Jainism and Karnataka Culture

Author(s): S R Sharma
Publisher: Karnataka Historical Research Society Dharwar
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/011062/1

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GOVERNMENT OF INDIA ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA ARCHEOLOGICAL LIBRARY ACCESSION NO. 7365 CALL No. 294.4095454/Sha D.G.A. 79

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for favour of Review & Exchange

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Harnatak Historical Research Society, Dharwar Silver Jubilee Publication Series: No. I .. top Jainism and Karnataka Culture By S. R. SHARMA, M. A. Professor of History, Willingdon College, Sangli 294.40.954 54 Sha FOREWORD BY 7365 FOREWORD BY A. B. LATTHE, Esq., M.A., LL.B., M.L A., Finance Minister to The Govt. of Bombay (1937-39) shuu. DHARWAR 194)

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Published by N. S. KAMALAPUR, B.A., LL.B. Secretary, Karnatak Historical Research Society, Dharway CE:VIRAL ARCTAEO) GAS LIBRARY. NEW 2.11. Acu. No. 7365... Data....... 23.8.56 Call No. 294.4095454./Share COPYRIGHT RESERVED BY THE AUTHOR Price in India Rs. 5) Printed by K. R. Bhise, KARNATAK PRINTING WORKS DHARWAR

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT PUBLISHERS' NOTE FOREWORD PREFACE. DETAILED CONTENTS LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ABBREVIATIONS I. ERRATA JAINISM AND KARNATAK CULTURE Pp. 1-213 INTRODUCTION HISTORICAL SURVEY GENERAL CONTENTS V. . VI. II. III. IDEALISM AND REALISM IV. KARNATAK CULTURE APPENDICES. INDEX Page. iv < vii ix xi xviii xviii xix CONTRIBUTIONS: LITERATURE, ART & ARCHITECTURE 64 128 178 184 206 I

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT The Karnataka Historical Research Society hereby expresses deep gratitude for the liberal grant made by the Kannada Culture Committee, to meet the cost of this publication.

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PUBLISHER'S NOTE The Karnatak Historical Research Society, which was founded in 1914, proposes shortly to celebrate its Silver Jubilee. It has been resolved that the publica. tion of authoritative books on Karnatak History should be one of the principal features of the celebrations. 'Jainism and Karnatak Culture' is the first publication in the series. The Society is thankful to the author, Prof. S. R. Sharma, for having readily made the treatise available for inclusion in the Silver Jubilee Celebration Series. The Society is indebted to Principal A. C. Farran, M.A., I.E.S. and members of the Kannada Culture Committee, whose sympathies alone could enable the Society to publish this work without financial worry. The Society expresses its sense of gratitude to A. B. Latthe, Esqr., M. A., LL. B., M. L. A., Late Finance Minister to the Government of Bombay, for having kindly written a lucid foreword to this work. The Society trusts that the scheme of the Silver Jubilee Publications will appeal to the Society's sympathisers and the general public and persuade them to extend their sympathetic and active aid in this work. K. H.R. SOCIETY DHARWAR 5th February 40 D. P. KARMARKAR, Organising Secretary Silver Jubilee Publications

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FOREWORD In commemoration of its Silver Jubilee, the Karnataka Historical Research Society has planned the publication of a series of which the first volume is now being issued to the public. This volume constitutes a review of the Karnataka history of Jainism, particularly in its relationship with the culture of the Province. As shown by the writer, for over a thousand years from the first century of the Christian era onwards, Jainism flourished in all parts of the Karnataka and while being itself influenced in several ways, Jainism has left an indelible mark on the growth of the Karnataka Society. The volume deals with the changes Jainism accepted in its history in this Province as well as the many ways in which it affected the thought and life of its people. The author has no prejudices or prepossessions which a writer who professes a faith finds difficult to avoid in discussing the past achievements of that faith. The knowledge of such a writeris sometimes found to be defective owing to lack of experience and intimate contact. But his advantage is that he can bring an open mind to his study of the history of the faith and that is a great advantage indeed. The author of the volume has estowed considerable labour on his study of his subject which is characterised by impartiality and breadth of mind.

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vii J AINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE The author's study into the modifications of the original Jain principles owing to the reactions of the environments in which they had to grow in the Karnataka is of special interest to the followers of the Jain faith. It shows why Jainism disintegrated after a vigorous life of over ten centuries in this part of the country. To put it in a nutshell, the author's view is that the conditions prevailing in the Karnataka in the later days affected the purity of the Jain principles in fundamental ways. The caste system which subdivides the Jains into small, isolated blocks and weakens their faith as an instrument of growth, is an accretion gathered by Jainism during its stay in Karnataka. This largely led to the decay of Jainism in this Province. Incidentally, the author's views on the causes of the decay and downfall of Jainism here show unmistakably the vital defects in the body of ideas and customs which have in recent times kept Karnataka at a very low rung in the ladder of progress. The utility of this volume leads one to hope that similar studies in the various forces which operated in Karnataka after the sun of Jainism had set would follow this, the first volume of the series. The author has set a fine example in dispassionate and yet appreciative study of his subject which I hope those who come after him will do well to follow. BELGAUM L 16th January 1940) A. B. Latthe .

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PREFACE The main substance of the present work form parted of the thesis entitled "Jainism in South India" which was approved by the University of Bombay for conferring on me the degree of Master of Arts, in 1928. I am thankful to the University for their kind permission to publish my work in this revised form. Portions in the original dealing with Jainism in South India outside Karnataka have been omitted in the present publication. Likewise, I have considerably revised the chapters incorporated herein both for correcting errors as well as for recasting them so as to suit the changed title. The result has been an all but complete overhauling of the original thesis on account of its new orientation. Though I cannot claim that even now it is impeccable I am hopeful that I have considerably improved upon the original work. Having been otherwise engaged since the thesis was presented to the University, twelve years ago, I sincerely regret I could not find time for a more searching scrutiny. But such as it is, I offer the present work for what it may be worth. I am indebted to the Karnatak Historical Research Society of Dharwar for the inclusion of this publication in their valuable series. My obligations to Professor A. N. Upadhye! M.A., D. Lit., Professor R. S. Mugali, M.A., B.T., Mr. Ugran Mangesh Rao, Mr. K. P. Jain and Mr. D. P. Karmarkar, M.A., LL.B.

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JANISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE for their very valuable criticisms and suggestions for the improvement of the work are greater than I could express in adequate words. My gratefulness to Rev. H. Heras, S. J., under whom I worked for my original thesis is no less great and sincere. The views I have expressed are my own. Some of them might appear to be too contentious for dogmatic assertion. Likewise, too, some of my authorities may not be acceptable to all. But I can earnestly plead that I have written without sectarian bias and utilised all the sources available to me to the best of my critical faculty. If my work succeeds in stimulating efforts to supersede it I shall be content. WILLINGDON COLLEGE, , ry, 1940 S. R. SHARMA

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DETAILED CONTENTS INTRODUCTION Paucity of works on the subject--Limitations and scopeScheme of present work. Pp. 1-3 I. HISTORICAL SURVEY ANTIQUITY Distinction between Patrons and Converts-Bhadrabahu and Candragupta tradition examinedEvidences of continuity of Jainism after Candragupta, under Asoka and SampratiSchism between Svetambara and Digambara-Pattavalis importance of Kundakunda. Pp. 4-9 THE KADAMBAS AND THE GANGAS Kadamba Kakutsthavarma's grant to Srutakirti-Mrgesavarma's grant at Vaijayanti included both Svetambaras and Digambaras-Ravisena's grant at Palasika or Halsi mentions many interesting details--Festival of Jinendra-Bhanuvarma's devotion to Jainism--Harivarma's grant to the Kurcakas. Pp. 9-14 JAINA GOLDEN AGE UNDER THE GANGAS Foundation of Gangavadi under the Jaina teacher Simhanandi --Evidence both in literary tradition and in inscriptions Kudlur Plates of Marasimha throw ample light on the religion of the Gangas-The significance of Harivarma's Brahmanical grants Durvinita disciple of Pujyapada--Under Mushkara Jainism becomes "state religion", (?) Patronage under successive rulers evidenced by frants-Butuga called GangaGangeya a great religious disputant Marasimha every inch a great king dies by Sallekhana-Caundaraya sets up the

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xii JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE colossus on Indra-Betta at Belgola--A scion of his family erects another colossus in Kanara-Testimony in inscriptions as to the fame of Gangas as promoters of Jainism. Pp. 14-20 PATRONAGE OF JAINISM UNDER THE CALUKYAS Calukya patronage of Jainism is of peculiar interest, because their personal faith was Hinduism-Pulakesi II the greatest of the Dynasty-Jayasimha I the earliest illustration-Ranaraga's grant to Sankha-jinalaya at Puligere (Laksmeswar )-Grants also by Pulakesi I and Kirtivarma I-Aihole grant of Pulakesi II the most famous-Temple later converted to Saiva useJayasimha II's preceptor Niravadya Pandita (pupil or Pujyapada ) - Patronage continued under Vijayaditya and Vikramaditya-Overthrow of Kirtivarma II by Rastrakutas-- Vimaladitya's grant to Jainas-Arikesari patron of Pampa author of Jaina Bharata-Temporary withdrawal of patronage owing to political rivalry with the Rastrakutas-Birth of Vira-Saivism--A wave of anti-Jaina feeling over the whole peninsula-Still Jainism holds its own until the murder of Bijjala Kalacuri-Patronage under Eastern Calukya king Amma II-His interesting Kalacumbarru grant considered at length. Pp. 21-29 RASTRAKUTAS AND THE KALACORIS: A PERIOD OF CONFLICTS Rastrakutas, Calukyas, Kalacuris, and again Calukya Period of political revolutions with a strong under-current of religious movements--Somadeva's Yasastilaka Campu reflects spirit of the time-Amoghavarsa I greatest Jaina ruler of Rastrakuta dynasty-A period of great literary activity among Jainas-Brahmanic revival under Krsna II builder of Kailas temple at Ellora--Kssna III married a Ganga princess-Renewed patronage of Jainism-Indra In dies by Sallekhana. Pp. 29-34 Kakka II the last of Rastrakutas overthrown by Taila II Calukya-Under Someswara IV the Kalacuri revolution and

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CONTENTS xiji interregnum-A short account of Basava and his missionBijjala's patronage of Jainism-Ekantada Ramayya-Conversions to Saivism-Kalacuri Jaina vestiges within Doulatabad fort. Pp. 34-38 JAINISM UNDER THE HOYSALA, VIJAYANAGARA AND MYSORE RULERS Mysore, the cradle of Jainism in the South becomes its last refuge as well - Hoysala patronage until the conversion of Bitti-deva by Ramanuja-Earlier monarchs--Vinayaditya "the right arm of the Calukyas "--Bitti-deva's elder brother a worshipper of "Isa"-Truth and legend about Bitti-deva's conversion-Persecutions ?-Bitti-deva's queen Santaladevi and general Gangaraja remain staunch supporters of Jainism Visnuvardhana's toleration typical of the times--Narasimha IVira Ballala II continues patronage of Jainism-Pratapacakravarti Viramanmatha-deva's grant to Jainas the last of the dynasty. Pp. 39-43 II Traditions of toleration carried on by Vijayanagara rulers Grant under Harihara I-Interesting settlement of dispute between Bhavyas and Bhaktas by Bukkaraya 1-Bima-devi queen of Devaraya I disciple of Jaina teacher--Irugapa general of Harihara II a great supporter of Jainism--Grants under Bukkaraya II and Devaraya II_Virupaksa's and Krsnadevaraya's grants to the Jainas. Pp. 43-46 III Present ruling family of Mysore continue patronage of Jainas -Camaraja Wodeyar's services recorded in Belgola inscriptions--Cikkadevaraya and Krsnadevaraya 1-Construction of Belgola tank-Visalaksa Pandita Jaina teacher of Cikkadevaraya-Patronage of letters-Present Maharaja sticks to the tradition. Pp. 47-48

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xiv. JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE JAINISM UNDER MINOR RULERS Feudatories occasionally referred to in previous chaptersThe Silaharas-Gandaraditya's patronage of Jainism-Rattas of Saundatti-Jaina temples at Konur converted to Saiva useRatta inscriptions examined-Kartiviryadeva's grant to Subhacandra-Rulers of Kanara-Inscriptions in the Hosa Basti Mulbidre-Gersoppa a centre of Jaina power--Interesting details in Mudabidre inscriptions--Karkal, Barkur and Bhatkal Buchanan's testimony_Naiks of Ikkeri and Bednore responsible for final fall of Jainism on West Coast-Della Valle's testimony : Internal feuds. Pp. 48-63 II. CONTRIBUTIONS: LITERATURE, ART AND ARCHITECTURE JAINA WRITERS OF KARNATAKA Introductory: Classification according to language-Prakst and Sanskst on the one hand, and Vernacular on the otherKundakunda the earliest Jaina writer of the South-His place of honour among Southern Jainas-Works all in PrakstIllustrative extracts-Umaswami's Tattvarthadhigama Sutra finds numerous commentators-Samantabhadra's Gandhahasti Mahabhasya--Tradition and fact about SamantabhadraAptu-Mimamsa his epoch-making work-A great religious controvercialist--Extracts from his Ratnakarandaka-Pujyapada and Akalanka-Former called Jinendra-Buddhi for his wisdom Jinendra Vyakarana a great grammar-Akalanka's history Son of subhatunga (Krishna I Rastrakuta ? ) - A great logician Naiyayika-Amoghavarsa I Rastrakuta as patron of letters-Jinasena and Gunabhadra's Purana-Vernacular examples - Pampa's Ramayana extracts quoted-Japa takes the place of ethical conduct in the case of Ravana-HarivamsaPurana and Pampa-Bharata-Jaina versions of Hindu epicsSamples of poetic beauty nin Maha-Purana--Somadeva a prodigy of learning - His Yasastilaka-campu a remarkable

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CONTENTS Xv work-Nitivakyamrta modelled on Arthasastra-Somadeva's proverbial statements Kannada poets-Kaviparamesti earliest-Literary extracts from Inscriptions-Kavirajamarga by Amoghavarsa? Evidence of numerous writers-Ganga contributions to literature--Camundaraya's Purana-Nagavarma's Prosody remains the standard in Kannada to this dayClassified list of other writers with dates and distinctive features -Works on Purana, Grammar, Prosody, Glossaries, Medicine, Mathematics, Astrology etc.-Works on Religion and EthicsOther examples: Kanti earliest Jaina poetess-Earliest known Kannada Novel: Lilavati by Nemicandra-Sabdamani-darpana far ahead of Telugu or Tamil grammars. Pp. 64-102 JAINA ART IN KARNATAKA Jaina Iconography-Colossi the most distinctive contribution -Manasara on Jaina images and temples-Belgola, Karkal, and Yenur Statues unrivalled throughout India as detached works-Parallels in Bamiyan and Japan-Gommata peculiar to Southern Jainism-Engineering skill in the erection of the colossi-Testimony of tradition and Tuluva folk-songs-condition of artisans-technique of Digambara and Svetambara images-Free-standing pillars another peculiarity of Jaina artDifferent from Hindu lamp-pillars-Jaina decorative sculpturePillared chambers-Dr. Coomarswamy's criticism of Fergusson's classification--classical divisions Nagara, Vesara, Dravida -Unique features of Jaina architecture in Kanara-Himalayan influence ?-Typical instances of other styles-The Caturmukha or four-faced Bastis-Materials used-Details of internal sculptures-Wood-carving-Jaina Caves-Comparative paucity due to importance attached to lay community-Indra-sabha and Jagannatha-sabha at Ellora-Other caves in the Deccan and the South-Jaina paintings a rarity-Nothing to compare with Ajanta frescoes-A few remnants-Illustrations in MSSExamples in the Saraswati Bhavana Bombay-Artistic value of inscriptions, e. g. Copper-plates of Marasimha-Jaina taste in selection of picturesque sites for temple-building. 102-127

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xvi JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE III. IDEALISM AND REALISM JAINISM AS IT WAS Jainism when it was first introduced different from presentday Jainism in the South-Transformations in matters of practical detail rather than in theory and principle-Digambara and Svetambara division becomes explicit from the date of migration-Antiquity of Digambara doctrine-Practice of nudity from Mahavira to Aryamahagiri-Jaina religion integral despite minor differences Fundamentals: Atheism combined with belief in soul, Ahimsa, Karma, Liberation through Asceticism-Well organised in Social life--God did not create this universe which is self-existing and eternal-But Jainism not materialistic-- Jaina Ideal according to Kundakundacarya The Three Jewels-High ethical standard-Hylozoitic theory of life- Ahimsa and Karma compared with contemporary faiths Jaina views in Tiruvalluvar's Kura!--Non-observance of Caste by Jainas-Social Constitution designed to carry out Jaina Ideals--Yatis and Sravakas--Their respective duties and function in the economy of lifc-Comparison with Brahmanism, etc.Digambara denial of Moksa to woman in the light of contemporary thought-Substratum of Jaina Idealism. Pp. 128-141 JAINISM AS IT CAME TO BE How religions imperceptibly change--Prof. Luder's testimony re Chinese Buddhism-Atheism vanishes in practice Jina functions for Brahma-Jaina piety not unlike Brahmanical Bhakti-Evidences in inscriptions and literature-Jainism as explained to Buchanan-Ahimsa in theory and practiceOrigin of Castes-Subdivisions among the Digambaras-Sangha, Gana, Gaccha, Vali-Testimony of inscriptions-Brahmana, Ksatriya, Vaisya, Caturtha and Pancama-Anomalies and curiosities of caste- Jaina Ramanuja, etc. --Origin of Pancama Jaina class-Caste-feeling remained after conversion-Catholics of Kanara--Sacred thread among the Southern Jainas Digam

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xvii CONTENTS bara Jaina nuns-Testimony of Belgola inscriptions Other evidences-Southern pontificates--Too many divisions restricting social intercourse lead to social decay. Pp. 142~-168 CONCLUSION Misconceptions regarding Jaina history--No Jaina period according to Smith-Hasty conclusions based on inadequate information-Fergusson on materials of study and prospects of result-Extent of Influence : From commencement of Christian era to 12th century A. D. prominent in South India-On the West Coast up to 17th century- Almost all dynasties large and small under Jaina influence during this period--No district without Jaina vestiges--Influence on masses indicated by grants-Transformation in Southern Jainism due largely to mass-influence-Causes of Disintegration: Internal and External -Internally progressive conformity with Hindu practices and beliefs-Division and subdivision into castes and subcastesExternally rise of Saivism, Vaisnavism, Lingayatism-Mahommedan invasion--Persecutions : Dr. Krisnaswami Aiyangar's denial of their truth-Evidences to the contrary-Festivals commemorating persecutions- Jaina temples and cities destroyed by Saivas-Ahimsa : No instance of retaliation by Jainas-Hence Ahimsa their greatest contribution-Metamorphosis of South Indian character-Vegetarianism and docility -Ahimsa not responsible for failure-Jaina warriors and kings not deterred from fighting for justice-Baicappa ascends to heaven by the destruction of many Konkaoigas--Pessimism : general charge on all Indian religions--Mrs. Sinclair Stevenson's remarks- Jaina achievments in Art, Literature, etc. adequate , answer since pessimism is not creative- Dr. Thomas on similar estimates of Buddhism-Comparison with Christian asceticismJaina view of Soul as that which tends upward till it reaches the top of the universe-Man the master of his destiny - The lowest of creatures has slav&tion-Failure in one life but prospects of self-improvement in future existences-Jaina Ideal of Life according to Sri Kundakundacarya. Pp. 169-177

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xviii JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE IV. KARNATAKA CULTURE Reciprocal affects between Jainism and Karnatak Culture Definition of Karnataka Culture -Summary of effects. Pp. 178-183 V. APPENDICES A. Genealogies Pp. 184--186 B. Documents Pp, 186--190 C. Notes Pp. 191-194 D. Bibliography Pp. 195-205 INDEX Pp. 206-213 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 1. Bahubalin or Gommata : Sravana Be!go!a (Frontispiece ). 2. Sravana Belgola : View of Vindhyagiri and Kalyani opposite-P. 6 3. Aibole Temple with Pulakesin II's Jaina Grant ("A" in Fig.)--converted into Saiva. ,, 22 4. Jaina City of Gersoppa and Caturmukha Basti-Destroyed in 1610 A. D. (groundplan). 55 5. Jaina Colossus at Karkal 103 6. Yenur Gommata under Pavilion 7. Main entrance to Tribhuvana Tilaka Jainalaya. 8. Peculiar type of Jaina Architecture in S. Kanara: Tribhuvana-tilaka-Jinalaya at Mudbidre. 103 IIO 112

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9. Pillar-carving of Baira-devi Mandapa Mud bidre CONTENTS 10. Pancanari-Turaga: Wood-carving Mudbidre II. Navanari-Kunjara: Wood-carving 12. Indra seated on Elephant-Indra-Sabha : Ellora. A. S. of W. I. Ep. Car. Ep. Ind. Ind. Ant. 1. H. Q. JBBRAS. 13. Carved Pillar in Jaina Cave Ellora. 14. Candragiri and Dhavala-Sarovara. 15. South India showing places of interest in Jaina History (Map.). J. R. A. S. M. D. J. G. 33 SB. S. B. E. S. B. J. opposite P. 113 116 33 Indian Antiquary. Indian Historical Quarterly. "" xix 33 117 120 121 126 170 ABBREVIATIONS Archaeological Survey of Western India. Epigraphia Carnatica. Epigraphia Indica. J. B. and O. R. S. Journal of Behar and Orissa Research Society. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. Manekcandra Digambara Jaina Granthamala. Sravana Belgola. Sacred Books of the East. Sacred Books of the Jainas. Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.

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- m ' - * - 1 -- ptt raar BAHUBALIN or GOMMATA : SRAVANA BELGOLA (Frontispiece )

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INTRODUCTION Both Jainism and Karnataku Culture are among the least studied aspects of South Indian History. I am not aware of more than a couple of published works on each of these themes. Since the publication of Studies in South Indian Jainism by Messrs. Ramaswami Ayyangar and Sheshagiri Rao, in 1922, there has appeared only one other book dealing with Mediaeval Jainism (with special reference to the Vijayanagara Empire) by Dr. B. A. Saletore, published very recently (1938). Likewise, I have come across only two works on Karnataka Culture, namely, Popular Culture in Karnataka by Mr. Masti Venkatesa Iyengar (1937) and Karnataka Sanskrti (in Kannada) by Mr. N. S. Devudu (1935). Valuable as these contributions are, they have not rendered any further work along similar lines superfluous. Nor is it presumed in the present essay that its subject is capable of being easily exhausted. This is therefore to be judged only as one more effort to study a rich theme from a fresh angle of approach. It is well to make it clear at the outset that this is neither a complete study of Jainism in Karnataka nor a complete study of Karnataka Culture, but merely an Introductory Essay attempting to assess the bearing of the former upon the latter and vice versa, with particular reference to a few outstanding aspects. For this purpose it is desirable to survey the History of Karnataka from the point of view of the role of Jainism, on the one hand, and the evolution of Karnataka Culture, on the other. This has been partly attempted in Section One. The Historical Survey' contained therein does not, therefore, touch upon other problems of either Jaina or Kartataka History. The chronology of successive rulers of the various dynasties and their political relations and doings, for instance, have not been dealt with beyond the bounds of strict relevance. A knowledge of the

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JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE political history of Karnataka in particular, and of South India in general, is consequently presumed. On the other hand, the exact influence of Jainism over rulers and people alike has been sought to be assessed, by a closer scrutiny of epigraphical and other references than appears to have been done by some proJaina scholars A sentimental writer of Jaina history is prone to the very insidious temptation of exaggerating, may be unconsciously, the value of his evidence. I have made a deliberate effort to avoid such lapses. Similarly, no attempt has been made to push the antiquity of Jainism in Karnataka beyond the limits acceptable to modern ( scientific ) scholarship. The dynastic histories of the Kadambas, Gangas, Calukyas, Rastrakutas, Hoysalas, and others, though at times contemporaneous or over-lapping from a strictly chronological view point, have been here treated in isolated succession. It is hoped that this will be more conducive to clearness of impression ( as to the role of Jainism in each family taken as a whole ) than the more usual and correct method of dealing with each epoch in all its complexity. In the second and third Sections a systematic attempt has been made to carefuly determine the unmistakable contributions of the Jainas to Kannada Literature, Art, and Architecture. Though it is not necessary here to anticipate the conclusions arrived at there, it may be pointed out that something more than a mere enumeration of works has been aimed at. In Section Three, entitled 'Idealism and Realism,' I have attempted to show how Jainism, a faith of North Indian origin, came to be transformed in its South Indian environment in Karnataka. Though such a study might reveal considerable divergence between the theory and practices of Jainism, it is not to be forgotten that all other religions, like Buddhism, Brahmanism, Islam, and Christianity, have also been subject to such metamorphosis under similar circumstances. What is sought is, therefore, not to disparage Jainism in Karnataka, but only to estimate its exact character as determined by the local : .

