sometimes he dallied with young women in pleasure gardens, and, on other occasions, indulged in water-sports, surrounded by beautiful women, in artificial lakes, perfumed and abounding in flowers, with emerald floors, crystal embankments, golden steps and islets of pearls. Although reckless and self-willed, and addicted to wine, hunting, and courtesans, Maradatta was free from dangers and calamities, and considered himself akin to the gods. One day a Tantric teacher told him that he would obtain a miraculous sword with which he could conquer the rcalm of the Vidyadharas (celestial warriors), if only creatures of all kinds were sacriliced, and killed with his own hands a couple of human beings possessing all auspicious physical characteristics, in the temple of the goddess Chandamudi in his capital. Hearing this, he summoned the entire population to the temple of the dreaded goddess under the pretext of celebrating a special festival, although it was not the proper season for it. He, himself, repaired to the shrine and ordered the guards to fetch the required couple of human beings for the purpose of sacrifice. The temple of Chandamundi was a horrid place frequented by the terrible spirits and a crowd of fanatical votaries engaged in outrageous forms of self-torture. Certain devotees were burning incense on their heads; some, extremely ferocious, were burning their arteries, like lights; while others, exceedingly bold, were trying to please 49

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Siva, the god of destruction, by drinking their own blood. In one corner some fanatics were selling for a price picces of flesh cut off froin their own bodies. And at another place certain fanatics were worshipping the Goddess by swinging from their intestines, extracted with their own hands. Elsewhere certain grim men were offering their own flesh as an oblation in the sacred firc. Such was the temple of Chandamundi. Meanwhile, the Jaina sage Sudatta, famous for his austerities and unaffected by the rigors of winter and the summer and the monsoon, was approaching Rajapura with a large number of disciples. Avoiding the city in view of the impending slaughter, and turning to the east, he saw a beautiful pleasure garden where young men were disporting themselves with beautiful damsels, adorned with floral ornaments. But Sudatta said to himself thus: Such places, like the hours of moonrisc, occasion gossip about the amours of the beautiful women of all the world. Like the spring, they provide free scope for mundane joys in which the sentiment of love prevails. Such places, as a rule, delude in a moment the heart even of one whose mind is purified by deep concentration. So it is not meant for an ascetic to remain here. Going a few steps further, the sage saw a cremation ground with the funeral pyres tiercely burning; and the gruesome scene of desolation awakened diverse thoughts in his mind. He moved further away, and came to a hill not far from Rajapura. Here he fixed his camp and ordered the monks to beg for alms in the neighboring villages. Among the disciples of Sudatta were two young ascetics, a boy and a girl, brother and sister, named Abhayaruci and Abhayamati respectively, who, unlike the others, were directed to beg in the city. They were the twin children of Kusumavati, sister of Maradatta, and chief queen of Yasomati, son of Yasodhara Maharaja, who had taken the monastic vow in carly childhood and wandered with the sage Sudatta. On their way to the city the two were encountered by the guards who had been sent in quest of a couple of human victims for 50

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the impending sacrifice. Careful not to frighten the young persons, the guards told them in a friendly manner that a great teacher, who had been apprised of their arrival, was waiting to see them in the temple. The frightful appearance of the guards, however, betrayed their real purpose; and the boy and the girl, resigning themselves to their fate, followed them to the temple of the goddess. The temple of Chandamundi presented a strange spectacle, being full of the victims of all kinds brought there for sacrifice, and held fast by armed guards resembling the attendants of Siva. There could be seen sheep, buffaloes, camels, elephants, and horses frightened by the halfbrandished swords of the keepers. There were aquatic animals like crocodiles, alligators, frogs, crabs, tortoises, and fish, all trembling with fear at the sight of the spirits waiting to drink their blood. The keepers were at pains to hold together the numerous birds, scared by the movements of the circular sacrificial blade of the sword and the other victims that were there such as antelopes, tigers, lions, wolves, boars, and apes. The mass slaughter of the animals was to take place after the king had sacrificed the first victims. The young ascetics saw before them the grim figure of Maradatta. Standing on the floor of the temple, with drawn sword, he looked like a mountain in the middle of a river, with a serpent with raised hood on its slope. The king 'seemed to be aflame with his valor flaring up in his inner being' which would burn everything with his angry look. He was extremely ferocious like an angry, venomous serpent and seemed to consume everything with the fury of his deportment. The appearance and character of the goddess Chandamundi was still more terrible. The young ascetics whose minds were bent on the highest beatitude were not in the least afraid of the danger before them, and never lost their balance and composure when ushered into the presence of the king in the grim setting of the temple. They encouraged each other to be firm and resolute, scorn death, and regard salvation as the highest object of human endeavor. Maradatta's heart softened at the sight of the tender boy and the girl; and although he could not recognize 51

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them to be his own nephew and niece, he felt the kindly influence of their presence, and said to himself: How is it that, at the sight of these two, my heart, though heavily tainted by cruel thoughts, has become absolutely calm, as if it had partaken of nectar? And my eyes turn to no other object, as if because they are riveted upon them with the force of thunder? Why is my soul in an ecstasy of joy, as if at the sight of beloved friends who have been long abroad? Why is my heart steeped in joy, as if it were long familiar with them? Are they not possibly my own nephew and niece? Only the other day I heard from one of the elders of my family the amazing story of their religious austerities even in childhood. At the sight of beloved persons, though never seen before, the senses become suffused with youth in an ecstasy of love, like the rays of the morning sun. Observing the change in the attitude of the king, a nearby bard recited two verses and appealed to him to lay aside his sword: No enemies are near at hand; none transgresses thy command. Sire, the goddess of prosperity is devoted to thee, and no one is jealous of her. Please, do thou therefore discard thy sword, the companion of thy arm in the sport of war: its blade doth emit its luster under the pressure of thy powerful grip! Maradatta listened to the verses recited by the bard and laid down his sword at the feet of the goddess. Then imposing silence on the noisy crowd of spectators with his raised hand he offered a seat to the ascetic boy and the girl. The ascetic boy, followed by his companion, praised the king in a series of lyrical verses. Afterward Maradatta questioned them about their native place and origin. The boy promised to satisfy the king's curiosity. The ascetic boy Abhayaruci, addressing Maradatta, now begins the story of his previous births, an autobiographical record. There is a prosperous country named Avanti, hospitable with its fruit 52

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trees, lotus pools, and vernal bowers. "There the travelers wear beautiful, unsteady wreaths of toy-lotus blossoms, and are protected from the sun by the shade of the leaves of the woodland trees alongside the roads. Their fatigue is removed by the breezes coming from the neighboring pools of water, full to the brim. Delighted with the flowers, and contented with the fruits, they indulge in sports in the waters." In that country was the famous city of Ujjain were reigned a great king named Yahorgha. He had many fine qualities that were said to be given in the following way: "The Mandara mountain gave him the quality of firmness, the ocean give him depth, the god of love gave him beauty, the Earth gave him the virtue of forbearance, and the sky gave him dignity, the goddess of speech gave him eloquence, the goddess of wealth gave him success in the art of commanding, the Chintamani gem gave him intellectual power, and the family goddess gave him physical fitness, while the god of death gave him the power of bringing all men under his control. In this way, other deities too, gave him their essential qualities, such as ancestral wealth. [Pause for a while to make the story more simple, and add to it fascination. Yahorgha had a consort whose name was Candramati, who is no other that ascetic girl Abhayamati in her present birth. Yahorgha and Candramati had a son named Yasodhara, and is none other than ascetic boy Abhayaruci in his present birth. What follows may be termed the Story of Yasodhara. Throughout the narrative Abhayaruci identifies himself with Yasodhara and speaks in the first person. Yasastilaka is another name for Abhayaruci. How Yasodhara becomes 'Abhayaruci' is explained as the story progresses.] One day king Yahorgha happened to see a growth of gray hair on this head, and immediately his thoughts turned to renunciation of worldly ties. His mind reflected on the twelve topics of meditation prescribed by the Jaina faith, commonly known as the "Anupreksas". The king gave orders for the marriage and coronation of his son Yasodhara. Thereafter he renounced the world and took the monastic vow under the direction of a learned Jain sage. [Abhayaruci now relates an episode of his married life (when his soul was in the form as Yasodhara), which is the 53

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pivotal point of the story.) One evening Yasodhara visited his consort, Amrtamati, to pass the night with her in her apartments on the top floor of a seven-storied palace. About midnight the king, who was not quite asleep, noticed that the queen slipped away from his bed, and, furtively looking at him, discarded her ornaments. After putting on the clothes of her maid, Amrtamati quickly went out of the chamber. The king's suspicion was aroused and he at once followed her. Close on her heels he saw her entering the hut of an elephant-driver, an ugly cripple, who was fast asleep in a miserable bed, resting his head on a pile of ropes. Amrtamati sat down near him and took hold of his hands. But he was furious at her delay in coming to him, and dragging her by the hair with the left hand gave her blows with the other. The queen was profuse in her apologies and confession of love and swore by the greatest goddess that she was thinking only of him even when in the company of Yasodhara, her husband. Yasodhara was observing the scene unseen and was about to draw his sword to strike the guilty pair. Nevertheless he restrained himself thinking of the resulting scandal and the grief their son, the young prince Yasomati, would feel at the death of his mother. Yasodhara then returned to the palace; and Amrtamati too, stealthily came and quietly lay down beside him as if nothing had happened. Being filled with anguish and disgust Yasodhara could hardly sleep. He felt abhorrence for Amrtamati. He was puzzled at the queen's strange infatuation with a low-born elephant-driver. However, he remembered that the cripple was an expert singer; reputed to be able to make even withered trees put forth new shoots with the melody of his voice. He remembered also that songs had a ravishing effect upon women who were apt to be bewitched by a singer, however wretched or ugly he might be. Yasodhara continued to reflect on the conduct of Amrtamati and the more he brooded over it the greater became his disgust for sensual attraction and worldly pleasures. He made up his mind to renounce the world, leaving is throne to his son Yasomati. Next morning he appeared in court and was there joined by his mother Candramati. A bard recited some 54