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3 conditions and non-Jaina influences in the country of its domicile. I know that orthodox Jainas are not inclined to approve of (some of them even resent) these conclusions. But modern research can only accept facts objectively ascertained and not sentimentally selected. How far my data are reliable and my inferences logical is for my unbiased readers to judge. In the concluding chapter I have summarised all the significant points in the essay and tried finally to evaluate the essential elements of Karnataka Culture and the place of Jainism therein. INTRODUCTION

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I. HISTORICAL SURVEY ANTIQUITY The purpose of this Survey is to determine the place of Jainism in the History of Karnataka with a view to ultimately assess its influence on Karnataka Culture. To achieve this object it is necessary to find evidence of the introduction and spread of Jainism in Karnataka, without overlooking the religious atmosphere of each successive epoch. The religious history of India is different from that of most other countries. Here, it is well to bear in mind that the 'conversion of a ruler to any creed does not necessarily imply the wholesale conversion of all or even most of his subjects. Nor does patronage of the followers, protagonists, or institutions of any faith indicate conversion in the technical sense. Hence it is very essential to distinguish between Patrons or sympathisers and Converts or actual followers. Most of the sectarian histories give an exaggerated picture of the importance and influence of their creeds on account of their failure to recognise this difference. Another point on which modern scholarship and sentimental orthodoxy have disagreed is that of the antiquity of the introduction of Jainism into the South. Though the Jainas may assert that Mahavira himself had travelled through South India (presumably making converts), and that there were Jainas in the South already when Bhadrabahu migrated to the South from Bihar, under circumstances presently to be discussed, conclusive evidence to bear out these beliefs is lacking. In the absence of such evidence we must be content to go only as far as the epigraphs allow us, and to farther. The earliest of the Jaina lithic records yet available to us has been assigned by experts, on palaeographic grounds, to the close of the sixth century A. D." This is the inscription (SB, 1 ) on

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HISTORICAL SURVEY the rock, variously named as Candragiri, Katavapra, and Kalbappu, at Sravana Belgola in Mysore.' In it we are told that: Bhadrabahu-svamin-of lineage rendered illustrious by a succession of great men who came in regular descent from the venerable supreme rsi Gautama-ganadhara, his immediate disciple Loharya, Jambhu, Visnudeva, A parajita, Govardhana, Bhadrabahu, Visakha, Prostila, Krttikaiya, Jayanama, Siddartha, Buddhila and other teachers-who was acquainted with the true nature of the eightfold great omens, and was a seer of the past, present, and the future, having learnt from an omen and foretold in Ujjaini a calamity lasting for a period of twelve years, the entire samgha ( or community ) set out from the North to the South, and reached by degrees a country....filled with happy people,.... gold, .... and herds of buffaloes, goats, and sheep. *Then separating himself from the Samgha an Acarya, Prabhacandra by name,...desiring to accomplish Samadhi the goal of penance associated with right conduct, on this high-peaked mountain-Katavapra, bade farewell to and dismissed the Sangha in its entirety, and in company with a single disciple, mortifying his body on the wide expanse of the cold rocks, accomplished ( Samadhi ). * And, in course of time, seven hundred Rsis or Saints ( similarly ) accomplished ( Samadhi ).'? The value and implications of this epigraph have been discussed at considerable length by the late Mr. R. Narasimhachar, in the Epigraphia Carnatica. Hence it will be superfluous to reconsider the question here. The conclusion of the late Dr. V. A. Smith, regarding the plausibility of the persistent tradition about Candragupta Maurya having accompanied 1 2 3 E. C. II, p. 71. Ibid. Tr. pp 1-2. E. C. II, Introd., pp. 36-40

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6 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE Bhadrabahu (the last of the Jaina Srutakevalins) to Mysore and died there by Sallekhana, may be accepted without any more ado. Though at first Smith was inclined to reject the Bhadrabahu-Candragupta tradition as "imaginary history,' "after much consideration," he admitted "the main facts as affirmed by tradition" to have "solid foundation in fact."4 "In short," he writes, "the Jaina tradition holds the field, and no alternative account exists." " There are numerous mementos of Bhadrabahu and Candragupta at Sravana Belgola, even apart from references to their migration to the South contained in literary works such as the Brhat-Kathakasa by Harisena (931 A. D.), and others of a still later date. For instance, there are the hill of Candragiri, with its cave of Bhadrabahu, and the Candragupta-basti on the facade of which are carved ninety scenes from the lives of Bhadrabahu and Candragupta. Among the numerous inscriptions commemorating these munis (such as SB. 40, 67, 258, and Sr. 147-148) one is of particular importance, viz. SB. 31 ( c. 650 A. D.) as it speaks of a Jaina guru, Santisa, as having restored the Jaina faith, which had become weak, to its flourishing condition as it was under Bhadrabahu and Candragupta." This presumes a period of vigorous prosperity, followed by a period of lapse, and again a period of rise about the first half of the seventh century A. D. 6 But the history of this period cannot be construed in exact terms in the absence of lithic or other records of a reliable character. The existence of the Asoka inscriptions at Molakalmuru in Mysore, belonging to the last years of Asoka, makes it of course certain that the Maurya empire extended so far. In the Kalsi Rock Edict XIII Asoka declares : There is no country where these (two) classes (viz.) Brahmanas and Sramanas, do " * 4 Early History of India ( revised ed.), p. 154. 5 Ox. Hist. of India, p. 76. For a succinct statement of the arguments in support of this view read Rice, Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, pp. 3-9. 6 For details see Rice, loc. cit., pp. 9-14.

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2 . .S . . sh . 25 26 mit '' 4. tik 1 IDEAL Sravana Belgola : View of Vindhyagiri and Kalyani (Vide page 6)

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HISTORICAL SURVEY not exist, except among the Yonas."? By inference, we may presume that Sramanas existed also in the Karnataka part of Asoka's empire. As Dr. Bhandarkar has pointed out, Asoka uses the term Samgha while speaking of the Buddhists alone, and Gramana while referring to the Jainas as well. Kundakundacarya, the earliest of the Digambara Jaina writers of South India, applies the term sramanas to members of his own sect. Thus it is quite plausible that Jainism continued in the South after Candragupta down to the days of Asoka. Samprati, the grandson of Asoka, is generally accepted to have been a Jaina, being converted to the Svetambara creed by Subastin. He appears to have sent Jaina missionaries of his persuasion into South India. 10 Though we do not know how far they penetrated into the Karnataka, this is the first reference we have to the Svetambaras in the South. After Suhastin, the saint Kalakacarya (c. Ist cent B. C.)" is said to have gone to the King of Pentha (?) in the Deccan to invite him to attend his discourses at Pajjusana. May this have been Hala of the Satavahana dynasty (who is believed to have been a Jaina") ruling from Paithan ( Pratistanapura )? The early existence of Svetambara Jainas in North Deccan is also indicated by references to Padaliptacarya's visit to Manyakheta (Malkhed in the Nizam's Dominions). The Samyaktva-saptati of Haribhadrasuri relates that the people of Manyakheta would not allow Padaliptacarya (c. Ist cent B. C.) to leave them and go elsewhere; it also says that in all the neighbourhood there existed Jaina Samghas noted for their good qualities.' But as it also adds, that just as the King Ugra (?) held him (Padaliptacarya) in high esteem, so others did not care a straw 7 Haltszch. As'oka Inscriptions, p. 47 (J). 8 Bhandarkar, As'oka, pp. 168-72. 9 Smith, Os. Hist., p. 117, n 1.' Pravacanasira; Bhandarfur, Report on San. M8., 1883-84, pp. 97-100. 10 Ibid, p 135. 11 I, A, XI, pp. 247, 251; C. H. I, p. 167-68. 12 Glassnapp, Der Jainisnus, p. 53.

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JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE for him," it is evident that not all the people of Manyakheta were Svetambara Jainas. As late as 1440 A. D. there was a Jaina teacher named Mahade who converted the Digambaras of Deogiri (Daulatabad ) into Svetambaras and conferred titles on learned ladies as well. Thus it would appear that in the northern parts of ancient Karnataka the Svetambaras were fairly strong; while within Karnataka proper the Digambaras predominated, as we shall observe later. When exactly and under what circumstances the schism between the Digambaras and Svetambaras took place is not strictly relevant to discuss in our present context. But it may be noted that the Bhadrabahu migration either caused or accentuated the differences between the two since the Pattavalies or genealogical lists of the two sects are fairly in agreement up to Bhadrabahu I. and diverge greatly after him. However, we find no trace of the work of the Jaina gurus who followed Bhadrabahu ), beyond the mention of their names in the succession lists, until we come to Kundakunda, Umasvati and Samantabhadra.15 Kundakunda being also called Elacarya 16 has led some writers to identify him with various persons bearing the latter name. Though no finality may be claimed for any opinion regarding this problem, it is interesting to note in this connexion that Dr. Saletore emphatically states: "All these considerations lead us to the conclusion that Kondakunda must have been a Kannadiga, hailing from the village of Konakonala in the neighbourhood of Guntakal."!* If this could he established beyond challenge the conclusion would be of utmost importance 13 My. Arch. Report, 1923, pp. 10-11; Samyaktva-saptati vv. 96 & 158 ; I, A. XI, p. 251. 14 My. arch. Report 1924, pp. 13-14. 15 I. A. XI, pp. 245 ff ; Ibid. XXI, pp. 57 ff: E.C II, SB. 254. 16 Sorah Indian Inscriptions, I. pp 157-7 11. 6-7. 17 Jaina Gazette, XVIII, pp. 8-16. Saletore, Mediaeval Jainism, pp. 225-98, 233-40. 18 Ibid. p. 228. See the Stevana Belgola list of Pontifs in Alysore Gazetteer, I, p. 287.

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HISTORICAL SURVEY for our theme. The value of Kundakunda's work will be assessed in a later chapter. He is placed about the first century B. C. by some scholars.19 Professor A. N. Upadhye places him at the beginning of the Christian Era.20 KADAMBAS AND GANGAS The next contemporary epigraphical foothold that we possess," in following the history of Jainism in Karnataka is a grant made by the Kadamba Kakutsthavarma, when he was Yuvaraja, to the General Srutakirti:** The gift consisted of a field called * Bodhavara-ksetra' 'which was in the village of Khetagrama which belongs to the holy Arhats;' and the record concludes with Reverence to Rsabha !" Yet, in the light of other grants of the same prince we cannot conclude that the donor was an "avowed Jaina," as some have sought to make out of Kakutsthavarma." The circumstances under which the gift was made appear to be that Srutakirti, who was a Jaina, saved the life of Kakutsthavarma and thus earned the grant: Possibly, therefore, out of sheer gratitude, he only used Jaina invocations for the satisfaction of the donee. Kakutsthavarma also made similar grants to Brahmans," but he never repeated in them his reverence to Rsabha !' Had he been himself an "avowed Jaina " he would surely have done so. In this connection the following observations of Prof. Moraeas on the religion of the Kadambas may very well be borne in mind. These kings nevertheless were of a very tolerant disposition, and allowed other religions to flourish in their kingdom side by side with 19 I, A. XXI, p. 74; Hiralal, Catalogue of MSS. in C.P. d Berar, Introd. p. vii ft. 20 Pravacanasara, Introd p. 22. 91 The foundation of the Ganga kingdom under Jains auspices will be dealt with later. Though the event is supposed to have taken place earlier, its earliest extant opigraphic reterence belongs to the 7th cent. A. D. 29 Fleet, Sanskrit and Old Canarese Inscriptions, I. A. VI. p. 24. 23 Dr. B. A. Saletore, Mediaeval Jaimion, p. 30. 24 E. O. VII, i, BK 176; E, C. VIII, pp. 28-36. JEO-2528-2

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IO JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE Saivism. This toleration is evidenced by the numerous grants they made to the Jainas, 25 which led Dr. J. F. Fleet, Mr. K. B. Pathak and others to suppose that the Kadambas were of the Jaina persuasion." The error was however corrected by Dr. Fleet in the second edition of his Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts,?? which he published after the discovery of the inscription of santivarma at Talgunda. That the religion of the Kadambas was Brahmanism and not Jainism is also established beyond doubt by an inscription of the same dynasty found in the Kadur Taluka. Here Visnuvarma, the donor of the grant is described as the "protector of the excellent Brahman faith." 2* Further we know from the epigraphical records that some of the kings performed the asvamedha sacrifice.99 The later inscriptions say that the kings of this dynasty celebrated in all eighteen horse sacrifices. As this is a purely Brahman rite, it affords further proof that these kings were not Jainas.' $1 Nevertheless, that, under the liberal patronage of the Kadambas, Jainism must have prospered in Karnataka is evident from the various grants referred to below. It is evident that despite their personal beliefs, some of the Kadamba rulers came to be very closely associated with the Jainas. For instance, Mrgesavarma, a grandson of Kakutsthavarma 'gave to the divine supreme Arhats' fields at Vaijayanti' for the purpose of the glory of sweeping ( the temple ) and anointing ( the idol with ghee) and performing worship etc. entirely free from taxation." The grant also mentions, " This charter has been written by the very pious Damakirti, the Bhojaka." Another grant by the same monarch bears 'the seal of Jinendra' and is important 25 Fleet, op. cit. pp. 25, 27, 29-32. 26 Ibid, VII, pp. 35-6. 38. 27 Fleet, Kanarese Dynasties, p. 286. 28 E. C. VI, Kd, 162. 29 E. C., SK 178. Fleet, St & 0. C. 1., 1. A. VII, p. 35. 30 E.C. XI, Mk, 41 ; Dy. 32, 31 Kadamba Kula, pp. 249-56 82 Fleet, S. and 0. C. Inscriptions, Ind. Ant. VII, pp. 36-7.

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HISTORICAL SURVEY II as showing Mrgesavarma's impartiality towards both the sects of Jainas, viz., the Svetambaras and the Digambaras. He is said to have divided the village of Kalavanga into three parts and distributed them among representatives of the two sects. The first he gave "to the Great God Jinendra, the holy Arhat, and it was called 'the Hall of the Arhat'"; the second was given " for the enjoyment of the sect of eminent ascetics of Svetapatha which was intent on practising the true religion declared by the Arhat ;" and that the third was given "to the sect of eminent ascetics called the Nirgranthas."88 The words italicised would seem to indicate that the king or the scribe belonged to the Svetambara persuasion. But apart from this they confirm our belief as to the existence of Svetambaras in the Deccan from very early times, as mentioned earlier. However, it is not to be forgotten that Msgesha also made a grant "to the holy Arhats for the purpose of supporting the Kurcakas of naked religious mendicants." The grants of Ravivarma and Bhanuvarma, both sons of Mrgesavarma, manifest this growing influence of Jainism yet more clearly. That of Ravisena at Palasika, or Halsi in the Belgaum District, is both interesting and important from a historical point of view. Besides recounting the grant of Kakutsthavarma to Ravikirti and Srutakirti, it also states that King santivarma (son of Kakutstha ) and his son the pious Mrgesa," gave the grant to the mother of Damakirti, "for the sake of piety and according to the direction of his father." 35 Incidentally it tells us that Srutakirti was "the Bhoja priest, the best among men, who was the receptacle of sacred learning, who was possessed of the qualities of performing sacrifices etc." That he was identical with the general who was the recepient of Kakutsthavarma's grant is indicated by the expression that he " enjoyed the village of Kheta," which is the same as 33 Ibid., Ind, Ant. VII, p. 38. 34 Ibid., Ind, Ant. VI, p. 25. 83 Ibid., p. 27.

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12 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE Badhovara-Ksetra, mentioned above. This would seem to indicate that the General Srutakirti belonged to the priestly class or combined in himself the offices of the high-priest with that of a military commander. Damakirti's son Jayakirti is described as " the door-keeper whose family had been well established in the world owing to the Acarya called Bandhusena." 37 But more than anything else this grant of Ravivarma is valuable for its revelation of the royal faith and the inculcation of its practice upon all his countrymen and citizens. It states : "The lord Ravi established the ordinance at the mighty city of Palasika that the glory of Jinendra ( the festival of ) which lasts for eight days, should be celebrated regularly every year on the full-moon of (the month ) Kartika from the revenues of that (village ); that ascetics should be supported during the four months of the rainy season; that the learned men, the chief of whom was Kumaradatta, whose intellects had been wearied by ( excessive study of) many scriptures and collections of precepts; who were renowned in the world; who abounded in good penances; and whose sect was his auhority for what he did ; -should according to justice enjoy all the material substance of that greatness; and that the worship of Jinendra should be Perpetually performed by the pious countrymen and citizens. "Wheresoever the worship of Jinendra is kept up there is increase of the country, and the cities are free from fear, and the lords of those countries acquire strength! Reverence, reverence !" 38 Another grant of Ravivarma 'to the God Jinendra' describes him as the 'the mighty king, the sun of the sky of the mighty family of the Kadambas.' He is also stated in the same grant ! 86 Ibid., Bhojaka or Bhoja is explained by Fleet meaning " officiating priest," Ibid., p. 25. 37 Ibid., p. 27. 38 Ibid.

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13 . to have uprooted Candadunda the lord of Kanchi and established himself at Palasika. Ravivarma's grand-father Santivarma has also been described as the master of the entire Karnata region. '40 These serve to indicate the political status of these Early Kadambas of Halsi or Palasika. Hence their personal allegiance to the Jaina faith must have had considerable influence in spreading the religion among the masses as well. The motive that incited him (Ravivarma)," says the grant, was to increase his religious merit." " Similarly, his brother Bhanuvarma's devotion to Jainism is also attested by a grant: "By him, desirous of prosperity, this land was given to the Jainas, in order that the ceremony of ablutions might always be performed without fail on the days of the full-moon.' It was, as usual, given "free from the gleaningtax and all other burdens ;" and was assigned by the Bhojaka Pandara. "The worshipper of the Supreme Arhat, who had acquired the favour of the feet of the glorious king Bhanuvarma." " "" " HISTORICAL SURVEY Last but not the least, Kadamba Harivarma's grant speaks of "the sect of Virasenacarya of the Kurcakas of the village of Vasantavatika in the district of Suddikundara," to whose leader Candraksanta the grant was made "for providing annually at the great eight days' sacrifice the perpetual anointing with clarified butter, for the temple of the Arhat, which Mrgesa, son of the general Simha of the lineage of Bharadwaja, had caused to be built at Palasika." Whatever was to remain over after this, the grant adds, was to be devoted to the purpose of feeding the whole sect." Harivarma also made another grant to the Jainas "at the request of Bhanusakti of the family of Sendrakas." Speaking of the donor it says, "the 39 Ibid., p 30. 40 Cf. Dubreuil, Ancient Deccan, pp. 74-5. 41 Fleet, S. and O. C. Inscriptions, Ind. Ant. VI, p 30. 42 Ibid., p 29. 3 43 Ibid, p 31.

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14 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE excellence of whose body and intellect had been produced by the great religious merit acquired by good actions performed in a previous state of existence." He gave the village of Marade " for the holy people and the performance of rites of the temple which wasthe property of the sect of sramanas called the Aharisti and the authority of which was superintended by the Acarya Dharmanandi." And, in conclusion, the grant declares, "The reward of them who preserve bridges and repair them when broken is declared to be twice as great as (the reward of) the original builders of them."" Even when the Kadambas became formally Brahmanical again, as they did later on, we find that they continued to patronise Jainism as attested by a grant of "Deva son of Krsna who celebrated horse sacrifices. *5 In the opinion of Fleet this was not later than the 10th cent. A.D.*6 The land was given to the sect of Yapaniyas,7 at Triparvata in the village of Siddhakedara "through a desire for the rewards of his own meritorious act.""48 JAINA GOLDEN AGE UNDER THE GANGAS The Gangas of Mysore were for a long time the political rivals and enemies of the Kadambas. "A still more distinguished dynasty," says Smith, "was that of the Gangas, who ruled over the greater part of Mysore, from the 2nd to the 11th century, and played an important part in the incessant mediaeval wars." 4But more than anything else, we are interested in their consistent patronage of Jainism, which might be truly said to have attained its Golden Age under the 44 Ibid., p. 32. 45 Ibid., p. 34. 46 Ibid., p. 33. 47 The Yapaniyas, Kurcakag, Nirgranthas etc. were naked Jaina sects. Cf. Ibid., p. 34 a 11. Also see Journal of the University of Bombay I, VI, May 1933. 48 Ibid., p. 34 49 Smith, The Oxford History of India, p. 199

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HISTORICAL SURVEY 15 Gangas. The very foundation of their kingdom is attributed to the influence of the great Jaina teacher Simhanandi Acarya as indicated by the Samayabhusana, Gommata-Sara and Kongudesa-Rajakkal, as well as by numerous Ganga inscriptions.50 " It is therefore no wonder," observes Mr. Ghosal, "that we shall find in Jaina works verses to the effect that Ganga kings worshipped the feet of Simhanandi, or that a dynasty which owed its origin to the help of a Jaina Acarya should be staunch to the Jaina religion." He also adds, "numerous inscriptions dating from the 4th to the 12 cent. A.D. testify to the building of the Jaina temples, consecration of Jaina images of worship, hollowing out of caves for Jaina ascetics and grants to Jaina Acaryas by the rulers of the Ganga dynasty." 51 Rice considered them to be the principal Jaina dynasty of the south. "With Nandagiri as the fort, Kuvalala as their city, the 96,000 as their kingdom, victory as their companion in the battlefield, Jinendra as their God, the Jaina mata as their faith, Dadiga and Madhava ruled over the earth."59 To illustrate the above remarks we have only to subjoin a few examples. The Kudlur plates of Marasimha throw ample light upon the religion of the Ganga rulers. 68 of the very first among them, namely, Kongunivarma I, the record says, he "obtained great power by favour of the doctrine of Arhadbhattaraka," and adds that " by favour of Simhanandyacarya he (obtained) strength of arm and valour."54 Rice thinks that there must have been a considerable Jaina element in the population of Mysore at the time over whom Simhanandi exerted his influence to gain their acceptance of the Ganga rule. 50 Cf. Rice, Mysore Gazetteer I, p. 310; E. O. II. Introd. pp. 46-7. Mysore Archaeological Report, 1921, p. 26. 51 Ghosal, Dravyasamgraha, B. B. J, I, Intord., pp. XIX-XX. 62 Rice, Mysore Gazetteer I, pp. 308, 810, 63 Cf. Mysore Archaeological Report 1922 p. 20 Read Krishna Rao, Tho Gangas of Talakad, pp 179-213. 54 Kudlur Plates of Marasimha, Ibid., 1921 pp. 19, 26. 55 Rice, Mysore Gazetteer I, p. 311.

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JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE "" Yet it is supposed on the authority of a few Brahmanical grants that the next few rulers reverted to the Brahmanical creed, 56 But the two grants upon which this inference is based are according to Rice both open to doubt." *7 The fact that Harivarma or any other made grants to the Brahmanas is not sufficient to prove that there was any change in the royal faith. Avinita who seems to have had for his preceptor the Jaina Acarya Vijayakirti, made a grant to the Brahmanas. Likewise, Konguni II, son of Madhava II, also made a grant to the Brahmanas.58 But from this to deduce that towards the end of the fifth century Sanskrit and Brahmanical influences were gradually displacing old Kannada, and with it the power of the Jainas, its most eminent professors, and that by the time of Konguni II this Brahmanical influence was paramount in the state, seems quite unwarrantable. The curious differences in the string of descriptive phrases attached to each king," which Rice points to in these inscriptions, are not, in our opinion, to be set down merely as " errors on the part of the composer or transcribers." They are more fundamental and deliberate. The way the Brahmanical composers twist and clothe facts gives room for great suspicions. For instance, it is well known that the Hoysalas up to the time of Visnuvardhana's defection were mostly Jainas. But the Arsikere grant of Vira Ballala gives no clue as to this, although it gives a long descriptive genealogy of the donor's predecessors. On the other hand, it specially writes, "Victorious be the great Hoysala family which is like a bee in the lotus-like feet of Visnu." 60 16 " 56 Cf. Krishna Rao, op. cit. pp. 29-34 Ramaswami Aiyangar, Studies in S. I. J. I, p. 116. 57 Rice, Mysore Gazetteer I, p. 812. " 58 Rice, Two Kongu or Chera Grants, Ind, Ant. V, pp. 133 ff; Sheshagiri Rao, Studies in S, I. J. II, p. 88; Mysore Archaeological Report, 1924, pp. 69, 80-81. 59 Rice, Two Kongu Chera Grants Ind. Ant. V, pp. 133-37. 60 Mysore Archaelogical Report 1923, p. 35.