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verses which seemed to reflect the king's own thoughts at the moment: Deluded by the ever-recurring darkness of desires such as those relating to home, wealth, spouse, and children, thou does suffer day and night, o mind, but do not think about the suddenly arriving scourge of Death! The bard recited another verse on the futility of trying to keep the ones we love under control; and it seemed to Yasodhara as if the bard had come to know of the events of the previous night. Candramati also noticed the change in her son's demeanor and had misgivings about his relations with Amrtamati, who she thought had been given much more freedom that was good for her. She remembered also that a maid-servant had reported to her that her daughter-in-law was in the habit of casting affectionate glances at the elephantdriver. Nevertheless she asked Yasodhara the reason of his dejection and restlessness. But he told her a concocted story about having seen a dream in which he appeared to renounce the world and retire to the woods after having put Prince Yasomati on the throne. Candramati advised her son not to have any faith in dreams and told him the story of the teacher who had dreamt of his school as being full of sweetmeat balls and relying on his dream invited the king to a luxurious repast! She further related that a maid-servant had just reported to her that in a dream seen by her she had turned into rice gruel and was being eaten up by the Hindu Priests invited to the remembrance ceremony of her deceased mother! After thus demonstrating the fantastic character of dreams, Candramati suggested that if Yasodhara was really apprehensive of having seen an evil dream he should seek a remedy by sacrificing all kinds of animals to the tutelary goddess and perform the customary rites to counteract the evil. Yasodhara was shocked at the idea of sacrificing animals and his heart revolted against the use of animal flesh in the worship of the gods. As he made no attempt to conceal his feeling of revulsion at the course of action suggested by his mother, the latter attributed his heterodox leanings to the insidious influence of the Jainas. She accused the courtiers of disloyalty 55

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and corruption for allowing her simple-minded son to associate with the Digambaras, who like magicians, were so skilled in deluding the world! An animated discussion ensued between mother and son on such controversial topics as animal sacrifice and various other Brahmanical tenets and practices, all of which were subjected to adverse criticism by Yasodhara. While Candramati exhorted her son to worship Hindu gods such as Siva or Vishnu, or the sun, he picked holes in the Brahmanical religion and sought to establish the antiquity and prestige of the Jaina faith by citing various texts in support of his thesis. Candramati felt herself to be worsted in the argument, and ultimately persuaded Yasodhara in the name of filial piety to accept a compromise whereby he would sacrifice to the tutelary goddess a rooster made out of wheat flour; and partake of the offering, imagining it to be the bird's flesh. While orders were given to make such a figure and decorate the temple of the goddess, Amrtamati came to know of the happenings at the court and at once understood that the story of the dream was only a feint. She also realized that she had been detected in her escapade of the previous night. She decided to act quickly and made up her mind to strike Yasodhara before he could strike her. Accordingly, she sent to him her chief minister with a message declaring her willingness to sacrifice herself before the goddess in order to counteract the evil effect of the king's dream and ensure his safety. Furthermore, she begged that should the king decide to renounce the world she might be permitted to accompany him to the woods, like the devoted wives. Then, she invited Yasodhara and his mother to a banquet in her house after the worship of the goddess was over. Yasodhara accepted the invitation and sent back the queen's minister. The treachery and hypocrisy of Amrtamati served only to deepen Yasodhara's hatred of her, but still he decided to abide by his promise to eat in her house. Meanwhile, the sound of music accompanying the dance of courtesans in the streets announced to the citizens that Candramati and her retinue were on their way to the temple. Yasodhara also started for the same place on the back of an elephant amidst a host of evil omens. Arriving at the temple he severed the head of the rooster made out of flour dough with a knife, according to the instructions 56

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of the priests, praying to the goddess that the offering might produce for him the same results as the actual killing of animals in sacrifices. He then sent the dough, from which the rooster was fashioned to the kitchen as if it were the flesh of a real chicken. The next day Yasodhara, accompanied by his mother, son and daughter-in-law, dined in Amrtamati's house. But Amramati had mixed the food served out to her husband and mother-in-law with poison, which at once took effect and imperiled their lives. Physicians were sent for, and the inmates went about looking for medicine. Meanwhile, Amrtamati cried aloud, and feigning to droop on Yasodhara's bosom strangled him to death. The mother also died. The ascetic boy, Abhayaruci, continues and describes the rebirths of Yasodhara and his mother Candramati after their tragic death. a) Yasodhara was reborn in a family of peacocks inhabiting a large tree in a well-watered, mountain valley. There he was caught by a hunter and presented to Yasomati (that is, the murdered king's son), who had ascended the throne. The peacock miraculously remembered the events of his former birth. He recognized the old scenes and associates as soon as he entered the city of Ujjain and saw the royal palace. Meanwhile, Candramati was reborn as a dog in a cowherd settlement some distance from the city. It so happened that the dog was also presented by its owner to the king, who was glad to receive so fine an animal for his hunting excursions. One day the peacock wandered to the seventh floor of the royal palace and discovered Amrtamati dallying with her illicit lover, the crippled elephant-driver. The peacock became mad with rage and attacked the pair with his beak, wings, and throat. The serving maids saw this, and raising a hue and cry struck the bird with whatever they found ready to hand: baskets, canes, fans, and shoes. The dog too came and rushed upon the bird and killed him. The king, who was playing a game of dice nearby, saw the dog attacking the peacock and dealt a blow at the animal with the dice board, killing him instantly. b) In the next birth Yasodhara became a stag and Candramati a serpent. On the very day of his birth, the former 57

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developed a taste for snake's flesh and discovered the serpent while digging up ant-hills with his homs. He at once started to devour the reptile but the hoarse sound emanating from his throat, gorged with snake's flesh, awakened a hyena asleep in a neighboring grove of trees and the stag in turn became the hyena's prey. c) Yasodhara was then reborn as a huge fish and Candramati as a crocodile in the nearby Sipra river. One day during the water-sports of the women of Ujjain in the river, a maid of the royal household was seized by the crocodile. Yasomati, in anger, ordered the fishermen to destroy all dangerous animals in the river. They at once got into all kinds of fishing craft; and in the course of the operation the crocodile was pierced in the throat by a spear, and along with the fish, caught in a net. Both of them were brought ashore and ordered by the king to be given over to the cook of a hospice for Brahmins. Everyday slices from their bodies were cooked and served to the inmates until, after prolonged suffering, they both expired. d) After this Yasodhara and Candramati were reborn as a pair of goats in a herd of sheep in a village near Ujjain One day, while the male billy-goat (Yasodhara) was mating with the she-goat, the herd got scared and the leader of the rams attacked the billy-goat with his horns. The goat died, but was reborn in the womb of the she-goat. Soon after Yasomati came there on a hunting expedition, accompanied by a large number of hunters. However, unable to kill any game in the woods, he returned. Feeling angry and disgruntled, and while passing through the herd, he hit the she-goat (Candramati) with an arrow, whereupon he ripped open her belly and found the kid in its womb. The young goat was entrusted to the care of the chief cook, and passed a few months in the royal kitchen. There he saw Amrtamati (his former wife) teaching the cooks how to roast meat. She had been stricken with leprosy as a consequence of her sins, and her loathsome body emitted so foul a smell that the attendants had to go about covering their noses. Besides, the maids used to point at her mockingly and tell passers-by how she had administered poison to her 58

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husband, the great and good Yasodhara. Meanwhile, the she-goat, after her death, was reborn as a buffalo. Purchased by the owner of a caravan the animal came in course of time to Ujjain, and used to swim in the Sipra river. One day the buffalo happened to meet Yasomati's horse and immediately made a murderous attack on the latter, owing to the innate mutual hostility of the two species of animals. As a punishment, under the orders of the king the buffalo was tortured to death. The young goat, too, was killed for the table of Amrtamati, who was inordinately fond of meat. e) Yasodhara and his mother were next reborn as a rooster and a hen. But there is a prelude to this part of the story. A sage named Manmathamathana was engaged in deep meditation on the Vijayardha Mountain. A Vidyadhara named Kandalavilasa, who was going over the mountain in his aerial car, was ashamed to find that the motion of the vehicle was checked by the mystic force of the sage. By way of retaliation, the Vidyadhara decided to exercise his own magical powers to interrupt the meditation of the sage. He conjured up a scene of terror by producing torrential rain, hailstones and hurricanes, and a crowd of goblins decked with serpents. At this very same time the king of the Vidyadharas, who was coming to worship the sage, was enraged to see the evil action of Kandalavilasa, and cursed him, saying that as a result of his offence he would become a hangman in the city of Ujjain. Implored by the Vidyadhara for mercy the king of the Vidyadharas decreed that he would regain his former state and powers if he ever had an opportunity of meeting the great sage Sudatta, and received religious instruction from him. Incidentally, the king of the Vidyadharas added some background information about Sudatta. He related that Sudatta was once the mighty king of Kalinga. One day a thief was produced before his court and accused of having murdered and robbed a barber while the barber was asleep. The judges, consulted by the king, opined that the culprit should be subjected to various kinds of torture and maltreatment in such a way that he might expire in ten to twelve days. Hearing this verdict, Sudatta pondered over the dilemma of kings: if they 59

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served the cruei ends of justice, they were bound to incur sin; if they did not, there would be social disorder and imputation of cowardice. Failing to solve the probiem of reconciling justice with mercy, Sudatta renounced his kingdom and became a Jain monk. In due course the Vidyadhara appeared in the role of a hangman in Ujjain, and Yasodhara and Candramati were reborn as a rooster and hen in a settlement in the vicinity of the city. One day the hangman, who was known as Candakarman, happened to see the birds in the hands of a boy from the settlement. He acquired them from the boy and took them to Yasomati. The latter was about to start for the garden of the Temple of the Thousand Spires, accompanied by a large retinue composed of boon companions and women of the harem, for the purpose of celebrating the worship of the god of love. The king asked the hangman to take the birds to the scene of the festival and give an exhibition of rooster-fighting. The temple garden was full of orange-colored tents and rows of pavilions erected for the festival. The hangman went there with the birds in a cage, accompanied by a Bhagavata; the astrologer Dhamadhvaja, a Brahmana; the Saiva Haraprabodha, an expert in divining underground treasure; and the Buddhist Sugatakirti, a consummate cheat. There they saw Sudatta under and Ashoka tree, and severally expounded before the sage the philosophical tenets followed by each. Sudatta refuted all their doctrines and explained that Ahimsa or non-injury to living creatures is the basis of Dharma, the sole means of attaining worldly happiness and final beatitude. In illustration of his point, Sudatta referred to the sufferings of the two birds in their various births as a result of obeying the law of violence. He briefly mentioned the circumstances of the death of Candramati and Yasodhara and the succession of their births. The hangman and his companions, chastened by the teachings of the sage, took the vow of Jaina laymen. Coincidentally the hangman, having fulfilled the conditions of the curse inflicted upon him, regained his former status and departed for the world of the Vidyadharas.