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HISTORICAL SURVEY 17 Madhava II, father of Konguni II, is claimed to have been a Jaina and made grants to the Digambaras.61 Konguni II's successor Avinita, patronised both Brahmanas and Jainas alike.89 After him, Durvinita is described as the disciple of the famous Jaina teacher and writer Pujyapada. Under his son, Muskara or Mukhara, Jainism is said to have become the "state religion.68" (?) In the eighth century Sri Purusa's grants mention the names of several Jaina gurus ; and Sivamara, son of Sri Purusa, built a Jaina temple according to the earliest of the Ganga inscriptions.84 Racamalla I, grandson of Sri Purusa (through Ranavikrama, brother of Sivamara ) excavated a Jaina cave in Wandewash Taluk (N. Arcot District ) according to a Kannada inscription found at the place.66 His son Ereganga is described as having a "mind resembling a bee at the pair of lotus feet of the adorable Arbat-bhattaraka ; "66 and his son Racamalla II, in his turn, made a grant to a Jaina priest for the Satyavakya Jinalaya in 888 A. D. He is described as "a devout Jaina who kept at a distance all the stain of the Kali Age." He married Candrobalabba, daughter of Amoghavarsa Rastrakuta, who was one of the greatest patrons of Jainism, as we shall later on see. 07 Then we come upon the most glorious representatives of the Jaina faith : Marasimha Ganga and Caundaraya, Marasimha's and his successor Racamalla IV's minister and general. Butuga, the father of Marasimha, has been called GangaGangeya or the Ganga among the Gangas. The Kudlur Plates 61 Sheshagiri Rao, Studies in S. 1. J. II pp. 87-88. cf. Krishna Rso, op. cit; pp. 31-2. See n. 32 above Ind. Ant. V. p 140, 68 Krishna Rao, loc. cit. pp. 41.45 Ramaswami Aiyangar, Studies in 8.1,J. I, p110. 84 Of. Ep. Car. II, Introd. p. 43. Krishna Rao, loc cit. pp 58-9 65 Rangacharya, Inscriptions of the Mad as Presidency I, NA 710-A; Madras Epigraphical Report 1889, No. 91. 66 Kudlar Plates of Marasimha, Mysore Archaeological Report 1921 p. 20, 67 Ibid. p. 31. Rice Coorg Inscriptions, Ep. Car. I, 2. JKC-2528-8 S. 02

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18 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE of Marasimha, already referred to, state that "this king cleft open the frontal globes of the lordly elephants of the Ekantamata with the thunderbolts the arguments based on the scriptures." His son Marula, brother of Marasimha, too, is referred to in the pet phrase "his mind resembling a bee at the lotus-feet of Jina."60 But the doyen of the family was Marasimha Ganga. He was a monarch in every sense of the term, and is described in the inscriptions with many a sonorous title like, "SatyavakyaKongunivarma-Dharmamaharajadhiraja, Ganga-cudamani, Caladuttaranga, Mandalikatrinetra, Ganga-Vidyadhara, Gangakandarpa, Ganga-vajra and Ganga-simha." All these indicate the respect he commanded in his own life-time as well as his position in the whole dynasty; and he seems to have fully deserved all these appellations. His grant to the Samkhabasadi at Laksmeswar (near Dharwar ) speaks of him as one "who was a very jewelled pitcher wherewith to perpetually besprinkle Jinendra;"*0 and in the Kudlur Plates he is "a bee in the lotus-feet of Jina, who washed out all taints with the water of the daily bath of Jina, who was devoted to the gurus, who was an expert in grammar, logic, philosophy and literature, who was skilful in the management of horses and elephants, and whose good government was the theme of praise of the four castes and orders regulated by his remarkable intellect matured by the investigation of all the Itihasas and Puranas." 71 Such a highly cultured prince, crowned his life with the highest sacrifice a Jaina could offer to his faith, viz. death by Sallekhana or slow starvation. The inscription that records this great event also states that he performed the anointing ceremony of the Rastrakuta King, Indra III, thereby indicating his political power.Te Hence, it was no morbid 88 Kaalur Plates of Marasimha, Mysore Archaeological Report 1921 p. 22 69 Cf. Ep. Car. II, Introd. pp. 44-7. 70 Fleet, Ind Ant, VII, V. p. 108. 71 Mysore Archaeological Report, 1921, pp. 22-3, 72 Ep. Car. II, SB 59.

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HISTORICAL SURVEY 19 sentimentalist who exhibited this classic example of singular devotion to his faith, and fully evoked the admiration of his contemporaries. The result is seen in the erection of the great statue of Gommata by his general Caundaraya at Sravana Belgola, which is in itself a monument to the zeal of the Jainas during that great age. Gommata is only the popular name for Bahubali, son of the first Tirthankara, and in the Bahubali-carita we find the following sloka which speaks of Rajamalla or Racamalla IV, the son and successor of Marasimha, as the promoter of the Jaina faith : zrIdezIyagaNAdhipUrNamRgabhRt zrIsiMhana dinati zrIpAdAMbujayugmamattamadhupaH smyktvcuuddaamaanniH| zrImajjainamatAbdhivardhanasudhA sUtirmahImaMDale reje zrIguNabhUSaNo budhanutaH zrIrAjamallo nRpH||" This passage is important also as confirming Simhanandi's connection with the Ganga dynasty. The great Acarya had admonished its early founders with the words, " If you fail in what you promise, if you dissent from the Jina-Sasana, if you are addicted to spirits or flesh, if you associate with the base, if you give not to the needy, if you flee in battle,--your race will go to ruin."14 We have seen with what great devotion and consistency this high idealism was kept up in the family for generations. It affected even the officers working under the Ganga rulers; and a supreme example of this is found in Caundaraya who, together with Gangaraja, the minister of Visnuvardhana, and Hulla, the minister of Narasimha Hoysala, -is mentioned as forming the triumvirate of pre-eminent promoters of the Jaina faith.75 Caundaraya's name is associated with the Caundaraya-basadi or the Jaina temple built by him at Sravana Belgola ; with the Caundaraya-purana which is a 73 Bahubali caritra, V. 6; Cf. Ghosal, Dravyasampraha, S. B. J. I, Introd., p. xix. 74 Bice, Mysore Gazetteer I, p. 310... 75 Ep. Car. II, SB 345 ; of. ibid, introd. P. 34,

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20 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE popular epitome of the lives of the twenty-four Tirthankaras; and above all else with the colossus of Gommata on Indrabetta, also at Sravana Belgola. His preceptor Nemicandra wrote a classical work on Jaina doctrine, viz. the Dravya-Samgraha, besides numerous others. These will be dealt with later, in the chapter on Jaina literature. Suffice it to note here that in a very old illuminated manuscript of Trilokasara, composed by Nemicandra, there is a picture representing Caundaraya with several courtiers hearing the tenets of Jainism as expounded by that great teacher.76 Caunda's son had for his preceptor the Jaina Acarya Ajitasena. As late as 1604 A. D., Timmaraja, a descendant of Caundaraya emulated his great example by erecting the third great Jaina colossus at Yenur in South Kanara." The legacy of the Ganga patronage of Jainism is also indicated by the proud name of Gangaraja, already mentioned, even when their political hegemony had passed on to the Hoysalas. Gangaraja was a scion of the same illustrious family. Thus the Age of the Gangas was a memorable one in the history of Jainism in Karnataka. Its echo is found in several inscriptions which testify to its greatness and general prosperity." In one it is stated that Gopanandi caused the Jaina faith to flourish once again "as it did at the time of the Gangas."79 Another speaks of the "illustrious Gangas."80 There are also numerous references to their rewards to heroes who bravely fought against cattle-raiders. But their greatest claim to remembrance is in the words of an inscription of Avinita Ganga : " Able for the protection of the castes and religious orders which prevailed in the South, the friend of all;" which was equally applicable to all the members of the dynasty,85 76 Ghosal, Dravyasamgraha, S.B.J. I, facsimile facing introd. p xxxix. 77 Cf. Ep. Car. II, introd. pp. 19. 20,- 45-6. 78 Ibid., 8B 15). 79 Ibid., SB 69. 80 Ep. Car. II, 8B 71. 81 Mysore Archaeological Repott, 1923, pp. E3, 73-4; Ibid., 1922, p. 10 82 Biom, Two Konga or Chers Grants, Ind. Ant. V, p. 140.

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HISTORICAL SURVEY 21 PATRONAGE OF JAINISM UNDER THE CALUKYAS The history of Jainism under the Calukyas is of more than ordinary interest, because these rulers are generally known to have been a wholly Hindu dynasty. But, as a matter of fact, they were like most Hindu rulers tolerant of all other creeds, except in a few cases towards the end of their powerful hegemony over the South. By far the most famous monarch of this family was undoubtedly Pulakesi II, the great contemporary of the great king Harsavardhana of Kanauj. It was during his reign that Hiuen Tsang, the Chinese pilgrim, visited South India and found Baddhism a generally decadent religion as compared with its more popular rival in the South, Jainism. Bhandarkar has noted that while Jainism came into prominence under the Early Calukyas of Badami, there is absolutely no reference to the patronage of Buddhism in any of the Calukya inscriptions.83 The figure of the king in one of the Buddhist frescoes of Ajanta, hitherto considered as representing Pulakesi II, is now supposed, by some at least, to be but another representation from the Jataka stories yet to be identified.84 On the other hand, we get many glimpses of the Jaina religion in the inscriptions of the Calukyas, which reveal their patronage of that faith.85 A Jaina inscription at Sravana Belgola speaks of the Jaina teacher Gunacandra as a worshipper at the feet of Mallikamoda Santisa at Balipura.86 Mallikamoda being a title of Jayasimha I of the Calukya dynasty, it is reasonably supposed that the Belgola inscription represents him.? If this supposition is true then we have here our first reference to the patronage of Jainism under the Early Calukyas. This is greatly supported by the 83 Bhandarkar, Early History of the Dekkan, p. 59: 84 Mazumdar, Embassy of Kaikhosru to Pulakesi II J.I.H, IL Pp. 29 ft; Guide to Ajanta Frescoes, I (i). 85 Vaidya, Medieval Hindu India I, pp. 273.74 ; Ibid. III. P 409. 86 Ep. Car, II, SB 69. 87 Barnett, Nilganda Plates of Vikramaditya VI, Ep. Ind. XII, p. 163, p. 37 1.42.

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JAINISM AND RARNATAKA CULTURE fact that the same inscription also speaks of another Jaina celebrity, Vasucandra, as having attained fame as 'BalaSaraswati' at the Calukya capital. Likewise, another epigraph states that Vadiraja, also a Jaina teacher, was honoured by Jayasimha I at whose capital he too won his celebrity.88 Ranaraga, son of Jayasimha, and his son Pulakesi I, both appear to have kept up this tradition of patronage of the Jainas. Under the former, Durgasakti, evidently a Jaina, made a grant to the Samkha Jinalaya at Puligere (LaksmeSwar ).* The latter endowed a Jaina temple at Alaktanagara; and the inscription recording this fact states: "The lord Satyasraya in his piety bestowed a field (and) a charter worthy of that shrine of Jina." His successor was Kirtivarma I; and according to the earliest extant Old Kannada inscription at Dharwar he too made grants to the Jainas: "Having preferred their request to the supreme lord, (Kirtivarma) gave (a grant) to the temple of Jinendra for the purpose of providing the oblation and unbroken rice, and perfumes, and flowers, etc." Similarly, another Sanskrit inscription states, "By him, the illustrious one, when requested to augment (the endowments to ) the danasala etc. of the Jinalaya which.... Gamunda had caused to be built, there was given a field, etc."99 But of all the Calukya inscriptions that of Pulakesi II at Aibole is the most famous. In it, Ravikirti, the Jaina poet who composed the inscription, says, "This stone temple of Jinendra which is the abode of glory was caused to be constructed by the learned Ravikirti, who had acquired the greatest favour of that same Satyasraya whose commands were restrained (only ) by the ( limits of) the three oceans. The accomplished Ravikirti himself is the composer of this eulogy, and the person who caused the temple to 88 Cf p Car. II, Introd., p. 41. 89 Fleet, S. and O, C. Inscriptions, Ind. Ant. VII, p. 110. 90 Ibid. p. 215; Cf. Dynasties of the Kanarose Districts, p. 20. 91 Fleet, Ind, Ant. XI, p 7. 92 Ibid.

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32 Aihole Temple with Jaina Grant converted to Saiva (Vide page 22)

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HISTORICAL SURVEY be built." There is also a Jaina cave towards the eastern end of the South face of the Meguti temple where this inscription is found; and Fleet observes that was has been the case with most of the Jaina temples of these parts, it seems to have been afterwards adopted to the purposes of Linga worship."94 This conversion to Saiva use was the outcome of the Hindu revivalist movement, which, as in the case of the Tamils, was growing strong as years rolled on. We witness the same Hindu reaction in the territory ruled over by the Calukyas as well. Still, the Calukyas for a long time appear to have continued their patronage of Jainism, no less than that of other creeds, thereby justifying the proud title of Satyasraya or 'Anchor of Truth, borne by several among them. Jayasimha II is thus stated to have even had for his spiritual preceptor a Jaina teacher named Niravadya Pandita. And an inscription of Vijayaditya tells us that this king made a grant to Udayadeya Pandita, or Niravadya Pandita who was the housepupil of Sri Pujyapada and belonged to the Devagana division of the Mulasamgha. Commenting on this passage Dr. Bhandarkar observes, " If the Pujyapada who was the preceptor of Niravadya Pandita was the famous grammarian of that name, he must have flourished sometime before 618 Saka, the date of Vinayaditya's death, i.e. about 600 Saka or 678 A.D. All that is known about Pujyapada and his relations to other Digambara writers is not inconsistent with this date."97 Vijayaditya's son Vikramaditya II, also repaired a Jaina temple and gave a grant to the Jaina Acarya Vijayadeva Pandita : "Having embellished the Sankhatirtha Jinalaya of Pulikara and repaired the white Jinalaya at the request of the merchant Bahubali, which was made for the purpose of increasing the worship of Jina, 93 Aibole Inscription of Palakesi II, Ibid. VIII, p. 245. * 94 Ibid., p. 237. 95 Bhandarkar , Early History of the Dekkan, p. 59; Bom. Gaz.. I ii, p. 191, 96 Floet, S. and 0.0. Inscriptions, Inc. Ant. VII, P. 112, 97 Bbandarkar, Karly History of the Dekan, P. 59.

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24 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE Vikramaditya gave the grant to "Sri Vijayadeva Panditacarya who belonged to the sect of Devagana of Mulasamgha, the disciple of Ramadevacarya who performed the most austere penances, who was the house-pupil of Jayadeva Pandita."98 But it is strange that this Jaina grant contains an invocation to Visnu, in obvious deference, of course, to the family god and symbol of the Calukyas. It says, " Victorious is the boar-like form that was manifested of Visnu which agitated the ocean and which had the earth resting on the tip of his uplifted righthand tusk."99 Under Vikramaditya's successor, Kirtivarma II, the Calukyas were defeated and dispossessed by the Rastrakutas. In the obscurity that surrounds the succeeding career of the Calukyas we still find them consistent in their attitude towards the Jainas. For, from a Rastrakuta inscription of Govinda III we learn that Vimaladitya Calukya, son of Yasovarman and grandson of Balavarman, made a grant to a Jaina temple in order to ward off the evil influence of Saturn. It is also stated that this was done at the instance of the donor's uncle Cakiraja of the Ganga family.100 We have already indicated the hold that Jainism had over the Gangas, and this inscription reveals the influence they must have exercised over neighbouring princes in the matter of religious belief. Who exactly were these Calukya princes it is not easy to determine. Bhandarkar and Rice thought that they must have belonged to an independent branch of the main family of Calukyas.101 The former also mentions, in this connection, that another branch of Calukyas ruled from Jola named by Pampa in bis Jaina Bharata ; Arikesari appears to have been the patron of the poet.104 Mr. E. P. Rice observes that Pampa was " apparently also a general 98 Float, S. and 0. 0. Inscriptions, Ind. Ant. VII, p. 111. 99 Ibid., p. 110, 100 Rico, A Rastrakuta Grant from Mysore, Ind. Ant. XII, p. 18. 101 Ibid. p. 12 ; Bhandarkar, Jarly History of the Dekkan, p. 79. 102 Ibid. pp. 79 80

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HISTORICAL SURVEY 25 " or minister under Arikesari, who was a descendant of the early Calukya Kings, but at this time was a tributory of the Rastrakutas." He further adds, Arikesari's court was at Puligere (Laksmeswar), and it is in the especially excellent Kanarese of this capital that the poet claims to write." The date of the Jaina or Pampa Bharata is given as 941 A.D.108 The Rastrakuta domination lasted for a little over two centuries, from 754-974 A. D. 104 They too were, some of them, great patrons of Jainism, as we shall see in the next chapter. But for the sake of continuity of our treatment of the Calukyas and their relationship with Jainism, it is better that we trace the history of the family to its very close. It is rather difficult to account for the sudden revolution in the religious policy of the Calukyas when their power was again restored by Tailapa II about 974 A.D. It is alleged that the Calukya rulers beginning with Tailapa II persecuted the Jainas.105 But it was possible that this was due more to political causes rather than to religious. Day by day the Saiva opposition to Jainism was growing strong in the country. The Rastrakutas were undoubtedly patrons of Jainism. Hence, as in the case of the Colas about the time of Sundara Pandya's conversion, it was easy to mix up religion with politics; and Saivism, in its dynamic condition, was a ready handmaid for the politically ambitious and revolutionary Calukyas. The story is an exact replica of that told about the conversion of the Pandya king. It is related of Jayasimha III, grandson of Tailapa, that he was converted to the Vira-Saiva creed owing to the influence of his wife Suggaladevi. Thenceforth he is supposed to have persecuted the Jainas. The Basava Purana states that Hottalakere or Pottalakere contained as many as seven hundred basadis or Jaina temples and 20,000 Jaina ascetics. Devara-Dasimayya the guru of Suggaladevi, wife of Desinga, despoiled the Sravakas and induced Desinga to 103 Rice (E. P.), Kanarese Literature, p. 30. 104 Smith, Early History of India, p. 39, 105 Cf. Vaidya, Mediaeval Hindu India, 1, p. 409, JXC-2528-4

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26 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE adopt the Saiva or Lingayat religion. The same story is also repeated in a slightly varied form in the Chenna Basava Purana as well. Fleet thinks that Desinga is a corruption for Jayasimha .and identifies the monarch with Jayasimha III Calukya.'06 Our belief as to the political character of these alleged persecutions, so far as the Calukyas themselves were concerned, is further supported by the fact that in championing the cause of Saivism they were acting contrary to the traditions of their own ancient family. For, the Calukyas from the beginning belonged to the Vaispava and not the Saiva sect of Hinduim. They had a boarcrest which they "acquired through the favour of the divine Narayana."107 Moreover, like the later Colas, the later rulers of this Calukya family renewed their patronage of Jainism when they were well established. It is stated in an inscription at Sravana Belgola that the Jaina teacher Swami won the title of " Sabda-Caturmukha" at the hands of King Ahavamalla who is identified with Calukya Someswara 1.108 However, when the same prince made a grant to the Jainas, it seems, he had to make a special appeal to the villagers, showing thereby that Jainism must have by this time become unpopular among the masses. 103 The anti-Jaina movement had spread like wild-fire in the entire peninsula. The Colas, its champions in the South, had grown so strong that they appear to have over-run the Calukya territory under Someswara I. It is stated that they destroyed the Jaina temples at Puligere or Laksmeswar, built by Permadi Ganga. The inscription relates, "The excellent temples which Permadi Ganga had constructed, the outcaste Pondi Cola destroyed and descended to adhogati (hell)." * Under Some 106 Floot, Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, Do 44 n. 2. 107 Floot, Kalachumbarra Grant of Amma II, Ep. Ind. VII, p. 189: Cf. S. and 0.C loscriptions, Ind. Ant, X, p. 57; VII, p. 110; 100 illustration, Smith, she Oxford History of India, P. 201. 108 Ep. Car, II, SB 67; cf. Fabid, Introd., p. 48. * Eliot, Hindu logoriptions, J.R.A.S. IV, P. 14.

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HISTORICAL SURVEY 27 113 swara II a Jaina feudatory of his reconstructed these temples.110 Evidently Jainism had not been worsted. It gathered up all its strength and made a final stand under Bijjala Kalacuri whose career we shall trace in the next chapter. But something must be said about another branch of the Calukyas which ruled from Vengi, on the East Coast, before we take final leave of them. They are usually known as the Eastern Calukyas, as distinguished from the Western Calukyas of Kalyani. That some at least among them shared the tolerant attitude of the Calukya family as a whole becomes evident from the following extract from the Epigraphical Report of Madras : "Visnuvardhana III of the Eastern Calukya dynasty made a grant in S. 684 which registers evidently the renewal of an earlier grant of the village Musinikunda in Tonka N(a)ta-v(a) di-vishaya to the (Jaina) teacher Kalibhadracarya. The Queen of the King Kubja-Visnuvardhana I influenced the grant of a village to a Jaina basti at Bijavada. Amma II has made grants to Jaina temples patronised the grant of a Jaina Sravaki by lending his title to a charitable Jaina feeding house called SarvalokasrayaJina-Bhavana endowed by her."'"" "e From the Kalachumbarra grant of Amma II, the Jaina sravaki named in the above passage appears to have been a courtesan. Her name was Cameka. She is described as "a favourite mistress of the King"; an ornament of the Pattavardhika lineage in the retinue of the Calukyas "; a sun to the waterlilies the faces of courtesans who agitates herself in acquiring fame as radiant as that of a moon to bring to full-tide the waters of the Jaina religion"; and is said to have been "endowed with charity and tenderness and good character, and is beautiful and is a desciple who delights in the teachings of the learned people". 110 lbid. p. 13; Fleet, Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p, 48; Bom, Gaz, I ii. p, 443, 111 Cited by Sheshagiri Rao, Studies in &, IJ, II, pp. 20-25, 112 Fleet, Kalachumbarru Grant of Amma II, Ep. Ind, VII p. 182 & n, 4.

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28 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTU The grant was "caused to be given" by her to Arhanandi, " for the purposes of the renowned dining hall of the holy and famous Jaina temple called Sarvalokasraya--Jaina-Bhavana, whereby she has acquired a reputation praised by learned people." !! The sect of Jainas to which she belonged is stated to be "the Addakali-gachch, which has established its renowned fame in the Valahari-gana, and the minds of the members of which have their desires bent on granting excellent food to ascetics of the four castes." 11 Further, interesting details revealed by the grant are the names of the gurus like Sakalacandrasiddhanta, Ayyapoti etc., and the composer of the poetical portions of it is said to be Kavicakravarti. The writer of the grant was Bhattadeva, and the Ajnapati or Superintendent was the Kattakadhiea.25 The reward that Bhattadeva got for his work is mentioned as land requiring as seed nine puttis of twelve tumus (each), and two bullocks. 116 But more important than anything else is the statement that Vijayaditya (Amma II) "who was most kind to Brahmanas ", made the grant to the Jainas.'17 The Maliya pundi Grant of Ammaraja II is another evidence in confirmation of his charities to the Jainas. It significantly opens with an invocation to Jinendra.'18 Then, giving the whole genealogy of the king, proceeds: "The Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara, the very pious Ammaraja (II) thus commands all ryots, headed by the Rashtrakutas, inhabiting the district (visaya ) Kamma-nadu." The grant was made to Durgaraja, "whose sword always (served) only for the protection of the fortune of Calukyas, and whose renowned family (served) for the support of the excellent great country mandala ) called Vengi," for the "very charming excellent temple of Jina (Jinalaya) 113 Ibid., 191, vv. 14-15. 114 lbid. v, 13. 115 Cf. Holtzsch, Malayapundi Grant of Ammeraja II, Ep. Ind. IX. p. 50. 116 Fleet, Kalachumbarru Grant of Amma II, inid. VII, pp. 186,191-92. 117 Ibid., P 191-92, v. 20. L 72-73, 118 Holtzaoh, Maliyapundi Grant of Ammaraja II. Ibid IX, p 50. v. 1. LL 1-3.

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29 founded by him, an abode of merit, and marked with the auspicious name of Katakabharana. The temple was superintended by Srimandiradeva, disciple of Divakara who belonged to the "pure and worthy Nandi-gachcha of the Yapaniya-Samgha." The grant was the outcome of a request from Katakaraja " for the cost of repairs of breaks and cracks, offerings, worship etc., and of an alms-house (sattra),.... with exemption from all taxes, with libations of water.119 Thus we see, that the Calukyas, of whatever branch or age, were consistently patrons of Jainism, the only exceptions being Taila II and his immediate successors, who acted under stress of political expediency rather than avowed religious bias. HISTORICAL SURVEY RASTRAKUTAS120 AND THE KALACURIS : A PERIOD OF SHARP CONFLICTS The Age of the Rastrakutas (754-974 A. D.) was a period of great activity among the Jainas of the Deccan and the Kannada country. This was immediately followed by a Saiva reaction under Taila II and his immediate successors of the Calukya dynasty, noticed in the last chapter. From Someswara I, as we saw above, there was a revival in the patronage of Jainism by the Calukyas. Under Someswara IV, Calukya power was temporarily brought to an end by the revolution created by Bijjala of the Kalacuri family. The last named was an enthusiastic supporter of the Jaina faith, but the power established by him did not last for more than two decades after his usurpation (1162-1183 A.D.). The fall of the Kalacuris was the final blow given to Jainism in the Deccan. The struggle had commenced much earlier and we get a lively picture of it in the 131 119 lbid., p. 56 vv. 16-20 and L. 53. 120 The Rastrakutas of Malkhed having been a Kannada dynasty has been established by Dr. Altekar in the Rastrakutas and Their Times, pp. 21-25. 121 Smith, Early History of India, p. 395.