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Meanwhile, Yasomati was enjoying the company of his consort Kusumavati in a tent in the garden. Wishing to show her his skill in hitting invisible objects with arrows simply by hearing the sound, he shot an arrow, which pierced and killed the rooster and the hen left behind by the hangman. Soon after, Kusumavati conceived, and the birds found their next birth in her womb. During the ante-natal period, the queen implored the king to proclaim protection from injury for all creatures and prohibit the sale of wine and the use of meat. Further, she expressed a keen desire to have teachings on kindness to living creatures expounded to her, and to worship holy women noted for their self-control. Convinced that he was going to have a child with an innate leaning towards the Jaina religion, the king tried his best to fulfill the wishes of the queen. In due course Kusumavati gave birth to a pair of twins, a boy and a girl, who were respectively called Yasastilaka and Madanamati. The boy and girl were better known as Abhayaruci and Abhayamati on account of the mother's solicitude for "abhaya" or "protection from injury" for all creatures, during the period preceding their birth. The children grew up, and it was rumored that Abhayaruci would soon be made crown-prince and Abhayamati would be married to a king from a nearby area. One day Yasomati went hunting and happened to see the sage Sudatta in the garden of the Temple of the Thousand Spires. Ajamara, a boon companion of the king, suggested that the inauspicious sight of the naked ascetic augured ill for the hunt. This thought annoyed the king and made him feel disgust for the sage. A merchant, who had come to pay homage to Sudatta, entreated Yasomati not to be disrespectful towards the saint who was once the king of Kalinga and who had renounced his throne to practice religious austerities. Yasomati took the advice and both he and the merchant paid their respects to the sage, who greeted the king with a benedictory (blessing) gesture. The affable conduct of the sage touched the king to the heart. Repenting that he should have ever harbored ill feeling for so good a man, Yasomati resolved within himself to cut off his own head and lay it at the feet of the sage as an expiatory offering. The great saint at once read Yasomati's thoughts and 61

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forbade him to do such a thing. The miraculous power of the sage astonished the king, who now questioned him about the whereabouts of his departed parents and grandparents after their death. The sage related that Yanorgha, the king's grand-father, after practicing religious austerities according to Jain tenets, became after his death a divine sage, while his mother Amrtamati went to the fifth hell in consequence of her sins. As for his father Yasodhara and grand-mother Candramati, they had to undergo countless sufferings in many a birth owing to the sin of having sacrificed a rooster made out of flour dough in lieu of living animals. Sudatta finished by saying that the two souls have now been rebom as Yasomati's own children, Abhayaruci and Abhayamati. The words of the sage made the king realize the enormity of his own sin on account of having killed numerous animals and partaken of their flesh since his early childhood. Disgusted with life, he made up his mind to follow the path of religion. And before renouncing the world he narrated to Abhayaruci and Abhayamati the story of their previous births. The ascetic boy (Abhayaruci) now relates to Maradatta that he and his sister Abhayamati, on hearing their father's words, suddenly remembered their former births and decided in their turn to renounce the world, although they were at that time only about eight years old. Owing to their tender age, they became religious apprentices under the sage Sudatta, and traveling in his company, had arrived at the outskirts of Ujjain, when they were arrested by Maradatta's men and produced before him. The narrative of the ascetic boy visibly moved Maradatta, and the latter, having realized that worldly happiness is like a dream or a magic show expressed his desire to enter the Jain order as a novice. Abhayaruci advised him to see the sage Sudatta and both set out to meet the great teacher. Sudatta, perceiving by his supernatural knowledge that Maradatta was coming to meet him, himself came to the king's court, and was received with honor. Abhayaruci introduced Maradatta to the sage as the son of a king and the younger brother of his mother Kusumavali, and spoke about the prince's desire to be initiated into the religious life. Maradatta then questioned Sudatta about the nature of Dharma, the 62

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causes of salvation and the cycle of births, and the duties of householders and monks. Sudatta then commences his great discourse on Jaina doctrines. Included in his teaching, Sudatta deals with certain essential features of Jaina religious practice, for example, the prohibition of alcohol and meat thereby illustrating the evil results of drinking and flesh-eating and the merit of abstaining there from. Sudatta's teachings have the desired effect and Maradatta and the citizens are initiated into the Jaina religion. The story has a happy outcome. Abhayaruci and his sister, Maradatta who became an ascetic, the sage Sudatta, and Yasomati, who had already renounced the world and taken the ascetic's vows, all became celestial beings after their death. The story is taken from the book Yasastilaka and Indian Culture, English edition by K. K. Handiqui, Jaina Sanskrti Samrakshaka Sangha Publishing, India, 1968. 63 use only

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Jinamanjari, Volume 24, No.2 October 2007 BOOK REVIEW Review by Siri P. Kumar, Hons. Graduate in Mass Communications from York University, Toronto Scripture and Community: Collected Essays on the Jains. Kendall W. Folkert, ed. by John E. Cort. Scholars Press, Atlanta, GA, USA, 1993. Distributors: Motilal Banarsidass, Bungalow Road, Delhi - 110007, India. PP. Introd. xiii - xxiv + 408. ISBN: 1-55540858-3 The monograph interests the readers, who, in the view of Professor John E. Cort, the editor of the book, "will learn much about the Jains (as well as] much about Western scholarship, and the culture in which that scholarship has been embedded." The book has three Parts, of which the first and the last would entice both the readers and the scholars alike. The Jains in particular will learn much about themselves - the file and facts that have ever been presented to tickle them so intelligently. The general readers will learn, as it has been said, much about the Jains. Though this is promised, it must be said at the very outset, readers will not get at times an up to date account of the history. A case in point is (Part 1.ch.1 Jain history) Vardhamana Mahavira, the twenty-fourth Tirthankara or Jina preceded by Parsva who lived and rejuvenated Jain religion some 200 year earlier, has not been borne out. However, basic teachings of Jainism and the characteristic Jain practices are well presented. Jain studies (ch.2), except for the silence about the contributions of Barrister Champat Rai Jain who has written a voluminous work -- The Key of Knowledge, a comparative presentation of Christianity, Islam, Hinduism and Jainism as regards to god, redemption, holy trinity, yoga, resurrection, etc., and Virchand R. Gandhi, who spent a quite a bit time in the United States in mid 1800 and authored monographs on Jain doctrines, make a good presentation. Methodological insight into scriptural classification as well as Buhler's format (ch. 3-6) are provocatively reflective. With the discussion of Kankali Tila, Mathura (ch.7), Prof. Folkert urges for material "re-examination, almost literally piece by piece (and if not] both Jain history and the life of Mathura in general will remain to a significant degree eclipsed where much clearer light could prevail." Considering "Faith" and "System": darsana in the Jain tradition (ch.8), Prof. Folkert - 64

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-- describes the subject at length taking into account both ancient and middle-age texts, particularly of Haribhadra, Rajasekhara and Jinadatta. Life and activity of the Jain ascetics - samosarana (Sk. samavasarana), their fold, as community leaders, activity with the laity (chs. 9 12) are well written and presented. Part One is concluded (ch. 13) with a field study of the festival of Paryusana. In Part Two (chs. 14-18) under the heading: A Jain Approach to Non-Jains: The 363-Account," Prof. Folkert extensively discusses about the "matter of relationships between schools of thought in the Indian tradition," which the Western scholarship has been attracted to a class of Indian texts, which he terms as "compendia." It appears that the Jains were the authors of the earliest examples. Base on selected texts, Prof. Folkert has constructed the 363-account theory, very interestingly and intellectually. compendia Part Three (chs. 19-23) deals with four Jain philosophical Sarvasiddhayapravesaka (ca. C.E.), Saddarsanasamuccaya of Rajasekhara (ca. C.E.), Saddarsananirnaya of Merutunga (ca. 1390 C.E.) and Vivekavilasa of Jinadatta (ca. 1200 or 1250 C.E.). As said at the very out set as to the interest of the readers on the book, rather than merely subscribing to it, I confess as a Jain that the Jains who read the monograph will reflect not only about themselves and their faith has been portrayed without studying the Belief and the Believers, from religico-socio-anthropological perspective. Professor Kendall W. Folkert, therefore I argue, must have begun his study of Jainism from two angles. One is that the Western scholarship, especially in North America, has not carried out study of Jain religion as it ought to have of any ancient living religion, and the other is a fresh start is warranted in that direction, without which, the whole of Indic study in terms of history, culture, literature and society becomes murky and myopic. All in all, Scripture and Community: Collected Essays on the Jains by Kendall W. Folkert is a much needed for the students of comparative religious study in general and to the students of Jainology. Collected Papers On Buddhist Studies. By Padmanabh S. Jaini: Motilal Banarsidass PublishersBungaalow Road, Jawahar nagar, Delhi 110007, India, 2001. PP. 557. ISBN: 81-208-1776-1 1145 1349 The author of the book, Prof. Padmanabh S. Jaini is a well known scholar of Buddhism and Jainism, two important religions who played a very significant roles over 2500 years ago. The 65