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30 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE Yasastilaka-campu written by Somadeva about 959 A.D.149 This religious conflict, in the words of Peterson, " drew towards it the attention and well nigh absorbed the intellectual energies of all thinking men." 123 Amoghavarsa I was by far the greatest royal patron of Jainism in the Rastrakuta dynasty. But he was by no means alone. His father Govinda III had made a grant to the Jaina teacher Arikirti, desciple of Vijayakirti, for removing the evil influence of Saturn from Vimaladitya of the Calukya family noticed in the last chapter." His brother Kamba, too, appears to have given a village to the Jaina teacher Vardhamana.195 And Jinasena's Harivamsa-purana makes it evident that it was composed under Srivallabha, father of Govinda III.186 The Harivamsa is one of the earliest Jaina versions of the Maha. bharata.17 According to the Kathakosa of the Digambaras, Akalanka was the son of King Subhatunga whose capital was Manyakheta.* This was a title of Krsna I, and Manyakheta was the capital of the Rastrakutas. But this is a mere tradition and the identity of the persons is by no means easy to establish. However, in the light of our knowledge of the galaxy of great writers who lived about this time, the tradition is not without its value. The Akalanka-carita or the traditional biography of Akalanka states that he was the son of Purusottama, minister of Subhatunga; and an inscription at Sravana Belgola also alludes to Akalanka's challenge to the pandits at the court of Subhatunga. He is supposed to have belonged to the DevaSamgha of Manyakheta.From all these it becomes clear that Akalanka must have had some intimate connection with the 122 Peterson, Report on San. M88 IV, p. 33, 123 Ibid. 124 Rice, A Rastrakuta Grant from Mysore, Ind. Ante XII, p. 18. 125 Cf. Ep. Car. II, Introd., p. 47. 126 Peterson, Report on San, MSS IV, pp. 107-77; Rajendralal Mitra, Notices of San. MSS VI: pp. 74-79, 127 Mainly deals with the Jalta version of the Krsna legend. 128 Peterson, Report on Sun, MSS IV, p. 79. 129 Nathuram Prami, Vidvadratnamala I, pp. 23-4, Also E. C II (p. ).

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HISTORICAL SURVEY Rastrakuta king so persistently named; and it is possible that he lived at the court of Kssna I in the eighth century A. D. as suggested by Mr. Hiralal.180 In the opening verses of the Ganitasarasamgraha by Mahaviracarya it is stated that it was written under Amoghavarsa I (c. 815 A. D.). It is supposed that the author might have been one of the court poets. 181 The Jayadhavala-tika, one of the rarest Jaina works, was composed by Virasenacarya at about the same time. Its concluding portion is attributed to Jinasena who also commenced the Adipurana under Amoghavarsa I. 189 The author calls himself the Parama-guru or chief preceptor of Amoghavarsa; and the Uttara-purana, the sequel to the Adi-purana, confirms the fact by stating, yasya prAMzunakhAMzujAkavisaradArAntarAvirbhavatpAdAMbhojarajApizaMga mukuttprtygrrtnyutiH| saMsmartA svamamoghavarSanRpatiH pUto'hamavetyalam sa zrImAn jinasenapUjyabhagavatpAdo jaganmaMgalam // Amoghavarsa prostrated himself before Jinasena and thought himself purified thereby. 18 In his Parsvabhyudaya Jinasena blesses his royal pupil and wishes that he might reign long.184 But more interesting than anything else is the composition of the Ratnamalika.or more fully Prasnottara-Ratnamalika attributed to Amoghavarsa's own authorship.185 It is the 'gem-chaplet of questions and answers'.on Jaina ethics; and Gunabhadra, the co-pupil of Amoghavarsa relates : 130 Hiralal, Cat. of M88 ia C. P. and Berar, Introd., pp. xxvi-viil; Peterson, Report on San. MSS IV, p. 79. Cf. B. O, R. I., XIII, ii. D. 164 : snd Nyaya-kumadacandra, Introd., p. 105 (Bombay 1988 ). 131 Bhandarkar, Bon, Graz, I ii, pp. 200-201 ; Hiralal, Cat. of MSS, in C, P. and Borar, Introd, p. XXIV. 139 Ibid., p. XXIII. 133 Nathuram Promi, Vidvadratnamala I, p. 79; Bhandarkar, .Bom, Gas, I ii, p. 407; Pathak, JBBRAS XVIII, p. 224. 134 Bhandarkar, Early Hoitory of tho Dekkan, p. 88 n 3. 186 Ibid., p. 69: Bom. Gas I i, pp. 200-201. cf. Altekar, op. cit., p. 89.

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JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE fantasia T THOSHTI racitAmoghavarSaNa sudhiyAM sdlNkRtiH|| It means, the wise Amoghavarsa in his wisdom composed this Ratnamalika having renounced his kingdom ; 186 and Dr. Bhandarkar observes that this event is easily believable as, otherwise, the dates of the Saundatti inscription of Krsnaraja II ( Saka 797) and the Kanheri Inscription of Amoghavarsa I (Saka 799) become irreconcilable. The latter grant must have been made about two years after Amoghavarsa's abdication. He adds, "Of all the Rastrakutas, Amoghavarsa was the greatest patron of Jainism; and that he himself adopted the Jaina faith seems true." 137 Dr. Altekar, however has since shown how Amoghavarsa did not altogether renounce Hinduism.187 a. Under these circumstances, it seems surprising that the son and immediate successor of Amoghavarsa should have been an ardent devotee of the Saiva faith. 138 But it is not altogether strange, in India, where, for the most part, people have enjoyed the plenitude of religious freedom. The Kailasa temple at Ellora is a monument to Saiva zeal no less than the bold conceptions of the Hindu architect. Yet its breadth of outlook and atmosphere of toleration is visible both in the sculptures on its walls and in the existence, side by side, of Buddhist, Brahmanical and Jaina caves and shrines in wonderful proximity. Still, in the fierce glow of the contemporary struggle between Jainism and Brahmanism, Kssna's enthusiasm for the Saivas must have been looked upon with suspicion by the Jainas. Hence, we find that Gunabhadra completed his Uttarapurana, the sequel to the Adipurana of Jinasena, not at the Rashrakuta capital, where it had been commenced under Amoghavarsa 'I, but at Bankapura the head quaters of 136 Nathuram Promi, Vidvadratnamala I. p. 80; of. Bhandarkar, Report on San MSS. 1883-84, Notes p. 121, ii, 1, 18. 137 Bom, Gaz I 88, p. 2 1. 137a Alteker, op cit., p. 88. .. 138 Bbandarkar, The Rashrakuta King Krisboaraja and Elapura Ind, Ant XII, p 229; Early History of the Dekkan, p. 64 0 2.

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HISTORICAL SURVEY 33 Lokaditya, a Jaina feudatory of Krsna II. It is said of Lokaditya that he ruled the province of Vanavasa (Banavase, Dharwar District) "and encouraged the spread of Jainism.189 Like him there were other minor rulers and merchants who patronised the Jainas even when their over-lord Krsna II was known for his Saiva learnings. Psthvirama's grant to the Jaina temple at Saundatti in the year of Krsna II's accession to the throne ( Saka 797 ),140 and an inscription ( of Saka 824) in the Jaina temple at Mulgunda (Dharwar District) make this perfectly certain.141 There was once again a reaction under Kssna III of whose patronage of Jainism there are some evidences. He married a Ganga princess, who came from a Jaina family, and her son Indra IV only showed the influence of heredity when he died by the traditional Jaina vow of Sallekhana.1421 This event is recorded in an inscription at Sravana Belgola and appears to have taken place in its sacred atmosphere sanctified by memories of numerous sacrifices.142 Puspadanta's Mahapurana describes the poet as lying in a garden at Manyakheta, when he was picked up and honoured by the King Subhatunga and his minister who induced him to live at the palace. His famous Yasodhara Kavya and Naga-Kumara-Carita appear to have been composed at the request of the King's son Nanna, probably identical with Indra IV. It is also an interesting commentary on the times to note that Puspadanta was himself a Saiva to begin with, but became a Jaina owing to the influence of a Jaina ascetic. Subhatunga referred to by him is identical with Ktsna III.148 Similarly, another Jaina writer, Indranandi by name, also appears to have D 139 Bhandarkar, Report on San, M88. 1883-84, pp. 120-21; Nathuram Premi, Vidvadratnamula I, p. 20. 140 of. Bhandarkar, Early History of the Dekkan, p. 69. JABRAS X, p. 192. 141 Ibid., p. 19.'. 142 Ep. Car. II, 8. B. 133, cf. Ibid. Introd. pp. 47-8. 142a Altekar, op. cit. Introd. pp. 47-8. 148 Hiralal, Cat. of M88. in C. P. and Borar, Introd. pp. xlliiork. JRC-2528-5

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34 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE composed his svalamalini-stotra at Manyakheta when Krsna III was ruling, in Saka 861. But more interesting than anything else composed by the Jainas, under Ktsna III, is the Yasastilakacampu written by Somadeva already referred to. Once again, in the words of Peterson, "It represents a lively picture of India at a time when the Buddhist, Jaina and Brahmanical religions were still engaged in a contest that drew towards it the attention and well nigh absorbed the intellectual energies of all thinking men." 144 After Krsna came Indra IV whose death by Sallekhana has already been referred to. The inscription recording this also alludes to Indra's skill in playing polo.145 It was in all respects an age rich in culture and the contributions of Jainism to it will be more fully dealt with later. The last of the Rastrakutas was Kokka II who was overthrown by Taila II of the Calukya family in 973 A. D. We have traced the subsequent history of the Calukyas down to Someswara IV, under whom Bijjala established the Kalacuri Interregnum about 1162 A. D. Within twenty years of this the Calukyas were once again restored to power, but they could not continue enjoying it for long. After 1190 A. D. they sank into the position of petty chiess, most of their possessions passing into the hands of new dynasties, the Yadavas of Devagiri and the Hoysalas of Dwarasamudra. The brief period during which the Kalacuris occupied the Calukya throne was marked by the rise of the Virashaiva or Lingayat movement, perhaps the fiercest attack ever delivered on Jainism as well as Brahmanism.146 The religious condition of the country at this time is noteworthy. In the words of Elliot, "most of the princes (under Someswara IV) seem to have been votaries of Siva......But 144 Potoroon, Report on Sau, MSS. IV. p. 33. 145 Ep, Car. II, SB. 133; Cf. ibid. Introd,, pp. 47-8. 146 Smith, The Oxford History of India, pp. 202-3; Early History of Indis, p. 396,

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35 at the same time the most perfect toleration seems to have been extended to all other creeds. Both the Jaina and the Buddha faiths were openly professed, the former to a great extent,-- a considerable portion of the inscriptions recording grants to temples of that persuasion." He continues, These varieties of faith and this general toleration, are the more remarkable from the spirit of religious hatred and persecution which was soon after aroused.147 According to Fleet, Jainism was a popular sect under Bijjala when Basava established the Lingayat form of Saivism.148 And alone among the patrons of Jainism in South India, the Kalacuri grants have a sitting Tirthankara with his usual attendants, etc.149 But, in keeping with the tradition of most Indian rulers, and consistently with the principles of his own Jaina religion, Bijjala appears to have favoured the Vira-Saivas, at whose hands he was soon to meet with a violent death. In a contest between the Lingayats and Jainas at Ablur (near Dharwar), in the year Saka 1089, Bijjala gave a decision in favour of the former and even rewarded their leader Ekantada Ramayya." 150 Bijjala's successor, Someswara, similarly made a grant to a Brahmana temple at Belgaum.151 HISTORICAL SURVEY 152 "" The traditional account of the life of Basava, the founder of Vira-Saivism or Lingayatism is given in Bhima-Kavi's BasavaPurana. Having heard from Narada that Saivism was on a decline on the earth, Siva resolved upon sending Nandi his vehicle to the mortals to reform and reclaim them to the true religion they had forsaken. Nandi incarnated himself as 147 Elliot, Hindu Inscription. J. R. A. S. IV (1836), pp. 18-19. 148 Fleet, Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts. p. 60 149 Elliot, Hindu Inscriptions J. R. A. S. IV, p. 12. 150 Ibid, p, 17, Krishnaswamy Aiyangar, Contribution, p. 253. 151 Cf. Bhandarkar, Early History of the Dekkan, p. 95. 152 An English rendering of the Basava Purana is published by Rev. G. Wurth, J. B. Br. B. A. S. Vol. VIII. pp. 65-98 and of the Canna Basava Purana at pp. 98-222 of the same Volume,

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JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE Basava, born of Madiraja and his wife Madalambika at Ingaleswara Bagewadi ( now in Bijapur district ). Siva himself had initiated him when he was in his mother's womb. Though born in a Brahmin family Basava refused to be invested with a sacred thread, on the ground that he had already been intitiated into the Vira-Saiva diksa. He then left his home with his sister Nagalambika and was looked after by Saiva devotees of the place. Baladeva, Basava's maternal uncle and treasurer ( Bhandari ) at the Court of Bijja!a in Kalyana, who had come for the ceremony, was struck by the singular wisdom and piety of Basava and gave him his daughter Gangadevi in marriage.159 After this Basava went to Kappali Sangameswara where, as he was devoutly praying, Sangameswara revealed himself to him and said, "We have heard of thy devotion. Persevere in the steady observance of the true religion, consider those that wear the symbol of Siva as Siva incarnate.. Though they abuse and beat thee, prostrate thyself before them. Treat as friends even thy enemies, if they are Vira-saivas. Punish them who abuse the followers of Siva.. Thou shalt not desire another man's wife, nor his property. The organs of sense shall not obey the lusts of the heart. Know that the Jangama is I. " 164 Sometime after, Baladeva died and Bijjala, was advised that Basava would be a worthy successor, appointed him in Baladeva's place. When he was in Bijjala's Court, a scroll is said to have fallen from the sky, which no one in Bijjala's Court was able to decipher. Basava deciphered it and said that it contained a message that a large treasure would be found underneath Bijjala's throne. The treasure was accordingly found, and thereon Bijjala bestowed great honours on Basava.155 While in office Basava greatly honoured the Jangamas who came to Kalyana in great numbers. Bijja!a received informa 153 Basava Purana, Sandhis 1-3; Wurth, Basava Purana op.cit, pp. 66.67 154 Basava Purana Sandhi 4 Verges 61-67, Worth, op. cit. p. 68. 155 Basava Purana Sandhi 5-; Wurth, op. cit. p. 60.

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HISTORICAL SURVEY tion that Basava was wasting the Royal treasury to feed the Jangamas and he scolded Basava. But after a while they were reconciled to each other. 156 The Virasaiva faith steadily gained ground and the Brahmin and Jaina faiths suffered. Meanwbile. an incident happened which ultimately led to Bijjala's death. Madhuvayya a Brahmin convert to Virasaivism gave his daughter in marriage to the son of Hollayya who was an untouchable by birth. Bijja!a was furious and he had the eyes of both pulled out. One Jagadeva killed the king at the instance of Basava who in the meanwhile had gone to Sangameswara where, with a large number of Saivas he was absorbed in Sangamanath. 157 The Basava Purana says: "As the whirlwind arises from the earth and is lost in it. "As the fourth is produced in the churned milk and sub sides in to it, "As the forked lightening has its origin on the sky and retires into it; "So Basava rose out of the guru, grew by his assistance "And at last was united to him in everlasting rest." The mantle of leadership then descended upon Canna Basava; but the capital (Kalyani) having become too hot for the Lingayats, they had to "pursue their religion out of the reach of the Royal arms." 158 Dr. Krishnaswami Aiyangar has observed that early epigraphical evidence lends support to another origin of Virasaivism (i.e. Lingayatism ), viz., under a Brahmana named Ekantada Ramayya.169 In fact, the Ablur inscription is the only lithic reference we have with regard to the leader of the Lingayat move 156 Wurth, Basava Purana, pp. 77-78. 157 Basava Purasa 6let Sandhi; Wurth Basara Purana op. cit., pp. 96-97. 158 Krishnaswami Aiyangar. Contributions pp. 248-49. 160 [bid, pp. 254-257.

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JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE ment; and the Brahmeswara temple at Ablur is said to contain sculptures representing Ramayya in the act of performing a miracle." It is possible," says Dr. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, " that Ramayya preceded the two Basayas hy a short period as Bijjala is referred to in the record, not as a ruler, but only as a governor or Mahamandaleswara." 160 The Canna Basava Purana gives an account of the miracles performed by this Ekantada Ramayya. It is not necessary to trace the course of the Vira-Saiva movement here in detail. It is evident that in the period under review the rise of Vira-Saivism was largely responsible for the decline of Jainism. By it the trading and agricultural classes who were the backbone of Jainism were converted to ViraSaivism, and Jaina idols were replaced by Saiva ones. 161 The best days of the Jainas in the Deccan were over. 162 It only remains for us to trace the last phase of Jainism under the Hoysalas and the languishing sequel of its long history. Even the South was not immune from the iconoclastic zeal of the Moslems who followed in the wake of the Yadavas of Devagiri. There is in the fort of Doulatabad a mosque built by Aurangzeb out of the ruins of what appears to have been originally a Jaina temple. The images of Tirthankaras carelessly built into the sides of neighbouring walls bear out this supposition. Since the Kalacuris were the last dynasty in the Deccan of whose patronage of Jainism we have any evidence, it is natural to conclude that these vestiges are a survival of their age. 160 Bbandarkar, Bom. Goz. I ii, p. 483 n 1. 161 Krishnaswami Aiyangar; Contributions, p. 256. 162 Bhandarkar, Early History of the Dekkan, p. 96. 163 Cf. Ramaswamy. Aiyangar, Studies in South Indian Jainism, 1, p. 118.

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HISTORICAL SURVEY JAINISM UNDER THE HOYSALA VIJAYANAGAR AND MYSORE RULERS Hemmed in on all sides by the rising tide of re-awakned Hinduism, Jainism sought its last refuge in the cradle of its childhood, viz., Mysore. Hear for a time it found the patronage of the Hoysalas, but only for a time. The entry of Ramanuja, as an axile from the Saiva domination in the Cola kingdom, brought in its wake the conversion of Bittideya to Vaisnavism. Tbenceforward the most famous of the Hoysala family, Bittideva came to be known as Visnuvardhana or "the promoter of the Vaisnava doctrine." The story of his conversion from Jainism is a very fascinating one. But we must start with his predecessors in order to have a connected view of Jainism under the patronage of the Hoysalas. The Hoysalas were an indigenous family of rulers in Mysore. They rose to power and prominence by taking advantage of the political rivalry between their Southern and Northern neighbours, viz., the Colas and the Calukyas.166 The traditional account of their ascendancy is to be found in an inscription at Sravana Belgola. 166 It is significant to note that Vinayaditya, the first historical ruler of this dynasty, had for his preceptor the Jaina teacher Santideva. 167 Epigraphic evidence points to Vinayaditya's construction of many tanks, temples, and villages.168 He appears to have been a feudatory under Vikramaditya VI of the Calukya dynasty. His son and successor Ereyanga is described as "the right arm of the Calukyas; " 165 Cf. Krishnaswami Aiyangar Ancient India, pp. 80, 266. The extonsion of Cola dominion over Mysore is still testified to by Colana-halli' or 'the village of Chola 'near Sravana Belgola. 166 Ep. Car, II, SB 13: Road Saletore, Med. Jainism, pp. 62-73. 167 Fleet, Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 65; Ep. Car. 11 Introd, p. 49 188 Ibid, NB 143,

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40 JAINISM AND KARNTAKA CULTURE "Yama incarnate;" and "destroyer of the city of Dhara belonging to the Malava King." The epigraphs which speak of him thus also tell us of his having put to flight the fierce Chola army and ruined Kalinga.169 When due allowance is made for all exaggerations, these inscriptions truly indicate the dynamic power of the Hoysalas at this time; and their power meant also power of the Jaina religion patronised by them. Bittideva was the son of Ereyanga. He came to the throne about 1109 A. D. His exploits, power, and influence are indicated by several inscriptions at Belgola.170 But the outstanding event of his reign was his conversion by Ramanuja. At the time of this apostle's visit, the actual ruler of Mysore appears to have been Bittideva's brother who is spoken of as a worshipper of Isa.' It does not seem likely that it is a reference to Siva; for Isa' is a common suffix to Jaina names like Jinesa, Santisa etc. and simply means Lord. Bittideva was himself an ardent follower of the Jaina creed. Buchanan states that, like his ancestors Ballala Raya (Visnuvardhana) was a worshipper of Jina, and adds that at his capital were seven hundred temples dedicated to that God.171 The story of Bittideva's conversion is not unlike others of its kind. As in the case of Sambandar's conversion of Sundara Pandya, Ramanuja is here supposed to have worked a miracle. Bittideva's daughter was possessed with the devil. His Jaina Acaryas and Pandits were unable to do anything. Ramanuja succeeded where his rivals had failed. The result was Bittideva's change of faith. Jaina tradition however, represents this as the outcome of the machinations of courtesans sent by Ramanuja.172 After this it is alleged, as usual, that the new convert under the instigation of Ramanuja persecuted the Jainas who are said to have been ground in oil-mills. Dr. Krishnaswami Aiyangar explains this as meaning 169 Ibid., SB, 327, 345 and 349. 170 Ibid., SB. 132, 143, 327, 346, 349 and 384. 171 Buchapap; Travels II ch. vii, p. 80. 179 Vishnuvardhana Caritre, pp. 6-9.

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HISTORICAL SURVEY 41 " the oil mills of logic."175 The inscriptions also indicate that Visnuvardhana could not have persecuted his erstwhile coreligionists. A few facts will easily bear out this observation. In the first place, the coversion of Bittdeva did not lead to the conversion of his queen even. santaladevi continued to make grants to the Jainas with the royal permission, even after this event. 171 Secondly, Gangaraja, his minister and general, considered as one of the three pre-eminent promoters of Jainism in the South, continued to enjoy the favour of Visnuvardhana. He endowed and repaired Jaina temples and protected priests and images. He built an enclosure round the colossus on Indra-Betta, which probably needed such protection from the attacks of sectarian fanatics. Says an inscription at Belur, "Whatever else might be said, the myriads of ruined Jaina temples restored and built again, and the many ways in which his unbounded gifts were made, caused the Gangavadi 96,000 to shine like Kopana through Ganganatha.176 And more than anything else, seven years after Ramanuja had left Mysore (i.e. in 1125 A.D.) Visnuvardhana himself made a grant to the noted Jaina controversialist Sri-Bala Tarkikacakravarti.176 Similarly, when Gangaraja died, and his son erected to his memory the Drohagharatta Jinalaya at Halebid, Visnuvardhana signified his respect towards it saying, "By the merit of the consecration of this God (Parsvanatha ) I have obtained both a victory and the brith of a son, and have been filled with joy." Thereupon he give to the God the name of Vijaya-Parsva and to his son Vijaya-Narasimha-Deva. The former showed his deference to Jainism and the latter his adherence to the new creed of Vaisnvism.'77 173 Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Ancient India, pp. 207-08 ; cf. Buchanan Travels, II ch. vii, pp. 80-81. 174 Ep. Car II, SB 73 and 75. 175 Ibid., V, Belur 124; IV Ng. 32; II SB 940; cf. ibid. Introd, p. 59, 16 Of. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Ancient India, p. 939, 177 Ep. Car. V, Belur 124, JK02528-8

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JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE This was certainly an age of great toleration, at any rate among the enlightened people. The example of Visnuvardhana was followed by many others. His queen Santaladevi, while still adhering to her laina faith, granted to 220 Brahmanas a village near Hassan which she had received from her hasband. 178 The great Saiva temple at Halebid, built by Ketamalla, a rich Saiva merchant, was dedicated to the tolerent king and called after him, -- Visnuvardhana Hoysaleswara Temple, whicb, literally translated would mean: "The Siva temple of the Hoysala promoter of Vaisnvism." 178 This is enough testimony to the spirit of the age, Visnuvardhana, likewise, appears to have made a grant to Marbala Tirtha, which Dr. Krishnaswami Aiyangar thinks is "apparently a Saiva shrine on the Chamunda hill." 180 The tradition was carried on by his successors as well. Narasimha I made a grant to the Bhavya-Cunamani Basti at Belgo!a.181 His minister Hulla ( who has been bracketed with Canndaraya and Gangaraja as the greatest promoter of Jainism) erected an epitaph to the Jaina Acarya Devakirti, besides building several bastis.182 The Bhandari Basti at Belgo!a, in which I met a nude Digambara sadhu by name Vtsabhasena in 1927, is attributed to Narasimha's treasurer. Under Vira Ballala II, grandson of Visnuvardhana, the kingdom was organised "upon a footing of peace and prosperity;" and the king assumed for the first time the titles of independent royalty. In 1176 A.D. a Jaina temple was built by a Jaina merchant who called it Vira Ballala Jinalaya, in honour of the king, and Vira Ballala granted it a village.188 About twenty years later, in 1195 A.D., Nagadeva, minister and Pattana-swami of Ballala 178 Cf. Ibid, II Introd., p. 7. 179 of. Krisboaswami Aiyangar, Ancient India, p. 238. 180 Ibid., p. 239. 181 Ep. Car. II, S. B. 348, 349; cf. Ibid. Introd., p. 26. 183 Ibid., 8. B. 63. 64 and 345 ; cf. Ibid. Introdi, pp. 46, 78, 188 Mysore Arohaeological Report. 1923, pp 89-40.

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HISTORICAL SURVEY II, built the Nagara Jinalaya as a disciple of Nayakirti. Ballala, the king, made a grant to this temple, built at his own capital, Dwarasamudra," for feeding Jaina ascetics and carrying on the eight-fold worship of the temple." dis son, the prince (Narasimha II), the inscription states, "was very much pleased to see the eight-fold worship and the free distribution of gifts to the ascetics."186 Narasimha III is said to have had for his guru a Jaina teacher named Raja-guru or the Royal Chaplain.185 The last instance of a Hoysala grant to the Jainas that we yet know is that of Pratap-cakravarti Viramanmathadeva ( 1257-71 A.D.) in the Canna Parsva Basadi at Kogali in the Bellary District. 188 Thus, to the end of their days the Hoysala kings, whatever their religion, continued to patronise the Jainas. The same tradition of toleration continued under the rulers of Vijayanagara as well. "The national movement ( against Muhammedan inroads) which gave rise to Vijayanagara," observes Dr. Krishnaswami Aiyangar," was comprehensive and embraced a defence of all that was Hindu against Mussalman - including Jainism which received protection and patronage. The sovereigns of this family, although each one had his own persuasion, adopted religious compromise as their civil policy." 187 An inscription at Bellary records the consecration of an image of santinatha -Jineswara, under Harihara I, by some Jaina merchants, and on the pedestal of this image is found the name of Maghanandi, disciple of Amarakirti Acarya, of Kundakundanvaya, Saraswati-gachcha, and Balatkara-gana of Mulasamgha.188 But the most interesting of all the Vijayanagara inscriptions 184 Ibid.. 1926, pp 50-2, 185 Of. Srikantayya, Hoysala Empire, Jour. of the Myth. Soc. VII, p. 098. 186 Rangaobarya, Inscriptions of the Madras presidency 1, By 192. 187 Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Contributions pp. 298-99. 188 Rangloharya, Insoriptions of the Madras Presidency 1, by 488.

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44 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE alluding to the Jainas is that of Bukka I, dated about 1368 A.D. It reads: "During the time of Sri Vira Bukkaraya, dispute having arisen between the Jainas and the Bhaktas (Vaisnavas ), the blessed people (the Jainas) of all the nadus.... having made petition to Bukkaraya...... about the injustice done by the Bhaktas,-the King, taking the hand of the Jainas and placing it in the hand of the Sri Vaisnavas of the eighteen nadus, including acaryas of the places......and declaring (at the same time) that there was no difference between the Vaisnava-darsana ( or faith) and the Jainadarsana, (decreed as follows:-) 'This Jaina-darsana is as before entitled to the five great musical instruments and the kalasa (or vase). If loss or abvancement should be caused to the Jaina-darsana through the Bhaktas, the Vaisnavas will kindly deem it as loss or advancement to their (own darsana).188 The Sri Vaisnavas will kindly to this effect set up a sasana in all the bastis of the kingdom. For as long as the sun and moon endure, the Vaisnavas will continue to protect the Jaina-darsana. The Vaisnavas and Jainas are one (body): they must not be viewed as different". 190 The details given of the administration of this unique edict seem to show that Bukka was even partial to the Bhavyas, as the Jainas were called, and threw the burden of their protection upon his own co-religionists, the Bhaktas or Sri Vaisnavas.'>>I Later on, this attitude of protection towards the Jainas would seem to have advanced the Jainas even a step further. For, according to another inscription at Srvana Belgola, Bima-devi the queen of Devaraya I of Vijayanagara, appears to have been a disciple of the Jaina teacher Abhinava-Carukirti-Panditacarya, and she set up an image of Santinatha in the Mangayi Basti at 189 Cf. Girnar Rock Edict XII (H) of Asoka, po 18 8. 20 above. 190 Ep. Car. II, 8B 344, Traps. pp. 146-47. 191 Of. Heras, The Aravidu Dynasty of Vijayanagar I, p. 589; Longhurst, Humpi Ruins Discribed and Illustrated. pp. 25-6

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HISTORICAL SURVEY Belgola.1" Likewise, Irugapa, the trusted general of Harihara II being a staunch Jaina, erected and endowed Jaina temples even at the royal capital. An inscription on tie lamp-pillar of the Ganagitti temple (Oil-woman's Temple) lat Hampi (suburb of Vijayanagara), beginning with an invocation to Jina and Jinasasana, states that Irugapa (son of Harihara's dandanayaka Caica or Caica pa ) who adhered to the doctrine of the Jaina teacher Simhanandi built the stone temple of Kunthu-Jinanatha at Vijayanagara. It is also stated that this Irugapa or Irugadandesa or dandanatha (General) composed the Jaina lexicon Nanartha-ratnamala.143 Another inscription at Conjeevaram speaks of Irugapa, son of Dandanayaka Vaicaya (Baicapa or Caica pa ? ), as liaving made a grant to a Jaina temple " for the benefit of Bukkaraya (II) son of Harihara (II)."197 His sons too seem to have carried on the same policy of promoting the Jaina cause. 195 Of Bukkaraya (II) himself, there is another inscription in the Gurugala Basti at Mudbidre ( in South Kanara District ) which records his grant to that Jaina temple.196 Under Devaraya II, perhaps the greatest ruler of the Sangama dynasty of Vijayanagara, similar grants were made to the Jaina temples in the same district. One of them alludes to one kolaga of paddy, given to a Jaina temple at Basrur, on every bullock-load coming into the town ; 187 and another under the same ruler speaks of a gift to Abhinava Cirukirti Panditacarya for the construction of the Tribhuvana Culamani Caityalaya ( on 29th January 1430 A. D.) when Devaraja Wodeya of Nagamangala was ruling over Mangalura-rajya.'98 The Vijayanagara inscription of Devaraya 192 Ep. Car. II, SB 337. 193 Hultzsch, S.J.I. I, pp. 156 ff. 194 Ep. Ind. VII, pp. 115-16. 195 Ibid. VIII, p. 22; cf. Heras, Aravidu Dynasty of Vijayanagar I p. 539. 196 Rapgacharya, Inscriptions of the Madras Presidency II, SK 116. 197 Ibid., BR 27. 198 Mangesha Rao, Murlabidareya Hosa Basadiya S'Hta-acisanagalu, Twelth Karnataka gahitya Sammelan Roport, 1997, p. 15%

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46 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE II, makes it clear beyond doubt that this prince, although he is described as the tree of heaven to the Brahmanas "199 because of his liberality to them, undoubtedly patronised the Jainas as well. It says, "in order that his fame and merit might last as long as the moon and the stars, caused a temple (caityalaya) of stone to be built to the Arhat Parsvanatha, who rules over the empire of all knowledge, and who well knew how to proclaim the doctrine of Syadvadavidya, in a street of the Pan-supari Bazar (Kramukaparnapana) at his (the king's ) residence in Vijayanagara, that was situated in the midst of (the country called ) Kamata-desa, which was protected by his orders. "200 Under Virupaksa, son of Devaraya II, 201 eight Settigars or merchants, made a grant to the Jaina temple at Bidire for the daily worship, anointment, etc., of Candroga Parsva Tirthankara Candraprabhaswami and for the gift of Sastras, under the direction of Carukirti Pandita Deva, when Vittarasa was ruling over Barkura-rajya.204 Kssnadevaraya ( 1509-1529 A.D.) by far the greatest of all the rulers of Vijayanagara, well known for his Brahmanical charities, also endowed the Trailokyanatba Jinalaya in the Cingleput District. 20s And lastly, that even lesser members of the Vijayanagara ruling families followed the example of the rulers is indicated by an inscription in the Bellary District which mentions Ramarajayya's grant to a Jaina temple at Kurugodu for the merit of his father Mallaraja Wodeya. Hence, it is natural to conclude that under the rulers of Vijayanagara, as well, Jainism continued to be a protected religion, although its best days were past when Visnuvardhana Hoysala became a convert to the creed of Ramanuja. 199 Hultzsch, S.I.I., I. p. 166. 200 Ibid., p. 164. 201 See Suryanarain Row, Vijayanagar, ch. XVI, pp.331-43. 202 Mangesha Row, op. cit. p. 157. 203 Rangacharya, Inscriptions of the Madras Presidency I, p. 375; Madras Ep. Rep., 1901, 188. 204 Bangacharya, op. cit. I, By 113; Madras Ep. Rep., 1904, 63.

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HISTORICAL SURVEY III A like attitude towards the Jainas has been maintained by the present ruling family of Mysore as y ell. We shall, therefore, conclude this chapter with a few exainples of their attention towards them. Two inscriptions at Sravana Belgola speak of Camaraja Wodeyar's services to the Jainas: therein it is stated that he released Sravana Belgo!a from its mortgage to some Jaina merchants and also prohibited the further alienation of its lands. This was certainly a great service to a waning religion, as Jainism was at this time. Lingayatism had spread far and wide, and a local chief, Jagadeva by name, evidently a Lingayat, had driven out Carukirti Panditacarya from Belgola ; but Camaraja graciously restored him to his original position and dispossessed Jagadeva of his principality. Thus Camaraja justified one of his titles proudly borne by him, viz., that he was "Emperor of the Six Dharmas," just as the Calukyas had done in order to justify their title of Satyasraya. The next instance we know of is that of Cikkadevaraya and Krsnadevaraya I. They seem to have undertaken and completed, respectively, the reconstruction of the pond of Kalyani-- the Dhayala Sarovara of Belgola - which had given its name for all time to the first colony of Jainas in Karnataka. It stands today as it stood at the time of Krsnadevaraya ( photograph on the opposite page ). Under Cikkadevaraya the whole of Mysore excepting the Malnad portions, had been brought under the sway of the Wodeyars: An abortive attempt was made by the Nayakas of Ikkeri and Bednyr to restore the dominion of Vijayanagara, only to end in failure. But what is of greater interest to us is that in the consolidation of his kingdom Cikkadevaraya seems to have been greatly assisted by his Jaina teacher Visalaksa Pandita of Yalandur.208 Cikkanna Pandita, a Jaina writer, composed his Vaidya-Nigantusara or lexicon on 205 Ep. Car. II, SB 250, 852; cf. Ibid. Introd., p. 65. 206 Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Ancient India, pp. 84, 296-97,

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48 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE medicine under the same ruler.207 Krsnadevaraya himself visited Belgola and is said to have been so much impressed with the beauty of the colossus there that he granted many villages for its upkeep and erected an alms-house near the pond Kalyani, in memory of his visit. 708 Devacandra, another Jaina writer, composed his Rajavali-kathe (of which Mr. E. P. Rice writes, " It has been of great assistance as a guide to the history of Jaina literature ") under the inspiration of a princess of this royal family, about 1838 A.D;109 and the present ruler of Mysore only acted up to these traditions when he lately attended the anointing ceremony of the colossus of Gommata erected by Caundaraya, the minister and general of Marasimha and Racamalla Ganga. JAINISM UNDER MINOR RULERS Among the minor rulers of the Western districts of Karnataka there were many patrons of Jainism like the Silaharas of Kolhapur and the Rattas of Saundatti (near Belgaum ). Somadeva, who lived at the court of Bhoja II of the Silahara dynasty, says that he composed his sabdarnava-candrika (lit. moon-light to the ocean of words ), in Saka 1127, in the Tribhuvana-Tilaka-Jinalaya built by Gandaraditya. 910 The colophon of the work reads : svasti zrI kollApuravA jurikAmahAsthAne yudhiSThirAvatAra mahAmaMDalezvara gaMDarAdityeva nirmApita tribhuvanatilaka jinAlaye zrImat parameSTi zrIneminAtha zrIpAdapavArAdhita balena vAdIbhavajrAMkuza zrIvizAla kIrtideva vaitasyataH etc. . It is clear, therefore, that Gandaraditya as well as Bhoja or Vira Bhojadeva II were both patrons of Jainism. Vijayaditya of the same family also appears to have made a grant to a Jaina temple in Sam. 1065 or 1143 A. D. 21 207 Mysore Archaeological Report, 1921, p. 33. 208 Ep. Car. II, SB 249; Of Ibid. Introp., p. 66. 209 Rice (E.P.), Kanarese Literature, p. 93. 210 Rom. Gaz. I ii, p. 549; cf. Ibid., p. 255. 211 Cf. Hiralal, Catalogue of MSS. in C. P. and Berar, Introd., p. xxxii. 213 Cf. Ep. Ind. III, pp. 207-9, 11.

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HISTORICAL SURVEY Of the Ratta kings we have more elaborate references. They were feudatories of the Rastrakutas of Manyakheta, whose patronage of Jainism we have already miticed. Hultzsch has pointed out that "Ratta was the real and practical form and Rastrakuta was the ornamental or stately form, of the familyname." #16 These Rattas ( 1050-96 A. D.) appear to have come to power through the influence of a Jaina named Psthvirama, a disciple in the Kareya sect of the Jainas founded by Mailapatirtha ; an inscription at Kalbhavi speaks of this Kareya sect in the lineage of Maila pa 915. There are also some temples at Koaur, which have now been converted to Saiva use, but which popular tradition represents as built by Jaina saints as a place in which to perform their penances. "Any visitor to Konur who wishes to see them," says Fleet, "should still ask for the 'small stone houses of the Jaina rsis which are in the jungle.' They were probably originally Jaina shrines. Konur seems in fact to have been in old times a place of importance among the Jainas, and the post of the hereditary head-man of the village is still held by a Jaina family, in conjunction with a Lingayat family." 116 One of the titles of the Ratta king Candraprabha was "who is the cause of the diffusion of the sacred writings of Jina " .117 Krsnarajadeva "the glory of the race of Rastrakutas" also made a grant to a Jaina temple. 38 It concludes with the words "he who confiscates land that has been given, whether by himself or by another is born for 60,000 years as a worm in ordure. May prosperity ever attend him who, joyfully reading this, preserves it, and joy, pleasure, perfect happiness, health and fortune; but if any one reads it with the evil resolve of destroying it, may he go to the awful abode of misery for as long as the 214 Hulzsch, Ibid. VII, pp. 217, 219-20. 215 Ind. Ant. XVIII, p. 313; cf. Bom. Gez. I ii, p. 550. 216 Fleet, Ratta Inscriptions, JBBRAS X, p. 182. 917 Ibid., p. 192. 218 Ibid., pp. 199-200. JKC--2528 7

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50 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE sun and moon may last. Those who destroy this (Grant) (sin as much) as those who destroy cats or Brahmanas or bulls or cows at the conjunction of the Gangasagara and the Yamuna, or at the sacred shrines of Varanasi or Gaye. The Jinalaya of the brave Permadi '.118 Another Ratta inscription reads: "Other Kings are addicted to the forbidden recreations of gaming, hunting, eating flesh, associating with courtesans,....mixing with low people, stealing and unfair ram-fighting and cock-fighting; but even apart from that are they like you, O King Raja! devoted to the worship of Jina and to giving gifts to world-renowned saints ? " Then it states: 'King Raja....whose head is ever purified by the fragrant waters of the rites of the Jaina religion, who ever relates the legends of religion, a very moon to the ocean of nectar of the doctrines of Jina,-caused to be erected at Kalpole, a temple of Jina, wonderful to behold, the diadem of the earth, having three pinnacles that are unequalled so that Brahma, Visnu and Siva were charmed with it and said "The Jaina religion is a spotless religion." He also erected a place of retreat for the high-minded devotees of the god santinatha (Jina ) adorned with golden pinnacles and arched portals, fashioned like a sea-monster, and pillars of honour, and give it to Subhacandra-Bhattaraka-deva, who was considered his own preceptor'. 120 The spiritual lineage of Subhacandra is traced from the celebrated original sect of Kundakunda, which is the abode of victory. In it there became famous Maladhari, the best of sages, the conqueror of passion, the glory of the race of spiritual preceptors, of pure deeds, endowed with good qualities, free from sloth, having kings prostrate before the lotuses which are his feet. His nails were as an amulet to counter-act the deadly venom of the poisonous serpent lust, the letters of his name were as a charm to drive away the fierce demon ignorance, the scarf 219 Ibid., p. 203. 220 Ibid., p. 235,

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HISTORICAL SURVEY of his body was as a medicine to ward off sickness from his family; how shall we describe the might of the superhuman powers and the penances of Maladhari dera, the best of sages ! 221 Similarly, Kartiviryadeva of the same Ratta family made a grant to Subhacandra who is also described as the high-priest of the Province. The purpose of the grant was to provide food, wholesome medicine and instruction in the sacred scriptures for the holy men living there, as well as for repairs, etc. The inscription is in Old Kannada, and state that it was composed by Parsva 'from whom flowed forth charming words and meanings and rhetorical figures, causing hairs to stand up with joy to learned men with delightful sentiments'. This epigraph is interesting also for many other details it gives. For instance, it is mentioned that the grant was made in the presence of twelve headmen of villages, the chief of whom was Sindagavunda of the Kaladgi party of that place, with oblations of water, as a grant to be respected by all ; it also speaks of guilds, markets, flower gardens, etc. Finally, it closes, "The dust of the earth may be counted, and the drops of rain; but the reward of preserving an act of piety cannot be estimated even by the Creator. Reverence to the Arhat !" 131 Further South, along the West Coast, in South Kanara and the adjacent districts, we have interesting testimony of the influence of Jainism over a number of petty rajas and chieftains. Some of the inscriptions within this area have already been referred to under the Viyayanagara rulers. There are several others, for instance, in the Hosa Basti at Mulbidre, which throw a flood of light upon the last phase of Jaina power in Karnataka. After the conversion of Visnuvardhana in Mysore by Ramanuja, the centre of Jaina influence was virtually shifted to Mulbidre in South Kanara. There it enjoyed the patronage of rulers like the Wodeyars of Karkal, the Caaters of Mudbidre, Bangars 221 Ibid., p. 236. 222 Ibid., pp. 227-39; cf. Bom. Gas. I ii, pp. 641.42, 7365

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52 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE of Nandavar, Ajalars of Aldangadi, Mulars of Bailangadi, and Savantas of Mulki.12 The ancient name of South Kanara was Tuluva, which extended far beyond its present limits. An inscription in the Hosa Basti at Mudbidre speaks of 'Sriman Mahamandaleswara Jinadasa Salvamalla Mahivallabha' as: " taullvdeesh tilkaaymaan ngr ngr siddh siNhaasnaadhiptiyaagi suvrnnpuriyiNd alNkRtmaad haiv koNknn raajy mN prtipaali sutird0 ' 'Salvamalla (Jinadasa) who ruled over the kingdom of Tuluva comprising Haiva-Konkana adorned with the city of Suvarnapuri from his throne at Nagira which was as it were its tilaka.'"*"* Nagira or Nagara (?) is in Mysore above the ghats; and Suvarnapuri is easily identified with Honawar (lit. 'the golden city') in North Kanara. Haiva or Haiga was the ancient name for the Southern part of Konkan comprising the two districts of North and South Kanara.225 Gersoppa, Bhatkal and Karkal were the three great centres of Jaina power within this area, and all of them are referred to in the inscriptions, the first being called Bhallatakipura. That the influence of its rulers must have reached as far north as Goa is indicated by an inscription of 1529 A.D. which reads: shk vrss 1451ney viroodhi sNvtsrd shraavnn b. 13yu aadityvaar........vijyngrdlli kRssnnraayru.......gururaayru sNgiitpurvnnu aalluttiruvlli........goovraajyd dkssinn bhaagdlli saasssstt graamkke mukhyvaad asstt graamdollge......... In the Saka year 1451 Virodhikrtu, Sravana, bright 13 Sunday....When Krsnaraya was ruling at Vijayanagara.... when Gururaya was ruling over Sangitapura....in Astagrama, 223 Sturrock, South Canara I, p. 55. 224 Of. Mangesh Rao, Mudubidareya Hosabasadiya S'ila-s`asanagalu, Twelveth Karnataka Sahitya Sammelan Report, 1927, p. 158; Mad. Orient Lib. Local Records XXXII. 225 Sturrock, loc. cit., p. 2..

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HISTORICAL SURVEY the chief town of Sasastigrama, in the south of the Kingdom of Goa....26 The Gururaya of this record and the Salvamalla of the previous one ( quoted above) came of a family of rulers who had their Capital at Gersoppa. The epithets ' rtn tryaaraadhkruN' (worshippers of the Ratnatraya: Right faith, Right understanding and Right action), " jin dhrm dhvjsthaapnaacaaryruN' (Implanters of the fag of Jaina Dharma), and ' hirnny caityaaly sthaapnaacaaryruN rtn suvrnnrjt jin biNb prtisstthaapnaacaaryruN' (Builder of golden temples, consecrators of gold and silver images of Jina ) etc. applied to Salvamalla indicate his enthusiasm for the Jaina faith. His ancestry is also described as consisting of those who obtained salvation by 'worshipping the feet of the Pancaparamestins' or the five worshipful ones of the Jainas (kRmdi raajyNgaidu pNcprmeesstthigll crnn smrnndiN pNctv mnnidi sdd tipddedr')237 Concrete instances of the devotion to Jainism of these rulers are only too numerous. For instance, Bhairava of the same family, being told by the blessed teacher Virasena, that such an act would tend to his prosperity in the future, got the third storey of the Tribhuvana. Cudamani-Basadi at the world famed Venupura, roofed with copper-plates. His family-priest is said to have been Panditacarya ( Virasena ?) and his family god Parsvanatha : * kul daivN paarshvnaathN kuluguruvnip pNdditaacaaryvry0.... dhreyollgN prsiddi pddedoppuv veennupuraaNtraalldoll.......dhrmmN vircisluttroottr smRddhige kaarnnmppudeNdu taaN vrguru viirseen muni heelllu keellenu bhairveeshvrN.......eNdaa muninaathN bhairveeNdrge heelli keellu.......veennupurd bhvy jnNgllN kresiyoddNbddisi, aa tribhuvn cuuddaamnni bsdiy tRtiy nilykke caitygeehaagrdoll kr clpaagire taamrdiN podreyN maaddisidN' 226 Mangesh Rao, op. cit., p. 160 ; M . Orient. Lib. Local Records XXX-XXXI, Bhatkal, 320. 227 Inscription in the Bhairadevi Mana tapa of the Hosa Basti at Mudbidre Mangesh Rao, op. cit., p. 158.

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54 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE He also gave to the temple various kinds of silver plates, vessels, lamp-steads mtc., and his queen Nagaladevi, as well, erected the Manastambha or pillar of honour before the Caityalaya : 1 rjtd taann diivigegllN.......rjtd pripriy bttttlN giNddiyumN......bhairveeshvrnittN || > aatn pttttdrsi naagldeevi ( maan sthNbvnollu maaddisidre shrii caitygeehaagrdoll ? Likewise, his two daughters, Laxmidevi and Panditadevi, provided for the daily food and special gifts of two Jaina ascetics : ( jin muniishvr yugykke niccdaahaar vishisstt daan.......nddevNtu maaddidre 1998 Another epigraph in the Hosa Basti states : jyaabhyudy shaalivaahn shk vrush 138 ney vishu sNvtsrd pukk shu. 1 budhvaar muulaa nksstrdlli shriimnmhaamNddleeshvvr ngiriy hiriy bhairvdeev oddeyru ngir raajy mN prtipaalisuttiddlli tmge smaadhi blootsrvaaddlli tmge prmgti saadhnvaagi tnn trikrnn shuddi yiNd bidirey tribhuvn cuuddaamnniyeNb caityaalyd shrii cNdrnaathsvaamigll puurvaan kaald deevpuujege ndduvnn neley 5 supaarshv tiirthNkrr mdhyaankaald puujege meegnn neley sNgh smudaaydvr muNdittttu brisid dhrmshaasnd bhaassaakrmnNteNdre: taavu alluttaa ird bille sey naalku kddeyiNd ollgnn smst vRttige kttttd geenniyhneyllu muddi 1kkN hne muuvttr lekkdllu btt muudde 1000 saavir muuddeynnu vrssNprti nddesuvNtaagi hirnnmdk dhaaraapuurvkvaagi aacNdraarksthaayiyaagi maaddidNth dhrm shaasnN.399 This is more than of ordinary interest because of the simple faith it reflects which made Bhairava provide for the fore-noon and after-noon worship of the Jinalaya, that he might be cured of a growing malady and that the good act might be a means to the attainment of the highest (salvation ). It is dated in the Saka year 1374 or 1462 A. D. We have given these excerpts here, because, they are not available anywhere else for ready iRS Ibid., p. 166, 929 Ibid., p. 158. Ing: II -

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RUINS. TO O RUINS. RUINS. I JAINA CITY OF GERSOPPA. AND CHATURMUKHA BASTI. . (Destroyed in 1610 A.D.) $ SRS. (Vide page 55 )

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#ISTORICAL SURVEY 55 reference, except in the report of Mr. Mangesh Rao, who copied them from a very old transcript entitled 'Nudabidireya Sasanagalu' in the Oriental Library of Madras. To discuss their details, however interesting in themselves, would take us far beyond our immediate purpose. Gersoppa the Jaina capital is now in ruins, but contains monuments of unique value. A few relics from the place may be seen at the Indian Historical Research Institute, St. Xavier's College, Bombay. The estampages of some of the inscriptions there, although they are not quite distinct, indicate names like Mangarasa, and Harihara, which makes their age practically certain. One of them is from a Viragallu recording the death of a hero. In another the opening verse is clearly the usual invocation found in all Jaina inscriptions. It reads: shrii mtprm gNbhiirsmaadyaadaamooghlaaNchnN | jiiyaat tailooknaathsy shaasnN jinshaasnN | May the sacred Jaina doctrine, the doctrine of the Lord of the worlds, be victorious; the supreme, profound syadvada, the token of unfailing success'. The glory of Gersoppa as it was once is indicated by yet another inscription in the Mulbidre temple which speaks of it as having the beauty of the vermilion mark on the smiling lotus-like face of the woman Tuluva country'. And the poet who composed the inscription asks : iNtsv ngri raajyd mdhyprdeeshdooll ' bllsirdoppuv nNdnaavlliglliN kaakhaar niireejdiN ! kllbhautoojvl saalkottlglliNdttttaal jaalNglliN | vilsduupurdiN suhmmcydiN shrii jaingeehNgN || cluvN taallid geerspp ngrN koNddaaddlaarbllre | 280 Who can describe the charm of the city of Gersoppa in the heart of the Kingdom of Nagira full of beautiful places, resplendent towers, Jaina houses (basadis ? ) etc. ?' Yet, Gersoppa was only a political rather than a religious centre. But its intimate connections with South Kanara, the 980 Ibid., p. 168. Ins. II.