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monograph, Collected Papers on Buddhist Studies has no single theme as the name suggests. It is a collation of papers published from 1956 - 1999. Based on the interrelationship with the subject matter, the book has seven sections, and particularly in section three places papers that have similar points and issues between Jainism and Buddhism. The conspicuous absence of "happiness" in Buddhist canonical texts, and the discussion of sukha - bliss, without mentioning its nature as found in Theravada Vinaya Pitaka (Sec 1. Ch.1) are discussed from the points of orthodox and heterodox religious traditions, namely Hinduism and Buddhism. A summary of Buddhist studies (Sec. 2 Ch.2) and of Buddhist scholars in India and Europe is interesting, though not unraveling. Section three, under the title Buddhism and Jainism, deals with a variety of topics such as sramanas (ch.3), omniscience of Mahavira and Buddha (ch.4), Jina as a Thatagata (ch.5), sanskaraduhkhata and the Jaina concept of suffering (ch.6). disappes appearance of Buddhism and survival of Jainism in India (ch.7), values of svadharma versus ahimsa (ch.8) and ignorance of the Arbat. Each one is well researched, documented and is underlined by postulation of theory. On the basis of literary and doctrinal matters, Prof. Jaini points out (Sec.4. Ch.10) that there were two different Buddhist authors by the same name, Vasubandhu-ll and Vasubandhu-II. On the account of the Mahaparnirvanasutra text, he (ch. 11) takes up the issue whether Buddha did have "control over the forces of life and death." Investigation (chs. 12, 13 and 15) into the meanings of words in doctrinal sense as found in different Buddhist schools is in a way underlines metaphoric base. Based on literary works, Reals in Buddhism (Ch.14) is discussed in detail. Insight into prajna, drasti and smrti (chs. 16-17 in the Vaibhasika school are well focussed and documented here. Story of Sudhana and Manohara (Sec.5. Ch.18-19) from various collections - China, Tibet, Burma and Siam, and jivanta Buddha image papers will interest readers to learn more about Buddhism. Itemized topics (Chs.20-23) of some Buddhist literary works would interest language students. Sanskrit commentary works -- Aloka and Saratama on the Astasahasrika, and Trimsika (chs.2425) are interesting part of the monograph, but the next Thatagata -- Maitreya (Ch.26) presented from surviving South Asian texts may arouse curiosity in the minds of the readers. Section seven (Chs. 2729) exclusively deals on liturgy literature. The book indeed gives a comprehensive account of Buddhism; and explores its interrelationship and resemblance with that of Jain religion and its precepts, 66

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Opulent Candragiri, By Dr. Nagarajiah, Hampa. SDJMI Publications, Sravanabelagola - 573135, Karnataka, India, 2001. PP.XIV + 68 Professor Hampa, with many credits for his many scholarly Kannada works, has been sailing in the Indian and international scholarship seas for the past few years, attending national and international academic seminars, conferences, and has authored several books on the many aspects of the history of Jain India. Opulent Candragiri is the latest. Sravanabelagola in south India holds the legend and records dating back to over two millennia, and it is there, Candragiri hill heralds its history of ancient India as well as of Jainism which is still flourishing with all its old and new glory. The ancient history of India and of Jainism is chronicled in inscriptions dating from seventh to nineteenth C.E.; they speak of sages and kings; warrior and noble men and women; and their great architectural achievements and literature. With such an prologue, the book presents ancient ceyia (Prakrit term for Jain temples, Sk. caitya) built in all the three Indian architectural types - Nagari (square), Dravida (octagonal or polygonal) and Vesara (circular and curvilinear) - in an admixture of the late Rastrakutas, early Calukyas of Kalyana and the Hoysala styles. All in all there are thirteen temples, mostly, Maurya king Candragupta cave with foot-prints of his preceptor, Jain Pontiff Bhadrabahu-I, numerous epitaphs belonging to sages, kings, queens, nobles and ordinary people. Eight ancient mantapas and a few manastambhas as well as the tall statue of Bharata, the legend emperor whose name is applied for land India, and the older brother of Bahbali who shines on the opposite hill Vindhyagiri. The book makes it worth cherishing for the study of Jain architecture, landscape and history. Manastambha: Jaina Pillar of Eminence. By Dr. Nagarajaiah, Hampa. C.V.G. Publications, 70-2nd Main, Vayyakikaval, Bangalore560003, India, 2000. PP.74 This is an exclusive monograph on manastambha, a very characteristic feature of Jain art and architecture. The author derives the word which consists of two free morphemes -- mana + stambha. Literally, it is that which brings an end to human pride." It is a lofty monolithic column, erected in front of Jain sanctuary, and 67

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its history goes back to the period earlier to that of Kusans - during the last centuries of B.C.E. It is known (p.2) that the tradition of manastambha was standardized in the times of Kusanas, as found at Kankali-Tila Jain archaeological site at Mathura. The earliest extant Jain manastambha is at Kahaon in Uttar Pradesh, North India, dated C.E. 460. Manastambhas are of three varieties, and pillar worship in Buddhism is unknown, though it originated during the rejuvenation of period of Jainism under Mahavira. Two manastambhas - 50 ft high, of the Sunga-Kusana age on the east and south sides of the temple at Nathanagar Road in Bhagalpur district of Bihar have sustained despite a damage in the 1934 earth quake (p.10). Interestingly, the author also treats metaphysical aspects of the manastambhas (pp.1114) and also their distribution list (pp.24-25). All in all the book is a very good addition to the study of Jainism and its history, art and architecture. 68