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56 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE real seat of Jaina influence, is revealed by the fact that all the above information has been garnered from inscriptions at Mudbidre to whose temples the Gersoppa rulers made grants. There is also, in the Madras Oriental Library, a copy of a grant made by Salva Krsnadevaraya, who is said to have been ruling from Sangitapura (capital of Tulu Haiva-Konkana), in the Saka year 1481 Kalayugti month of Asadha, full-moon, Thursday, to a Jaina temple at Dharwar.281 Since Sadasivaraya of Vijayanagara is also mentioned it is to be understood that the rulers of Gersoppa were feudatories under Vijayanagara. Venupura ( Mudbidre ? ) is described in an inscription found at the place, among other things, as consisting of colo rmyhrmm cydiN ' groups of beautiful Jaina termples and houses, to verify which one has only to visit the place. Further, eveFOYD. 8330Fogor Bodas asocha por ! liileyinirpu shaaskrniNd jiinoodit shaastr shaaligll | baaleyraatynaathrgnukuuley raagirutirpreNdoddaa | naalge yaariguNtt poglll nere veennupur prbhaavmN ! 232 "Who has the tongue?" asks the poet of the epigraph, "to sing the glory of Venupura, where women are true to their lords, and men are ever engaged in the study of the Jaina Sastras, and worshippers find recreation in giving gifts and performing puja, and where even childern are enthusiastic in their adherence to dharma." The kind of service and gifts they made is illustrated by the construction of the Tribhuvana-CudamaniCaityalaya at Mudbidre. The inscription states : "When the victorious king Devaraya's son Praudhadevaraya had attained the glory of Indra, ('vijyraay kssitiishaat jnaad deevraayn mgnaad prauddhdeevraayN surlookeeshvr vaibhvN dhrisl tdraajy mN puujy mN') and his great minister and general Perumaladeva Was guarding the entire realm ( aatn mhaaprdhaan perumuull deev dNddnaaykru smst raajy mN prtipaalisuv kaaldlli) 231 Ibid., p. 160; Mad. Orient Lib. Local Records XXXI. 232 Mangesh Rao, op. cit., p. 162.

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HISTORICAL SURVEY 57 and when Devaraja of Nagamangala was ruling over the kingdom of Mangalore which was as it were an ornament of the lady Earth (prthvikaaNtege mNglaabhrnnmenisid mNgluuru raajy mN naagmNgl deevraajoddeyru aalluttird....) in the Saka year 1357, Saumya, month of Magha, bright 5 Thursday (29th January, 1430 A.D.), veennupurd eNttu prjesitttt gaarru naalvrellmgollgaad smst hlru deev raay mhaaraayr niruupdiN abhinvcaarukiirti pNddit deevrugllige caityaaly nirmaannaarthvaagi kootteeshvrdlli shaaliknaaddu cvuttru mukhyvaad aruvru bllaallugll shaaydiN tribhuvn cuuddaamnniyeNb mhaa caitraa lymN jgdaashcry mppNtu maaddisidr ' 238 "The citizens of Venupura including eight Settikars and others in accordance with a message from Devaraja, having given ( donations ) to Abhinava Carukirti Pandita-deva, for the construction of the Caityalaya, with the help of other well known persons chief of whom are the Couters of Salikenadu in Koteswara erected the great Tribhuvana-Cudamani-Caityalaya to the wonder of the world." Then,-" muddbidrey hlru tribhuvn cuuddaamnni caityaalykke (r) cNdr prbh tiirth shvrr prmoodaarit divy muurtiyN kNciniNdssttmhaa prtihaarii smeetvaagi krmsvppNtu nirmaapisidr." the public of Mudbidre got up the beautiful image of Sri Candraprabha-lirtheswara, together with eight great attendants made of bell-metal, that people might lift up their hands (in prayer ). Likewise, when that Praudha Devaraya was ruling over the whole kingdom, and his Ajnadharaka (lit. orderbearer ) loyal servant, Ganapannodeya was ruling over the Kingdom of Mangalore, 'in the Saka year 1373, Prajotpatti, month of Vaisak, bright 7, Thursday, several citizens (Bhavyajana, lit. blessed people) got the Mukha-mantapa or front bower (portico ) of the Caityalaya constructed. 934 The names of the persons who contributed to it are too interesting to be left out : " Calla-setti among the Deva settis of Kakke, the Commander Benjana Deva-setti, Santi-setti of Bettakere, 233 Ibid., p. 152, 284 Ibid., p. 58. Bad-253

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58 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE Mande Kanta-setti, Yada Mainda-setti, Banatti Maindasetti, Aluva Narayana-setti, Kuduvu Uttama-setti, Heggade Deva-setti, the nephews of Biliya Mainda-setti, Kajava Deva-setti, Gummata-setti, Notada Cauli-setti, Bhandari Kamadeva-setti, Kakke Kamanna-setti, Naravi Maindasetti, Ajali Koti-setti, Banga Brahma-setti, Kurikara Devara-setti, Kondi Devatanna, Peramunde Pandi-setti, the nephews of Nanda-Kujumba-setti, Kakke Dasa-setti's nephews, and nephews of the Settis of Settipura, Punja Posabu-setti, Cahuki Devaru-setti, Naravi Brahmadasa-setti, Iravi Devara-setti, Birumana Tikari, Naravi Padumannasetti, Kajava Birumana-setti, Naravi Santu-setti, Kudure Balamma-setti, Banasi Paiva-setti, Kajava Cauli-setti, Malaya Adana-setti, Bettigare Vardhamana-setti, Nelli Devara-setti, Bettigare Koti-setti, Sinappa Devara-setti, Manju-setti, Tolari Devara-setti, his nephews Kudure Devanna-setti, Ayanta Pandi-setti, his nephew Kantanna-setti, Narya Kadamba-setti, Mahesa-setti, Nanda Devara-setti, his nephew, Butti Kantanna-setti, Konde Kantanna-setti, Salgi Kantanna-setti, Amaca Kantanna-setti, Banati Devarasetti's niece Karpura-setti, Bhandari Devanna-setti's mother Bale Muddu-setti, Hittala Kunda-setti's nephews Malatapa Humai-setti, his brother Devaru-setti, Hittala Kundi-setti's nephew Cauta Devarusetti, Muddu-setti's son Markanda-setti, Yelameyana Ranga:setti, Ayiri Narna-setti, Noppada Manjanna-setti's sons Devaru-setti, and Kesava-setti, Tamminitti's son Mallu-setti, Uliri Kantanna-setti's sons Brahma-setti, Setta Konyanna-setti, Uliri Padma-setti's nephew Brahma-setti." " 225 The apparently striking feature of the names is that all of them have the suffix setti' which is derived from (San.) Srestin, meaning technically the head of a guild. The list includes even a town occupied by a whole class of settis, 2:5 Ibid., p. 158.

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HISTORICAL SURVEY 59 * Settipura.' Evidently, not all who bore the name were traders. At least one is called ' Senapati' or commander of an army ; another is called ' Kudure Devanna-setti, which might possibly indicate proficiency in the equestrian art; a third is named 'Bhandari' or treasurer. We have seen that a treasurer of Narasimha Ballala, gave his name to the Bhandari Basadi at Sravana Belgola. But the majority begin with place-names, whereas two bear the surnames of important families like Aluva and Cauter. However, more interesting than all else is the fact that in the absence of elders the representatives are mostly nephews or even a niece or a mother, but rarely a son. The few exceptions, however, serve to illustrate that among the contributors were persons representing both the Aliyasantanam as well as the ordinary laws of inheritance. 234 An Analysis of the names also points to a mixture of Aryan and Dravidian elements which must form the subject of special investigation. Brahma-setti, Padma-setti, Mahesa-setti, Narayana-setti, etc., are clearly Brahmanical names; whereas Pandi-setti Tammitti or Tammisetti, and Kujumba-setti are purely Dravidian. The last one, Kujumba, is also the name of a devil worshipped in South Kanara. *97 Birumana is evidently derived from Brahma or Brahmana as Mainda from Manjunath. Vardhamana, Gummata, and possibly santi-setti are the only ones which are unmistakeably Jaina names. However, this is a digression. Karkal, Barkur and Bhatkal were other places of considerable Jaina power and interest. Of these, the first was the seat of the Bairasu Wodeyars who claimed descent from Jinadatta of the Candra-varisa or Lunar Race. Their authority, according to Sturrock extended from Karkal to Kumta (in North Kanara ). 928 Their most monumental work is the great colossus still standing at their capital, erected by Vira Pandya, as indicated by an inscription at its foot. It states :1" Vira 236 Cf. Sturrock, op. cit., p. 158 237 Ibid., p. 138. 238 Ibid., pp. 61, 64.

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60 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE * 243 Pandya, son of Bhairavendra of the Lunar Race, caused the image of Bahubalin to be made. " "39 From it we also learn that Lalitakirti of the Panasogevali of the Desigana was the guru of Vira Pandya. Another inscription at Karkal speaks of the construction of the Caturmukha-basti by Immadi Bhairarasa of the family of Jina-Datta. 140 This family was once very powerful at Pattipombucadripura or Humca near Simoga in Mysore, ** The conversion of Visnuvardhana and the expansion of Lingayet power in the South gradually drove them west into Tuluva. That Jainism was mostly prevalent over the ghats about this time is also indicated by the history of the Cangalvas of Coorg. " Dr. Samasastri observes that these were Jainas from the 11th to the 15th centuries. In 1013 Cangalva Pilduvayya made a grant to the Jainas for feeding the poor. The Sripala-caritra and Jayanrpa-carita ascribed to Mangarasa also make it clear that this minister of Cangalva Vikrama was also a Jaina. Tradition says, these Jaina rulers of Kalahalli came from Dwaravati together with five to six hundred Jaina families and settled in Coorg. Their capital was Piriyapatna (Bettadapura) and the annual revenue of their territory is said to have been 48,00,000 varahas.*** Their priests were of Pansoge or Hanasoge (Hottage or Pustakagachcha) who were also the priests of the Bairasu Wodeyars. Thus the rulers of Kanara and the rulers above the 'ghats were intimately connected, both by religious and family ties. Echappa Wodeya of Gersoppa, as well, appears to have married a daughter of the last Bairasu Wodeyar of Karkala. 246 $39 Hultzsch, Jaina Colossi in South India, Ep. Ind. VII, p. 109. 240 Ibid., p. 110 241 Rice, Mysore and Coorg I, p. 371. 942 Sturrock, op. cit., pp. 61, 188. 243 Rice, Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, pp. 141-42. 244 Shamasastri, Mysore Archaeological Report, 1925, pp. 15-6. 1 Varaha = Rs. 4 346 245 Bice, op. cit., p. 142 Coorg Inscriptions, Ep, Car I. p. 18 Hultzsch, op. cit., p. 110. 246 Rangacharya, Inscriptions of the Madras Presidency I, p. 166.

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HISTORICAL SURVEY 61 According to Buchanan the name of this lady as well as that of her six sisters ( who were the only children of the last Wodeyar ) would appear to have been Bairadevi. The eldest of them, Dodda Bairadevi, he says, lived at Bhatkal. But all the aunts having died without issues, the daughter of the second Bairadevi (of Gersoppa) combined in herself all the sovereignty of Tuluva, including Karkala, Gersoppa, and Bhatkal.247 Sturrock, however, observes, "There is no trace of her ever having power in the southern parts of South Canara, and when she joined the Muhammadan league against the Portuguese between 1570 and 1580, her territories do not seem to have extended farther south than Barkalur or Basrur." The current tradition in the Mangalore and Kasargod taluks represents a Karkala branch of the family reigning until it was extirpated by Siva ppa Naik.248 The Naiks of Ikkeri and Bednore, who were polygars under Vijayanagara, were Siva-bhaktars or devotees of Siva. Their depredations proved fatal to Jainism in its last strong-hold in the Western districts now under consideration. About 1560 A.D. they obtained a grant of the government of Barkur and Mangalore as underlords of Sadasiva Raya. " It is probable," says Sturrock," that the natural desire of the local Jain chief to secure their independence of the Vijayanagara power, was increased by their repugnance to be placed in subordination to a Lingayet, and the relation between the Jain chief and the Ikkeri family seems to have been hostile from the beginning".349 This resulted in the ultimate defeat of the Jainas, at first under Baira Devi at Bhatkal and later under the rulers of Mangalore and Barkur, at the hands of Venkatappa Naik ( 1608 A. D.) and his successor Sivappa Naik ( 1649 A.D.). Under their onslaughts Baira Devi of Bhatkal was slain, and the Karla appeared. Mangalore held out for some time, 347 Buchanan, Travels III, p. 165 248 Sturrock op. cit., p. 70 249 Ibid., p. 70

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62 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE was altogether destroyed. 250 Buchanan says, out of sixty-eight Bastis at Bhatkal oniy two remained.251 At Beidur (Baindur?), for instance, when Baira Devi was defeated and slain, the Basti was abandoned by the pujari for want of sustenance.253 And at Barkur, once the capital of Jaina kings, the conquering religion ( Saivism ) rules at present; "No Jaina passes through (its grass grown streets ) for the broken and headless images of his Tirthankaras may be picked up by the dozen among the grass and bushes that have crept over his shattered temples, and here and there one may be seen laid before the entrance of a Brahmin temple over which all must tread." 253 It was during this period of turmoil that Della Valle the Italian traveller visited the West Coast going through Ikkeri, Honawar, and Gersoppa. He witnessed Barcelore (Basrur) which belonged to Venkatappa Naik, where he found "a fair, long, broad and straight street, having abundance of palmettos and gardens and ample evidence of good quarries and a considerable population." In contrast to this was the territory of the Banghel (Bangar) Raja, whose place had been destroyed by Venkatappa Naik; "but the bazar and market place remained, though not so stored with goods as in former times." The fact that Venkatappa Naik, a bitter Saiva, was invited by the queen of Ullal against the Bangar Raja, her own ('divorced') husband and a Jaina, must serve to illustrate the unfortunate and pitiable condition of the Jainas at that time. 954 The sequel of this history is easily told : Although under Haider Ali the Jaina temples continued to enjoy their lands, of an annual revenue of 360 pagodas, they were entirely resumed by his fanatical son Tipoo who, however, gave in lieu of them an annual allowance of 90 pagodas. Buchanan observes, "At 250 Ibid., pp. 70 3 ; Buchanan, op. cit., p. 127 251 Ibid., p. 132 252 Ibid., p. 109. 253 Walhouse, quoted by Sturrock, op. cit., 92 254 Cf. Ibid., pp. 71-2; The Travels of Sig-Pietro della Valle, pp. 150-56

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#ISTORICAL SURVEY Haryadika (Hireyadka in Udipi Taluk) there was a Basti with a copper image-which was carried to Jamalabad by orders of the late Sultan and there, together with others, converted into coin or cast into guns."255 When the British took charge of the District, Major Munro appears to have increased the grant of the temples to 207 pagodas; but Revenshaw again reduced it to Tipoo's minimum of 90,~" to be collected as a small tax from the farmers." Buchanan who supplies these details, also adds, "As this collection is done by people who consider the Jainas heretics, very little will reach their hands. The free lands of the Jainas were resumed and not given to them even on the payment of the land-tax, as to others, owing to Brahmans acting as revenue officers."); 255 256 Buchanan, op. cit., p. 89. Ibid., pp. 19-20, 73-5.

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II. CONTRIBUTIONS : LITERATURE, ART AND ARCHITECTURE JAINA WRITERS OF KARNATAKA In the preceaing section we have made occasional references to the patronage extended to Jaina writers by the rulers of various dynasties in Karnataka, both Jaina and non-Jaina. For example, we have alluded to the patronage of Ravikirti by Calukya Pulakesi II, of Jinasena and Gunabhadra under the Rastrakutas, as well as of Pampa, the author of Pampa Bharata, under Arikesari, a Calukya feudatory of the Rastrakutas. We have also spoken of a Jaina prince named Salvamalla whom the inscription on the base of an image in the Madras Museum describes as "a lover of Sahitya or literature." The literary excellence of many of the Jaina inscriptions of the South such as, for instance, the Kudlur Plates of Marasimha Ganga, has also been incidently pointed out. Mr. R. Narasimhachar of Mysore has made a spelndid selection of some of these (both Jaina and non-Jaina ) in his Sasana-Padya-Manjari or Poetical Extracts from Inscriptions in Kannada. The interest in Jaina literature evinced both by rulers as well as their ministers and generals is amply indicated by works such as the PrasnottaraRatnamalika by Amoghavarsa Rastrakuta, Nanartha-Ratnamala by Irugapa Dandanayaka of Vijayanagara, and the Caundaraya Purana by Caundaraya, minister and general of Marasimha and Racamalla Ganga. In the present chapter we shall consider the subject more systematically and in greater detail wherever that is possible. For the sake of convenience the linguistic method of dividing the subject into Prakst and Sanskrit authors on the one hand, and vernacular writers on the other, is preferable to the merely chronological method without regard to the medium of expression. The latter would give us a truly historical

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE ETC. summary, no doubt, but only at the expense of a clear understanding of the distinctive contributions of Jainism to each branch of literature. Yet, for the sake of illustration, we shall occasionally cite parallels in whatever language they might be found, especially where kinship of thought and expression demand such a reference. Kundakundacarya is by far the earliest, the best known and most important of all Jaina writers in the South. He deserves mention here because of his extraordinary importance. His several names--as indicated in a Patlavali of the Balatkaragana and confirmed by the Vijayanagara inscription of Harihara II were Elacarya, Padmanandi, Vakragriva, Gridhrapincha, in addition to Kundakunda." His birth-place or place of residence, like that of Homer, is a contested question being claimed by all the important linguistic provinces of the South, viz. Kannada, Tamil, and Telugu. His influence over South Indian Jainism as a whole is indicated by the fact that almost all later writers, teachers, and men of note, either in their works, genealogies, or inscriptions trace their descent from Kundakunda calling themselves Kundakundanvaya.' An inscription at Sravana Belgola says, "the lord of ascetics, Kundakunda, was born through the good fortune of the world. In order to show that he was not touched in the least, both within and without, by dust (passion), the lord of ascetics, I believe, left the earth, the abode of dust, and moved four inches above."4 Kundakunda's most important works are (1) Pancastikaya ; (2) Pravacanasara; (3) Samayasara; (4) Niyamasara; (5) Rayanasara; (6) Astapahuda (consisting of darsana, sulla, caritta, bodha, bhavamokkha, linga, and sila); and (7) Baraha 1 About the various names of Kundakunda see Pravacanasura, Prof. A. N. Upadhye's ed. Introd, p. 6. 2 Cf. Ibid., pp. 9, 12-13; Shoshxgiri Rao, Studies in S.L.J. II. pp. 9-10. 3 Cf. Chakravarti, The Jaina Gazette, XVIII, pp. 1-2. 4 Ep. Car. II, SB. 254, 351, Trans. pp. 110-155. Br. Sitalpragadji, opinos that Kandakonda oould not have gone to Sardartkasiddhi, but only to Swarga. JEO_2528-9

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JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE Anuvekkha. He is supposed to have composed in all no less than 84, but the above works are the only ones now extant. They are all written in Prakrt akin to Sauraseni, and copies of these works are to be found in almost all South Indian Jaina libraries. Later writers wrote elaborate commentaries on these, both in Sanskrit and in the vernaculars, often departing from the spirit of the original as pointed out by Peterson in the case of Srutasagara's Satprabhrta-tika, from which we have cited elsewhere a passage bearing on the salvation of women, Peterson has also remarked that although Kundakunda's is a noted name among the Digambaras, the Svetambaras also quote him with respect and say that he stood at the dividing line of the two churches and was largely responsible for the Digambara heresy." According to Mr. Hiralal, on the other hand, it is certain that he lived at the time the Digambara and Svetambara split had already taken place, for more than once he criticises the Svetambaras with regard to salvation of women; in support of which statement he quotes the line * 'citte ciMtA mAyA tamhA tAsi Na nivvANaM' 66 from Pravacanasara, and also adds, in the satpahuda there are many gathas which prohibit to woman the adoption of the rigid course of conduct, e.g. verses 23 and 24 of Suttapahuda." The date assigned to him in the Pattavalis is 49 V. S. or about the end of the 1st cent. B. C. The following verses. from the Pancastikayasara indicate Kundakunda's true outlook regarding self-purification and the traditional mode of attaining salvation: "The person who has reverence and devotion towards Arhanta, Siddha, their images, Samgha and congregations, will 5 Br. Sitalprasadji points out: " Only Santasagar has gone outside the real text of. Astapahuda somewhere, but not all other commentators like Amritachandra, Jayasena, Padmaprabha, Malharideva." 6 Peterson, Report on San. MSS II, p. 83. 7 Hiralal, op. cit., p. vii. 8 Cf. Hoerale, Pattavalis of the Saraswati Gachcha, Ind. Ant. XX, P. 341.

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE ETC. 69 invariably get bondage with punya-karma; hence he can never achieve absolute annihilation of Karma. One may understand the true nature of Tirthankara; one may have interest in and devotion to the scripture; one may have self-control and penance; with all these, if he is not capable of realising his own true-self, to him Nirvana is beyond reach.' He preaches Vituraga or non-attachment as the final way to Moksa : tamhA NidhvudikAmo rAgaM samvattha kuNadimA kiMdhi / so teNa vIdarAgo bhavibho bhavasAyaraM saradi // The next name in the Digambara lists of the South is that of Umasvati or Umaswami who is said to have been a disciple of Kundakundacarya. 10 But the only work of his which is respected by the Digambaras and also the Svetambaras is the Tattvarthadhigama Sutra, which Mr. Hiralal calls the Jaina Bible' just as he described Kundakunda's works as 'the Jaina Vedanta.'11 No less than 500 works are said to have been composed by Umasvati, of which, however, only five have survived. The colophon to all of these (viz. (1) Tatvarthadhigama Sutra ; (ii) Bhasya on the same; (iii) Puja-prakarana; (iv) Jambudwipa-samasa; and (v) Prasamarati. ] as published by the Asiatic Society of Bengal reads : plat: paigtaIRT #61 Ourenara pasta 12 He appears to have died about the 142 S.V. or 85 A.D,18 It is a moot-question whether he could be mentioned among the Southern or Karnataka writers; but we give him a place 9 Pancastikayasara, v 177 and 179. The last is thus rondorod into Sanskrit : tasmAnivRttikAmo rAgaM sarvatra karotu mA kicit / so tena vItarAgo bhavyo bhavasAgaraM tarati // ct. Chakravarti, Pancastikayasara, S.W.J. III, pp. 168 ff. 10 Cf. Hoerple, op. cit., p. 341; Potorgon, op. cit., IV Index, pp. xvi-vii. 11 Hiralal, op. cit., pp. vi, vii. 19 Ibid., p. xiii. 13 Cf. Hoernle, op. cit., p. 341.

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JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE because his Tatvarthadhigama Sutra has found several commentators in the South. Chief among these are Samantabhadra, Pujyapada, Akalanka, Vidyananda, Prabhacandra, and Srutasagara. The importance of Umasvati's work may be judged both by the number and extent of these commentaries. Samantabladra's commentary entitled Gandhahasti-Mahabhasya is supposed to have run into 84,000 Slokas, but unfortunately the work is not extant.14 About Samantabhadra's date, as well as, of all these early writers, there is the greatest diversity of opinion. "The chronology of all the early Jaina writers who used Sanskrit and wrote on philosophy," says Mr. E. P. Rice, "depends on the date of Umasvati, whose Tatvarthadhigama-Sutra is the fountain-head of Jaina philosophy and also of the use of Sanskrit by the Jainas. This date cannot be earlier than the fourth century, for he quotes' the Yoga-sutra which cannot be dated earlier than A.D. 300. Samantabhadra wrote a commentary on Umasvati's great work, and the earliest author who quotes him is Kumarila, who flourished A.D. 700. Thus Samantabhadra must belong to the fifth, sixth or seventh century".16 If the Yoga-Sutra referred to by Rice is that of Patanjali, ( as it must be, because there is no other work of that name), then it must date from the third or at least second century B. C. and not 3rd cent. A. D.,16 in which case it does not preclude the possibility of Umasvati having lived in the first century A. D. as mentioned above. Hence, the date of Samantabhadra need not necessarily be so late as that mentioned by Mr. E. P. Rice. The late Mr. Lewis Rice, who in his Mysore and Coorg assigned 14 Hiralal, op. cit., pp., pp. ix x. It is however, possible that Umasvati does not quole, from the Yoga" sutra and that the identity is quite accidental or dae to a common source. 15 Rice ( E. P. ), Kanarese" iterature, p, 41. 16 Of. Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature, Imp. Gaz. II, p. 267; S`ris'a Chandra Vasu, Introduction to Patanjali's Yoga Sutras, p. 1; Apd P. C. Chakravarti, Patanjali, 1. H. Q. II, pp. 74, 265 f.

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE, ETC. 720 A. D. as the probable date of Samantabhadra, agrees to the earlier ( 2nd cent. A. D.) date in his revised edition of Coorg Inscriptions. 17 This is also the date according to the Pattavalis.18 Much of what is known of Samantabhadra is inerely legendary. Nevertheless, in the Sravana Belgola inscription, already referred to, he is described as 'one whose sayings are an adamantine goad to the elephant the disputant, and by whose power this whole earth became barren (i.e. was rid) of even the talk of false speakers.' . The clear jewel lamp of Samantabhadra's sayings,' it says, ' lights up indeed the whole palace of the three worlds which is filled with all the categories stamped with the Syatkara and whose interior is concealed by the darkness of the sayings of false speakers '19 That he must have been a very great disputant is also indicated by the title " Vadi-mukhya" given to him in the Amekanta-jayapataka by Haribhadrasuri, a Svetambara writer.20 Samantabhadra is in fact the last among Digambara teachers who find a place in the Svetambara lists as well. According to these latter he was their sixteenth pontiff, 889 A. V. or c. 419 A. D.21 His Apta-mimamsa, perhaps his best known work, is supposed to be the introductory portion of his Gandahasti-mahabhasya already referred to. The colophon to this work, as preserved in a manuscript now in the possession of Pt. Dorabali-Sastri of Sravana Belgola, reads : divi phaNimaMDalAlaMkArasyoregapurAdhipamanoH zrIsvAmisamaMtabhadramuneH kRtau HATHIETTI 1 22 The Uragapura spoken of in this is identified with Uraiyoor the capital of the Colas. But this fact needs confirmation.23 However, his activities seem to have spread over the whole of 17 Cf. Rice, Mysore and Coorg Inscriptions, Ep. Car. I, p. 4 n 1. 18 Hoernle, op. cit., p. 341. 19 Ep. Car. II, SB 254, Trans., p. 110. 30 Jaina Suhitya-samsodhak I, pp. 19-20; cf. Hiralal, op. cit. p. x. 21 Ibid., p. x. 22 Ibid., p. xi. 28 Ibid,

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yo JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE India from Takka er Punjab in the North to Kanci, the capital of the Pallavas in the South. The legendary details of his life need not detain us, but the following challenge given out by him at Karhataka deserves citation : "At first the drum was beaten by me (as a challenge to disputants) within the city of Pataliputra, and afterwards in the country of Malva, Sindhu, and Takka (Punjab), at Kanci, and Vidica (Bhilsa ). I have now arrived at Karbataka. Desirous of disputation, O King, I exhibit Sardula-vikridita metre (lit. sporting of a tiger ). When the disputant Samantabhadra stands in the court, O King, even the tongue of Dhurjati ( Siva ) who talks clearly and skilfully, turns back quickly towards the nape of the neck. What hope can there be for others ?"24 Commenting on this Mr. Rice observes, " It was the custom in those days, alluded to by Fa Hian ( 400 ) and Hieun Tsang ( 630 ) for a drum to be fixed in a public place in the city, and any learned man, wishing to propagate a doctrine or prove his erudition and skill in debate, would strike by way of challenge to disputation, much as Luther nailed up his thesis on the door of the church at Wittenberg. Samantabhadra made full use of this custom, and powerfully maintained the Jaina doctrine of Syadvada ".25 Interesting corroboration of this is found in the instance of Vimalacandra who is said to have put up a notice at the gate of the palace of Satrubhayankara, challenging the Saivas, Pasupatas, Baudhas, Kapalikas, and Kapilas to engage him in disputation.26 Samantabhadra's another well known work is the Ratnakarandaka-Gravakacara or the Jewel Casket of Laymen's Conduct. We have elsewhere quoted a verse from this book relating to 24 pUrva pATaliputramadhyanagare bherI mayA tADitA pazcAnmAlavasiMdhuThakkaviSaye kAMcIpure vaidize / prApto'haM karahATakaM bahubhaTaM vinotkaTaM saMkaTaM vAdArthI vicarAmyahaM narapate zArdUlavikrIDitam // M. D. J. G. XXIV, Introd., pp. 64-70; Ep. Car. II Introd. pp. 83-4. 95 Bice, (E. P.). op. cit.. p. 26 26 Cf. Ep. Car. II Introd., p. 84

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE,' Efc. Sallekhana or death by starvation. "The fruit of Dharma,"it says, " is to distroy birth, disease, old-age and death. " Like the melted and purified gold which is free from all dirt and foreign substances, the liberated soul shines, being freed from all attachments." " Unlimited happiness, unlimited knowledge, unlimited power and unlimited perception are found in a person who has conquered the karmas. " The disease of karma is distroyed when Lust, Anger, and Delusion are destroyed. "The Casket of Gems, shows the Moksa-marga ( Path to Salvation ) to those who do not know it before. " The undestroyed karmas can be destroyed; the status of Siddha-hood can be attained. Therefore look ye into the Casket of Gems". It relates the various vrtas or vows to be undertaken, and describes eleven stages in the layman's path of spiritual progress. "As the effect of giving dana," it says, "one enjoys prosperity and happiness till he frees himself from this Samsara. The giving of food to homeless ascetics causes the removal of the sins incidental to a house-holder's life."?? Besides the Ratnakarandaka and Aptamimamsa, Samantabhadra wrote several other minor works like the Jina-satakalamkara or Jina-stuti-sataka and Svayambhu-stotra and others.28 These are characterised by a deep devotion which was a strong trait in the character of Samantabhadra. The following lines from his Jinastuti-sataka will serve as a sample : suzraddhA mama te mate smatirapi tvayyarcanaM cApite istAvejalaye kathAzrutirataH karNo'dhi saMprekSate / sustutyAM dhyasanaM zironatiparaM sevezI yena te tejasvI mujano'hameva sukRtI tenaiva tejaHpate // 27 Mallinath, Casket of Gems, (trans. from Tamil), The Jaina Gasette, XX, pp. 61, 97 and 118-19. 28 Hiralal, op. cit., op. cit.; p. , Of. Rice, Mysore and Coorg 1, p. 399. 29 M.D.J.G. XXIV, Iatrod., p. 65.

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42 JAINISH AND KARNATAKA CULTURE The advent of this great writer in Karnataka is rightly considered to mark an epoch, not only in Digambara histroy, but in the whole range of Sanskrit letrature.30 After Samantabhadra, the great names are those of Pujyapada and Akalanka:31 The former seems to have distinguished himself by his study of grammer as the latter did in logic. "A Pujya pada in grammer, a Bhattakalanka in logic, and Bharavi in literature" are expressions that are frequently met with in the inscriptions which describe the learning of other writers like Jinacandra and Srutamuni.32 From a verse in the Pattavalis which reads: yazaH kIrtiryazonaMdI devanaMdI mhaaytiH|| zrIpUjyapAdAparAkhyo guNanaMdI gunnaakrH|| Mr. K. B. Pathak has pointed out that Devanandi was also another name of Pujyapada.33 The latter appears to have been a mere title ( lit, meaning one whose feet were adorable ) for he seems to have acquired it because of forest deities who worshiped at his feet. He was also called Jinendra-buddhi on account of his great learning, and his most famous work is consequently known as Jainendra-vyakarana or the grammar of Jinendrabuddhi. 34 Peterson observes that this book belongs to a class of works for which both sects of the Jainas contend, but in his opinion it is undoubtedly peculiar to the Digambaras. "The rival sect," he says, "as good as admits this when they assert, as they invariably do, that their recension of the Jainendra is in eight, not five, adhyayas. There appears to be no such work in existence as a Jainendra in eight adhyayas; and when they are hard-pressed the Swetambaras can only put forward Hemachandra's book, and claim for it that title." This being so, he 30 Cf. Bhandarkar, The Bom. Gaz. I ii, p. 406. 31 Cf. "Ep. Car. II, SB 64 and Introd., pp. 81-85. 32 Ibid. SB. 69 and 254. ^ 33 Cf. Pathak, Ind. Ant. XII, p. 19; Poterson, Roport op Sap. MSS VI, pp. 67-9. 34 Ep. Car. II SB. 264, Traps., p. 110.

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CONTRIBUTIOINS TO LITERATURE, ETC. 43 concludes, "it is evident that the question of the authorship of the book cannot be disposed of without a reference to the tradition among the Digambara Jainas and to their written records. "35 Pancavastuka, the best commentary on Jainendra, is also supposed to be the work of Pujyapada or Devanandi; and according to Peterson it has for all practical purposes supplanted the original. Panini-sabdavatara is another grammatical work traditionally considered to be a commentary on Panini's grammar by Pujyapada. Somadeva refers to Jainendra together with Panini as grammars taught to the pupils; and Vopadeva counts it among the eight original authorities on Sanskrit grammar.36 Besides these grammatical works Pujyapada wrote treatises on other subjects as well. His Kalyanakaraka, a treatise on medicine, long continued to be an authority on the subject, and was translated into Kannada by Jeyaddala Somanatha in the twelveth century. The treatment it prescribes is entirely vegetarian and non-alcoholic.37 Mangaraja I (C. 1360 ) also quotes Pujyapada, in his Khagendra-manidarpana a work on medicine. 88 Pujyapada's Sarvartha Siddhi is an elaborate commentary on the Tattvartha-sutra of Umasvati, comprising about 5,500 s/lokas ; and Upasakacara is a short handbook of ethics for the Jaina laity.39 He appears to have travelled widely in South India and gone so far North as Videha or Behar. The founder of the Dravida-Samgha at Madura ( saka 526 ), Vajranandi, is supposed to have been his disciple. 40 Pujyapada has also been described as the preceptor of Durvinita Ganga ( 483-512 A.D.); whereas Niravadya Pandita, preceptor of Jayasimha II, (Calukya ) has been called the house-pupil of Sri Pujyapada. According to Bhandarkar, 35 Peterson, op. cit., p. 69. 36 Rice (E. P.) op. cit., p. 110, 37 Ibid., pp. 37. 37. 38 Ibid., p. 45. 39 Hiralal, op. cit., p. XX. 40 Cf. Petonon, op. cit. III, p. 877. JK0-2628-10

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JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE therefore, he must have flourished about 678 A.D.41 Mr. Hiralal assigns him to about 500 A. D.42 Consequently it is impossible for us to arrive at any definite conclusion as to the exact date of this great teacher. The facts relating to Akalanka are not less obscure than those we have attempted to notice above. Yet, that these writers were historic persons who exerised tremendous influence in their own days is equally certain. Tradition makes Akalanka a son of Subhatunga, King of Manyakheta, who is identified with Kesna I, Rastrakuta, who reigned during the latter half of the eighth century A. D. He is supposed to have forsaken his father's kingdom for the sake of adopting an ascetic's life. And Peterson observes, that such action is characteristic of the times when "Kings were the nursing fathers and queens the nursing mothers of the religion he embraced." 43 Akalanka is said to have challenged the Buddhists at the court of King Hastimalla (Himasitala ?) of Kanci, saying that the defeated party should be ground in oil-mills. The Buddhists were driven into Ceylon owing to the victory of the Jaina teacher through the intervention of the goddess Kusmandini.14 But this may be only understood as a legendary description of Akalanka's victorious logic which made his name proverbial as a "Bhattakalanka in logic," applied to later writers.45 His most famous work is the Tatvartha-vartika-vyakhyalankara which again is a commentary on Umasvati's Tatvartka-sutra. He also wrote the Astasati on which Astasahasri or the Book of Eight Thousand verses by Vidyananda is a commentary. Akalanka is classed among the Nayyayikas or great logicians, 46 Rice has observed that according to Wilson, Akalanka was from Sravana Belgola, but that a Bhandarkar, Early History of the Dekkan, p. 59 43 Hiralal, op. cit., p. xx. 43 Peterson, op. cit. IV, p. 79; cf. Nathuram Premi, Vidvadratnamila I, pp. 23-4. Cf. Ep. Car. II Introd., p. 81; Hiralal, op. cit., pp. xxvi-viij. 45 Of. Ibid., SB 69 & 254. 46 Hiralal, op. cit., pp. xx, xxvi f; l'eterson, op. cit., p. 79. H

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE, ETC. 75 manuscript in his possession makes himl/a yati of Maleyur, Bhattakalanka being the title of the line of gurus of that place.47 Among the later successors of Akalanka, Prabhacandra stands pre-eminent as the author of Nyaya-kumuda-candrodaya and Prameya-Kamala-martanda. There is also in the Saraswati Bhavana (Bombay) a manuscript entitled Jainendra-Nyasa, and another called Amogha-vrtti-Nyasa, both of which are grammatical works by Prabhacandra, being commentaries on Sakatayana's grammar.48 Sakatayana (to be distinguished from his Vedic namesake) was a contemporary of Amoghavarsa I Rastrakuta. The author called his work Amoghavrtti in honour of the King under whose patronage he evidently wrote it. There are several commentaries on the Amoghavrtti, of which that by Yaksavarma runs into 6,000 slokas. The extent of the original, though it is not available, is easily conceivable since Yaksavarma's work is only an abridgment of the Mahavytti as he calls Sakatayana's book.49 It was under the Rastrakutas that considerable literary activities were carried on by the Jainas. We have already referred to some of the works of this period in our historical survey of the dynasty. We can only take note of the more important ones here. Bhandarkar places the earliest limit of these writers with Vidyananda and Prabhacandra.50 The latter has already been noticed as the disciple of Akalanka. Vidyananda is known by his sloka-vartika and Astosahasri, the latter of which, as already mentioned, is a commentary on the Aptamimamsa. Jinasena, in his Adipurana refers to him as Patrakesari, 51 More interesting works of this period are the 47 Rice, op. cit., p. 372. 48 Sri Ailak-Pannalal-Digambara Jaina Saraswati Bhavana, First Addual Report and List of Books, p. 46; ibid. Third Report, p. 38. 49 Of. Hiralal, op. cit., p. XXV; Fathak, J. S'akatayana Contemporary of Amoghavars& I, Ind. Apt. XLIII, pp. 205-07. 50 Bhandarkar, The Pom. Gaz. I, pp. 407-08. 61 Hiralal, op. cit., pp. xxviii-ix. This identification is questioned by later writers, See the Jagalkisora in Anekanta,

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76 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE great puranas written by the Jainas in obvious imitation of the Brahmanical works of the same class. The earliest complete Jaina version in Sanskrit of the Ramayana (or the Rama legend ) is said to be the Padmapurana by Ravisenacarya. Mr. Hiralal observes that all later writers on the subject based their accounts on this Padmapurana. The incidents in it are placed at the time of Neminatha, their sixteenth Tirthankara. 614 Rama as well as Ravana are both claimed to be Jaina. Unlike Valmiki's version, Seeta is here represented as being born in the human womb of the queen of Videha. Dasaratha did not die of sorrow, but retired into the forest to lead the life of an ascetic. Vali, Sugriva, Hanuman and the hosts of monkeys were but powerful rulers of the forest regions. Instead of Rama's killing Vali, the latter is made to renounce his kingdom in order to do penance like Dasaratha. Laxmana, instead of reviving from his trance by means of the miraculous sanjivini, does so owing to the charming presence of a virtuous lady named Visalya, whom he ultimately marries. These and other such details mark this Jaina version of the Ramayana.5% The theme was taken up by many another Jaina poet, and Jinadasa in his Ramacarita writes : zrImadrAmacaritramuttamamidaM nAnAkathApUritam / pApaghvAMtavinAzanakataraNa kAruNyavallIvanam / bhavyazreNimanaHpramodasadanaM bhakayAnaghaM kIrtitam / nAnAsatpuruSAlivItataM puNyaM zubhaM pAvanam // 18 // zrIvardhamAnena jinevareNa trailokyavanyena yaduktamAdau / tataH paraM gautamasaMkSakena gaNezvareNa prathitaM janAnAM // 181 // tataH kramacchIraviSeNanAnA'cAyaNa jainAgamakovidena / satkAdhyakalAsadanana pRLyAM nAtaM prasidi caritaM raghozca // 182 // So we see that Ravisena got the tradition from Mahavira himself, handed down through the whole line of teachers in the 6la Prof. A. N. Upadhya Corrects me here as Maaisu vrata, the 20th Tirthaskara, 52 Cf. Ibid. p. xxi. 53 S`ri, Ailak Pannalal Digambara Jaina Saraswati Bhavana, Saoond Annual Report, p. 80,

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE, ETC. course of centuries. But the queer incongruity of the attempt to reconcile the concupiscence of Ravana with the artificially created Jaina atmosphere is clearly revealed in the Pampa Ramayana by Nagacandra which is another Jaina version of the epic in Kannada (c. 1105 A.D.)54 On hearing of the complete recovery of Laxmana the ministers of Ravana advised him that prudence was the better part of valour, and told him that the two brothers (Rama and Laxmana) would be more than a match for Ravana. But the haughty prince with vanity equal to his evil intentions declared: "Shall I, who made e'en Svarga's lord Before my feet to fall, Now meekly yield me,-overawed By this mere princeling small? Nay, better 'twere, if so must be, My life be from me reft. I still could boast, what most I prize, A warrior's honour left (!). Nathless, to make my victory sure, I'll have recourse to magic lore. There is a spell, the sastras tell, * which multiplies the form. If this rare power I may attain, I'll seem to haunt the battle-plain. My 'wildered enemies shall see, Before, behind, to left, to right, Phantasmal Ravana crowd to fight, Whom darts shall strike in vain. Its name is bahu-rupini, "Tis won by stern austerity" (worthy of a nobler cause). That nothing might impede him in the acquiring of the magic power, Ravana issued orders that throughout Lanka and its 64 Cf. Bice (E. P.), op. cit., pp. 34-6, 77 *

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JAINIJM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE territories no animalfife should on any account be taken; that his warriors should for a time desist from fighting; and that all his subjects should be diligent in performing the rites of Jina-puja. Then entered he the Jaina fane His palace walls within. Attendant priests before him bore The sacred vessels, as prescribed In books of holy lore. And there to lord santiswara He lowly revenence paid ; Omitting no due ritual That might secure his aid. After worship had been performed with due solemnity, he took a vow of silent meditation; and seating himself in the padmasana posture, began a course of rigorous concentration of mind and suppression of the bodily senses. And there he sat, like a statue fixed ; And not a wandering thought was mixed With his abstraction deep. Upon his hand a chaplet hung, With beads of priceless value strung. And on it he did ceaseless tell The mantras that would serve him well. When Bibhisana learned through spies what Ravana was doing, he hastened to Rama, and urged him to attack and slay Ravana before he could fortify himself with his new and formidable power. But Rama replied : "Ravana has sought Jinendra's aid In true religious form. It is not meet that we should fight With one engaged in holy rite, His weapons laid aside. I do not fear his purpose fell. No magic spell can serve him well Who stoals his neighbour's bride."

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATUR/T, ETC. 79 Bibhisana and Angada are disappointed vith this reply, and resolve to try and break Ravana's devotions without the knowledge of Rama. So they send some of the monkeybannered troops to disturb him. They rush toward the town in swarms upon swarms; They trample the corn, and they damage the farms; They frighten and chevy the maidens about ; And all through the temple they shriek and they shout, And make a most fearful din. But Ravana stirred not ;--as still as a stone, His mind was intent on his japa alone. Then the yaksas, or guardian spirits of the Jina shrine, interpose, drive forth the intruders, and appeal to Rama and Laxmana to withdraw them. Finally it is arranged that anything may be done to break Ravana's devotions, so long as his life is not taken and the palace and temples are not destroyed. Then Angada, heir to Kiskindha's wide soil, Determines himself Ravana's penance to spoil. He mounts on Kiskindha, his elephant proud; And round him his ape-bannered followers crowd. He rides through the suburbs of Lanka's fair town, Admiring its beauty, its groves of renown. He enters the palace, goes alone to the fane; With reverence he walks round Santiswara's shrine, And in lowliness worships the image divine. When sudden-he sees giant Ravana there, Seated, still as some mountain, absorbed in his prayer ! Surprised and indignant, in anger he speaks :"What ! miscreant, hypocrite, villain ! dost thou "In holiest temple thy proud forehead bow "Who has right ways forsaken, thy lineage disgraced, " The good hast imprisoned, the harmless oppressed, "And hast snatched from thy neighbour his virtuous wile. " How canst thou dare to pray in Santiswara's hall! "Better think on thy misdeeds, and turn from them all,

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fatni'M AND KARNATAKA CULTURE way. "Know by Fama's keen arrows in death thou shalt fall! "And no magical rite the dread doom can forestall. "When the flames round thy palace leap higher and bigher - "Too late thou digg'st wells to extinguish the fire !" Thus saying, he tore off Ravana's upper garment and smote him with it; he scattered the beads of his chaplet upon the ground; he stripped Ravana's queen of her jewels, and slandered her sorely; he tied her maidens in pairs by the hair of their heads; he snatched off their necklaces and hung them round the necks of the Jaina images; and he defied and insulted Ravana in every possible way. The poor trembling women were frantic with fear, And tried to rouse Ravana. They bawled in his ear"What is the good of thy japa ? Rise, save us from shame; "Rise quickly and fight for thine ancient good name." But Ravana heard not, nor muscle did move,As fixed as the Pole Star in heaven above. Then a thunderbolt's crash rent the firmament wide; And adown the bright flash did a yaksini glide, And swifty took station at Ravana's side, "I have come at thy bidding," the visitant said, " I can lay on the field all thy enemies dead ;"Save Hanuman, Laxmana and Rama divine, "Who are guarded by might that is greater than mine." "Alas !" answered Ravana, with spirit depressed, "If those three remain, what availeth the rest ? "56 This long quotation must serve to show that Pauranic Jainism was a reflex of Pauranic Brahmanism, and no improvement upon the latter except in the mitigation, within certain limits, of the elements of exaggeration. The dominance of ritual over ethics is clearly visible in the picture of Ravana presented above. The Munivamsabhyudaya of Cidanandakavi, as well as, inscriptions in Coorg, attempt to give a tone of reality to these descriptions by stating, for instance, that the 55 Cf. Ibid., pp. 39-41.