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Jinamanjari, Volume 24, No.2 October 2001 NEWS DIGEST NATIONAL CONVENTION ON MEDICAL BASIS OF JAINISM UNDER THE GRACE OF ACARYA VIDYASAGARJI. A joint venture of Bombay Hospital and Research Centre, Jain Doctors Group, Varni Gurkul and Dayodaya Animal Protection, all of Jabalpur, and Bhagyodaya Tirth Hospital, Sagar, India. Venue is Paryawaran Kendra, Jabalpur; October 19 through 21, 2001. Some of notable topics are: Ayurveda and Jainism, Naturopathy and Jainism, Jain Dietary Law, Meatless Diet and Meat Fish borne Diseases, Longevity of Life Through Meditation and Spiritualism, and Vegetarian Oriented Allopathic Medicines. For Details: Dr. C.S. Singhai @ e-mail: bhrc jbp@hotmail.com FRENCH JOURNAL YOGA ET VIE HONOURS LORD MAHAVIRA'S BIRTH DAY. Mr. Pierre Amiel's article "Le 2600EUR Anniversaire De La Naissance DE Mahavira" in French has appeared in the French language Journal, Yoga Et Vie, no.108. Mr Amiel is writing a book titled, Jaina Practices in French for the French speaking world. You may contact him at 122 Blvd Gambetta, 06000 Nice, France. Tel: 04.93.82.97.06. HALF ANA COPPER COIN BEARING THE MESSAGE AND PICTURE OF MAHAVIRA HAS BEEN LOCATED. Prof. Jeevandhar K. Hotapeti, Prof. of History at Sir M.V. 69

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College, Bhadravati, Karnataka, India, reports that East India Co. (before India's independence) had issued a copper coin, 12 grams in weight, 2 cms in dia and 1mm in thickness. It was issued in the year 1839 when the Governor General of India was Lord Auckland (1836-1842). On the observe side of the coin is the embossed picture of Lord Mahavira, with a beautiful "bhamandal engraved. On the reverse side, the centre has "om" symbol of divya dhvani (holy sound) and mantra in Devanagari script. While the picture and these features represent Jainism, crescent moon, sun and trishul represent Islam, Zorastrianism and Hinduism respectively. The proud owner of this rare coin is Mr. Parasmal Jain of Bhadravati. JAINA ROCK-CUT CAVES OF MAHARASHTRA: A STUDY BY DOCTORAL STUDENT VIRAJ MANEKJI SHAH. The Young and brilliant Miss Shah has submitted the thesis to the Decan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute (University), Poona, India. The thesis contains five chapters, including many diagrams, sketches, maps and photigraphs. The supervisor is Dr. Gouri Lad. JAINISM AND THE PALLAVAS: A STUDY. It is the title of the doctoral thesis by Miss Jyoti Nambiar, submitted to the Madras University, Madras India. A detailed investigation into Jainism during the period of Pallava rule, a historical chronology and cultural growth form the gist of the thesis. ARCHEOLOGICAL EXCAVATION AT FATEHPUR SIKRI, NORTH INDIA, DURING 1999-2000 YIELDS A LARGE NUMBER OF JAINA SCULPTURES WITH INSCRIPTIONS. In total, 14 sculptures and one fragment of a 70

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stone bear inscriptions which are datable between 2nd C.E. and 11h C.E. One stone fragment bears two letters in Bramhi script and Sanskrit language and is datable to 2nd C.E. The Saraswati image mentions king Vajrama who can be identified as Vajradamana, son of Laksamana of Kachchhapaghata dynasty ruling Gwalior. 71

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Jinamanjari, Volume 24, No.2 October 2001 YOU SAID IT * "Love the work you are doing. Many many thanks to the Editorial Board and the Publication Council. It is a beautiful work for spreading the Jaina message." Mr. Gulabchand Kothari Kansas City, MO Ed: Jinamanjari appreciates the bountiful donation made for the cause. *"It is always a great pleasure and a great interest to me to read Jinamanjari, very instructive journal on Jainism. Mr. Pierre Amiel Nice, France. * Re. Jinamanjari -- Remembering Srimad Rajacandra, vol.23, No.1, April 2001. Emma's article, Unity in Diversity Amongst the Followers of Srimad Rajacandra is written well with an equally suitable title. It is incorrect to assume that he consented to be photographed to use as an object of worship, but he had not intended to establish a new Jaina sect, and some of the followers worshipping his idol is of recent develoipment. The editor has missed some of the errors that are in this article: Lallu for Munisri Lalluji is disrespect; or to refer Atmanadji as Maharaj. It will be better if a small note is included in the next edition as a correction. Mr. Prakash Mody, Toronto Ed: The Editor-in-Chief bears all the criticism. 72

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JAIN JOURNAL International Quarterly Research Publication on Jainalogy A Publication of Jain Bhavan Editor Dr. S.R. Benerjee Rong Write to Jain Bhavan P-25, Kalakar Street Calcutta - 700007, INDIA Ye Annual Subscription US $ 10.00

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ARHAT VACAN International Quarterly Journal of Jainalogy in Hindi and English A Publication of Kundakunda Jnanpith Editor Dr. Anupam Jain Write to Kundakunda Jnanpith 584, M.G. Road, Tukoganj Indore - 452001, INDIA Annual Subsription US $ 15 500 Bramhi Jain Society 1331 Clinton Street Buffalo, NY 14206 atan at LEOPARD CAT DR LALIT SHAH 21 SAUMYA APTS AHMEDABAD-380014 INDIA