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURF, ETC. 81 images of Gommata and Parsvanatha at Eelgola were brought from Lanka by Rama and Seeta; and that several bastis in Coorg were built by these heroes of epic India. 56 As there are Jaina versions of the Ramayana so are there Jaina versions of the Mahabharata. One of the most important of them is the Harivamsa-Purana, by Jinasena. It deals with ancient dynasties like the Kurus, the Pandavas and the Yadavas cast in Jaina moulds and devoted to Jaina worship. "The transferences and adaptations made in some of the stories, observes Rajendralal Mitra, "are remarkable and suggestive. For instance, the rape of Sita by Ravana is transferred to the history of the Pandu brothers, whose wife Draupadi is said to have been carried away by one Padmanabha, King of Amarakankapura, who lived beyond the ocean, whence the Pandavas rescued her. Again, the story of the lac-house in which Duryodhana wished to assassinate the Pandus is described as a device adopted by Krsna to elude from the army of Jarasandha which had pressed him very hard and was about to take him prisoner. For a right appreciation of the true bearing of the Hindu legends the accounts given in this work are of great value. "57 "9 In the vernacular garb, the Vikramarjuna Vijaya or more popularly called after the author, Pampa Bharata, is the earliest extant version of the epic in Kannada. This Pampa is different from the author of the Ramayana already quoted in extenso, and is distinguished by the epithet Adi Pampa" or the first Pampa. His first work was Adi Purana relating the history of Rsabha, the first Tirthankara, composed in 941 when the poet was thirty-nine years of age. In the estimation of Mr. Narasimhachar, this work is "unsurpassed in style among the Kanarese poets.' ."58 The distinctive features of the Pampa Bharata are thus pointed out by Mr. E. P. Rice: "" a 56 Cf. Ep. Car. II Introd., p. 15; Rice, Coorg Inscriptions, Ep. Car. I Introd., p. 13 57 Rajendralal Mitra, Notices of Sanskrit MSS. VI Preface, pp. 4-5. 58 Cf. Rice (E. P.) op. cit., pp. 80-81 JXC--2528-11

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JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE Unlike Vyasa's version, (i) Draupadi is the wife of Arjuna alone, and not of all the Pandava brothers; (ii) Arjuna is the principal hero and the epic closes with his coronation together with Subhadra, at Hastinapura; (iii) the poet deliberately identifies Arjuna with Arikesari, his patron, and compares him to Visnu, Siva, the Sun, Cupid, etc. Rice finds in this an oriental parallel to Spencer's Faerie Queen' in which Gloriana is Queen Elizabeth. This according to him is the only defect of the poem, which otherwise is important as being less Sanskrit in vocabulary than the Adi Purana. It is interesting to note that the poet was rewarded with the grant of a village for this immortal work.59 82 C 00 The Jinasena, author of the Harivamsa Purana above referred to, different from the author of the Adi Purana, according to Mr. Hiralal. The former belonged to the Punnatagana, whereas the latter was of the Sena-gana. Apart from the repetition of the names of the authors there is also a confusing repetition of the titles of works such as Adi Purana, Harivamsa Purana and Maha Purana. Indeed, the conventional standards in the realm of iconography and painting, noticed in a later chapter, resulting in the repetition of the same forms and stereotyped expression, also resulted in the choosing of the same subject by different writers in the course of centuries. Thus, we have one Adi Purana by Jinasena, and another by Pampa; one Maha Purana by Jinasena and Gunabhadra, another by Puspadanta, and a third by Mallisena ;" 82 Harivamsa Purana by the first Jinasena, and Harivamsa Purana by the second Jinasena and his disciple (same as Maha Purana) and a third Harivamsa Purana by Jinadasa.63 Since these are all of the same type, we shall here take note only of the most important, viz., the Maha Purana of Jinasena and Gunabhadra. G 69 Ibid., p. 31. 60 Hiralal, op. cit., p. xxii; cf. Nathuram Premi, op. cit., pp. 8, 39. f. 61 Ibid., p. xliii f. 62 Of. Nathuram Premi, op. cit. pp. 154-55 63 Bhandarkar, Report on Sanskrit MSS. 1883-84, p. 123.

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE, ETC. 83 64 Jinasena was one of a series of celebrated Digambara Jaina authors, who came to the front propagating their religion, and increasing the power of their sect as they did so, during the earlier part of the Rastrakuta period. He was the disciple of Virasena to whom is ascribed the Jayadhavala-tika. It is a commentary on the Satkhandagamasutra.65 This work was completed by Jinasena in Saka 760 during the regin of Amoghavarsa I; the Adi Purana was commenced soon after. Its sequel, called the Uttara Purana, was developed in Saka 820 by Gunabhadra, the pupil of Jinasena. Both these writers are highly spoken of by competent critics. 66 According to Bhandarkar, the Adi Purana is an encyclopaedic work "in which there are instances of all metres and figures, which sets forth the doctrines of all the sastras incidentally, is calculated to put to shame all other poems, and is worthy of being read even by the learned.67 In the opinion of a later Jaina poet, cited by Pt. Nathuram Premi, "whose minds will not be drawn away by words emanating from the lotus-face of Jinasena, the king of poets, in whose Maha Purana are Dharma, Moksa, Right Conduct and Poetry, all rolled in one?" dharmo'tra muktipadamatra kavitvamatra aiYidai aftaga AGIGEO I yadvA kavIMdra jinasenamukhAraviMdaniryagvacAMsi na manAMsi harati keSAm // 68 The following verse must serve as a sample of its poetic merit : yatra zAlIvanopAMte khAtpatantIM zukrAvalIM / 69 zAlIgopyAnumanyate dadhatIM toraNabhiyam // Describing a rural scene the poet says, the pastoral maidens, seeing a line of parrots descending into the rice-fields, thought it to be the arch of prosperity. 61 Cf. Bhandarkar, The Bom. Gaz. I ii, pp. 406-07 65 Cf. Ep. Car. II Introd., p. 89; Hiralal, op. cit., p. xxiii. 66 Ibid., pp. xxiii-iv: Bhandarkar, Report on 8an. MSS, 1838-84, pp. 120-21. 67 Ibid., p. 120. 68 Nathuram Premi, op. cit., pp. 65-6. 69 Adi Purand IV 6, cf. Nathuram Premi, op. cit., p. 69.

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84 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE The poet's high ideal of the function of his art is thus stated by him : ta eva kavayo loke ta eva ca vicakSaNAH / yeSAM dharmakAMgatvaM bhAratI pratipayate // dharmAnubaMdhinI yA syAtkavitA saiva zasyate / zeSA pApAsavA yaiva suprayuktApi jAyate // 70 * They alone are true poets in this world, they alone are truly wise, in whom speech ( poetry) engenders the embodiment of Dharma ; that poetry alone rules which is in accordance with righteousness; the rest, however amiable it might seem, tends to wickedness and bondage.' According to Mr. Premi, Gunabhadra has attained the same success in completing the later portion of the Maha Purana as Banabhatta's son had attained in completing the Kadambari of his father. Out of due humility, Gunabhadra compares his own task to the completion of a building the major portion of which has already been constructed by another; or better still pakSorivAsya pUrvArdhamevAbhAvi rasAvaham / yathA tathAstu niSpattiriti prArabhyate mayA // 1 Again he declares : guruNAmeva mAhAtmyaM yadapi svAdu mdvcH| tarUNAM hi svabhAvo'so yatphalaM svAdu jAyate // If my words are sweet they only declare the greatness of my guru, just as the sweetness of the fruit is but the outcome of the nature of the tree.' niyoti hRdayAvAco hadi me guravaH sthitaaH| te tatra saMskariSyate tatra me'tra prishrmH|| My task is only to transcribe here what my gurus seated in my heart engender in the speech proceeding from my heart. '73 Another work of importance, written by Jinasena, is the Parsvabhyudaya.78 "This poem is one of the curiosities of 70 71 79 73 Tbid., pp. 63-4. Ibid., p. 71. Toid., P.72. d., P.58,

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE, ETC. 85 Sanskrit literature. It is at once the product and mirror of the litarary taste of the age. Universal judgement assigns the first place among Indian poets to Kalidasa, but Jinasena claims to be considered a higher genius than the author of the Cloud Messenger." 74 The story relating to the origin of Parsvabhyudaya is too interesting to be omitted It is stated that Kalidasa came to Bankapura priding over the production of his Megha Duta. Being instigated by Vinayasena, Jinasena told Kalidasa that he had pirated the poem from some ancient writer. When challenged by Kalidasa to prove his statement, Jinasena pretended that the book he referred to was at a great distance, and could be got only after eight days. Then he came out with his own Parsvabhyudayu, the last line of each verse in which was taken from Kalidasa. The latter is said to have been confounded by this, but Jinasena finally confessed his whole trickery.75 Gunabhadra, it is well known, completed his Uttara Purana at Bankapura, and it is certain that he must have concocted 78 this story, though it is a strange way of glorifying his own teacher. Gunabhadra, likewise, modelled his Atmanusasanam on the example of Bharthari's Vairagyasatakam.77 From these we turn to Somadeva, perhaps by far the most learned of Jaina writers of the South. The best known of his works is the Yasastilaka-campu, written in mixed prose and verse. "What make Somadeva's works of very great importance," observes Mr. Hiralal, "are the learning of the author which they display, and the masterly style in which they are composed. The prose of Yasastilaka vies with that of Bana, and the poetry at places with that of Magha." 78 According to Peterson, " The Yasastilaka is in itself a work of true poetical 74 JBBBAS, 1894, p. 224. 75 Cf. Nathuram Premi, op. cit., pp. 54-5. 76 The authenticity of this story is questioned. It is really narrated by Yogirat Pandita in his commentary on Pars'vabhyudaya. 77 Ibid., pp. 20. 75. 78 Kiralal, op. cit., p. xxxii,

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86 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE merit, which nothing but the bitterness of theological hatred would have excluded so long from the list of the classics of India." 79 For an elaborate notice of this work, however, we must refer to Peterson's Report from which the above citation is made. We can find room here only for a few important illustrations. In the words of the poet himself, kAMjalipuTaiH pAtuM cetaH sUktAmRte yadi / zrUyatAM somadevasya navyAH kaavyoktiyuktyH|| lokavitve kavitve vA yadi cAturyacaMcavaH / somadevakaveH sUktiH samabhyasyantu sAdhavaH // vidyAvinodavanavAsitakRcchukena pustavyalekhivilasAllipiracchukena / zrIsomadevaracitasya yazodharasya sallokamAmyaguNaralamahIdharasya // 80 The date and place of composition are thus stated at the end of the work: zakanRpakAlAtItasaMvatsarazateSvaSTasvakAzAtyadhikeSu gatecaMkataH 881 siddhArthasaMva. sarAMtargatacaitramAsamadanatrayodazyAM pAMyasiMhalocaceramaprabhRtIna mahIpatIn prasAdhya melyATI pravardhamAnarAjyaprabhAve zrIkRSNarAjadeve sati tatpAdapayopajIvinaH samAdhi gatapaMcamahAzabdamahAsAmaMtAdhipattecAlukyakulajanmanaH sAmaMtacUDAmaNeH zrImadariphresariNaH prathamaputrasya zrImadrAgarAja pravardhamAnavasuMdharAyAM gaMgAdharAyAM viniryApitamidaM kAvyAmiti // iti saphalatAkilokacUDAmaNeH zrImannemidevabhagavataH ziSyeNa sonavacagava. pathavidyAdharacakravartizikhaMDamaMDanI bhavaJcaraNakamalena zrIsomadevamariNA viracite yazodharamahArAjacarite yazastilakAparanAmni mahAkAvye dharmAmRtavarSamahotsavo nAmA. STama aavaasH||8||81 It is clear from this that the work was written in Saka 881 at the court of Arikesari's son, a Calukya feaudatory of Ktsna III, Rastrakuta. Nemideva is given as the name of Somadeva's guru. In the words of Peterson, as already noted, " It represents a lively picture of India at a time when the Buddhist, Jaina, and Brahmanical religions were still engaged in a contest that drew towards it the attention, and well nigh absorbed the 79 Peterson, op. cit. IV, p. 33. 80 Cf. Sri Aliak Pannalal Digambara Jaina Saraswati Bhavana Second Report, pp. 84-5. al Tbid., p. 86.

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE, Etc. intellectual energies of all thinking men." 82 The last part of the work entitled Upasakadhyanam, divided into forty-six kalpas or chapters, is a handbook of popular instruction on Jaina doctrine and devotion.83 iyatA graMthena mayA proktaM caritaM yazodharanRpasya / ita uttaraM ca vakSye zrutapaThitamupAsakAdhyayanam // 4 // Among the authors with whom Somadeva shows his acquaintance are Bharavi, Bhavabhuti, Bhartphari, Gunadhya, Vyasa, Bhasa, Kalidasa, Bana, Magha, Rajasekhara; and grammarians like Indra, Candra, Jinendra, A pisala and Panini whose works, he says, were taught during his days. Besides, he also makes mention of Asva-vidya, Gaja-vidya, Ratna-pariksa, Kama-sastra, Vaidyaka, etc.85 His other work of considerable interest is the Nitivakyamyta which is almost verbally modelled on Kautilya's Artha-sastra.86 The mere 'table of contents' of this work is enlightening. It has thirty-two chapters which are :(1) TART:; (2) STUAJTT: ; (3) FTAYIT:; (4) TTEET:; (5) jane: ; (6) prani; (7) aft; (8) arai; (9) yogaforat; (10) ji; (11) geriga; (12) ft; (13) qa; (14) ait; (15) fait; (16) 577; (17) FIA ; (18) STATE; (19) #79; (20) Gi; (21) Bia; (22) do; (23) HH; (24) CIR ; (25) farger; (26) Agrart; (27) stare; (28) faar; (29) argou ; (30) 96; (31) famig; and (32) amit. At the end is given a Prasasti from which we learn that Somadeva was the younger brother of Mahendradeva Bhattaraka who is described as vAdIdakAlAnalabhImaheMdadevabhaTTAraka. Further we are informed that Somadeva also wrote three other works, ( gorrara ATOT, gmraar ofTET, TATACAF) which however are not extant. The epithets which he applies to himself with ciceroen pride are certainly worth mentioning, viz : 82 Peterson, op. cit., p. 33. 83 Ibid., p. 46. 84 See n. 80 above. 85 For a fuller analysis see Nilivakyamrila, M. D. J. G. XXII Introd., pp. 14-17. 86 Of. Ibid., pp. 1-8.

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8888889 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE syAdvAdAcalAsaMhatArkika cakravatiM vAdIbhapaMcAnana vAkkallolapayonidhi kavikularAjaprabhRti prazasti prazastAlaMkAra....... Then he asks, ********** sakalasamayatarke nAkaleko'si vAdI na bhavasi samayoktau iMsasiddhAMtadevaH / na ca vacanavilA se pUjyapAdo'si tattvaM // vadasi kathamidAnI somadevena sArdhaM // 'O critic, who art neither an Akalanka in logic, nor a Hamsa - siddhantadeva in scriptures, nor a Pujyapada in grammar, on what score art thou coming to discuss with Somadeva ?' In other words Somadeva claims to be at least equal to all the three scholars named, in the arts each of them excelled in. And finally he concludes with the words : darpAdhabodhabudhasiMdhura siMhanAde vAdidvipodvalanadurdhara vAgvivAde / zrIsomadeva munipe vacanArasAle vAgIzvaro'pi purato'sti na vAdakAle || 87 The book is replete with laconic expressions which might be as readily drawn upon with effect as the sayings of Bacon or of Marcus Aurelius; or commented upon with learned parallels in the entire range of Sanskrit literature as done by its anonymous Brahmanical commentator. Indeed, it is a certificate to the universality of this Jaina writer that he has found his only learned commentator from among the non-Jainas. But it is considered almost anamolous by the Jainas that the author should have dealt with the subject as he has done. 88 For instance, in the vidyAvRddhasamuddezaH we find nityanaimittikAnuSThAnastho gRhasthaH // 18 // brahmadevapitra tithibhUtayajJohi nityamanuSThAnam // 29 // 87 Ibid., Text, p. 406. 88 Cf. " hamArI samajameto isakA jaina dharmase bahutahI kamamela khAtA hai | isa graMthake vidyAvRddha, anvIkSakI aura trayI samuddezoMko acchI taraha paDhanese pAThaka hamAre abhiprAyako acchI taraha samaja jAvege / jainadharmajJa vidvAnoMko cAhie isa praznakA vicArapUrvaka samAdhAna kare ki, eka jainAcAryakI kRtIma AnvIkSakI aura trayIko itanI pradhAnatA kyoM dIgayI hai." Nathuram Premi, op. cit, p. 30.

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CONTRIBUTIONS to LITERATURE, Etc. 89 That is, those are grhastas or true house-holders who perform the daily and occasional rites; yajnas for the satisfaction of the Creator, the ancestors, and the elements constitute the daily rites.' No wonder that the commentator explains this as follows: TIkA-yatsvazaktyA brahmaNaH pUjA kriyate tathAbhISTadevatArcanaM tathA pitRtarpaNaM tathAkAlaprAptabrAhmaNatarpaNaM tthaabhuutyjnyH| bhUtayajJazabdena vaishvdevbliprdaanmucyte| etAni kurvANo gRhastho nityAnuSThAyI bhavati / tathA ca varga: pitRdevamanuSyANAM pUjanaM brAmaNaH saha / balipradAnasaMyuktaM nityAnuSThAnamucyate // 80 As examples of some of Somadeva's proverbial statements we might adduce the following : (1) hastisnAnamiva sarvamanuSThAnamaniyamiteMdriyamanovRttInAm // 24 // * Even like the bathing of an elephant (futile) is the ceremonial of a man whose senses and mind are disorderly or uncontrolled.' (2) kAlena saMcIyamAnaH paramANurapi jAyate meruH // 28 1.1 Little grains of sand make a mighty land ; lit. 'Even atoms saved in course of time form a mountain like Meru.' (3) anAcarato manorathAH svamarAjyasamAH // 32 // Ideals divorced from practice are kingdoms owned in dreams.' In the words of Vallabhadeva, cited by the commentator, 'By exertion alone are achievements made, pot through mere intentions; the prey never seeks the mouth of a sleeping lion. "92 From these specimens of Jaina contributions to Sanskrit literature we must now turn to the vernacular writers. Two of the most noted among the Kannada writers, namely, Adi Pampa and Abhinava Pampa, authors respectively of the best known versions in Kannada of the Mahabharata and the 89_Nuirikyamrita Text, pp. 47-8. 80 Gf. azudeMdriyacitto yaH kurute kAcitsaliyA / ___ hastisnAnamiva vyartha tasya sA parikIrtitA // Ibid., com. p. 60. 91 Ibid., p. 17. 92 Cf. udyamena hi siMdayanti kAryANi na mnorthaiH| na hi muptasya siMhasya pravizaMti mukhe mRgaaH|| Ibid., p. 10. RO-2528-19

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96 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE Ramayana, have already been cited. But they were by no means the earliest, nor even the only writers on the subject. "No Indian vernacular," wrote Mr. Lewis Rice, "contains a richer or more varied mine of indigenous literature though scarcely at all known or exposed, (than Kanarese) ; a literature, moreover, which as the product to a great extent of Jain and Lingayat authors, is independent of Sanskrit and Brahmanical works." 93 They wrote on all subjects, as we shall notice below : on religion and ethics. on grammar and prosody, on medicine and even natural science, such as was understood in those days. Out of the 28o poets (belonging to the period of our survey, noticed by Mr. R. Narasimhachar, in his KarnatakaKavicaritre), no less than 95 are Jaina poets; the Vira-saiva or Lingayat poets come next, being 9o ; whereas the Brahmanical writers are only 45, and the rest, all included 50.94 The earliest of these, namely Kaviparamesti, whom, however, we know only by allusion, goes as far back as at least the 4th century A. D.95 Both Jinasena and Gunabhadra, in the Adi and Uttara Purana respectively, speak of him as an earlier writer on the same sa pUjyaH kavibhilAke kavInAM paramezvaraH vAgarthasaMgrahaM kRtsnaM purANaM yaH samagrahIt // A. pu. kaviparamezvaranigaditagayakathAmAtRkaM puzciritam / sakalacchaMdolaMkRtilakSyaM sUkSmArthagaDhapadaracanam // 96 u. pu. But among the writers of whom we know more definitely is Srivardhadeva, also called Tumbuluracarya from his birth-place, author of a commentary on theTattvartha Mahasastra, entitled Cudamani, which is said to have run into 96,000 verses. Two facts bring out the greatness of this work: Dandin, of the 6th century A. D., praises Srivardhadeva for having " produced Sarasvati (i. e. learning and eloquence ) from the tip of his 93 Rice, Mysore and Coorg 1, p. 398. 94 Narasimhacharya, Karataka. Kavicaritre 1, Indrod, p. xxi. 95 Rice ( E. P.), Ranarese Literature, pp. 26-27. 96 Cf. Natbaram Premi, Vidvadratnamila I, pp. 60, 61.

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE, ETC. 91 tongue, as Siva produced the Ganges from the tip of his topknot ".97 And Bhattakalanka, the great Kannada grammarian (1604), refers to Srivardhadeva's book as the greatest work in the language, and as incontestable proof of the scholarly character and value of Kannada literature.99 But, unfortunately, no copy of the book has yet been discovered. For the earliest extant specimen of Kannada composition by a Jaina writer, we must therefore refer to the inscriptions at Sravana Belgola. In one of these dated c. 700 A. D. the death of an ascetic named Nandisena is thus described. surcaapN boole vidyulltegllevool mNjuvool koo aa beegN | siriguN shriiruup liilaadhn vibhv mhaaraashigll nillvaarg0 | prmaardhN mcce naaniidhrnniyullirvaaneNdu snmaasnNge ! yuru srtp nNdiseen prvrmunivrr deevlookkke sNrdaa99 841 'Swift fading as the rainbow's hue Or lightning flash or morning dew, To whom do pleasure, wealth, and fame, For many years remain the same? Then why should I, whose thoughts aspire To reach the highest gond, desire Here on the earth long days to spend ? Reflecting thus within his mind, The noble Nandi Sen All ties that bound to life resigned, To quit this world of pain, And so this best of anchorites The world of Gods did gain. 100 Kavirajamarga or the Royal Road of Poets', attributed by some to the authorship of Amoghavarsa Rastrakuta, 101 is the earliest extant work from which we come to know of the 97 Cf, Ep. Car. II SB 54. 98 C. Rice (E. P.), op. cit., p. 27 f; Rice (Lewis), Mysore and Coorg I, pp. 197-198. 99 Ep. Car. II, 8B 88: cf. Narasimbacharya, S'asana Padya Vanjuri, p. 1. 100 Bica ( E. P.) op. cit., p. 22. . 101 Of. Nathyram Premi, op. cit., P, 81.

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92 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE existence of numerous other writers of an earlier age. According to this poet, roughly assigned to the middle of the ninth century A. D., . In all the circle of the earth No fairer land you'll find, Than that where rich sweet Kannada Voices the people's mind. The people of that land are skilled To speak in rhythmic tone; And quick to grasp a poet's thought, So kindred to their own. Not Students only, but the folk Untutored in the schools, By instinct use and understand The strict peotic rules. 102 It is interesting to compare this with the following lines from an inscription at Soraba, of the time of Devaraya I of Vijayanagara (1408); jindhrmaavaasvaadtt mllvinydaagrmaadttu pdmaa-1 snnirpaasd maadtt tivishdyshoodhaammaadttu vidyaa-1 dhnjnn sthaanmaadtt smtrllgNbhiirshmaad-1 tenisiNtullll naanaamhimeyolleseguN caarukrnnaattdeeshN | 103 The poet describes the charming Karnata country as the home of learning and of Jina-dharma. We have already seen that this is largely true, and it was during the Golden Age of Jainism under the Gangas that Kannada literature got considerable patronage and impetus. Among the prose writers in Kannada referred to in the Kavirajamarga is Durvinita, who is identified with the Ganga ruler of that name :(482-522 A. D.). He is said to have been the author of a commentary on the difficult 15th sarga of Bharavi's Kiratarjuniya. 104 For a more detailed consideration of the patronage of learning under the Gangas 102 Kavirajama ga I, 36-9; cf. Bice ( E. P.) op. cit., p. 29. 103 Narasimbacharya, op. cit., p. 260, Soraba 280. 104 Rice (E. P.), op. cit., p. 28; cf. Kadlur Plates of Marasimbu Ganga, Mysore Archaeological Report 1921, p. 20; ibid, 1924, p. 76.

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE. ETC. 93 we must refer to the laborious work of the late Mr. Lewis Rice, and the Mysore Archaeological Reports. We can here find space for only a few specimens. Madhava I is said to have been the author of a commentary on the Dattaka-sutra; he is also described as an "expert in the theoretical exposition and practical application of the science of polity;" 105 as "a touch-stone for testing gold: the learned and the poets," and as "conducting himself agreeably to his culture and modesty". 106 Avinita is said to have been "worthy of being reckoned first among the learned," and "of a mind filled with learning and modesty;" Butuga as, "a Brahma in learning," "versed in dancing and other accomplishments; " Ereyappa as, "a Bharata in the arts of singing, instrumental music, dancing, and other minor arts, an authority to great grammarians, a treasury of speech," etc.; and of Racamalla III or Butuga II,--"This intelligent prince learnt in his early age the science of politics, riding'on elephants and horses, play at ball, wielding the bow and sword, the drama, grammar, medicine, poetry, mathematics, Bharata-sastra, Itihasas and Puranas, dancing, singing, and instrumental music." 107 A typical scholar of the times is found in Vadighangala Bhatta, who was a learned convert from Brahmanism. He is described in the following terms in the Kudlur Plates of Marasimha Ganga who made him a grant (of 20 gadyanams in cash and 12 khandugas in grain, being the revenue of the village of Bagiyur) "as Sruta-guru's ( religious teacher's) fee": Vadighangala was a treasury of the jewels of wisdom, a mine of the pearls of intellect. With very little effort and labour on his part all learning came to him in a very short time as though it had been made ready in his previous birth. He was the author of a grammatical system free from doubt and controversy. He, like Brahma, knew the essense of the science of grammar, and was looked up to as 105 Ibid. 1994, pp. 68,80-1; cf. Rice, Ep. Oar. I, p. 52. 106 Mysore Archaeological Report, 1921, p. 19 f. 107 Ibid., pp. 19-22. Bee also Rice, Mysore and Coorg I, pp. 196 8,

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94 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE a great authority by grammarians. He was well versed in the three schools of logic, and in the Lokayata, Sankhya, Vedanta and Baudha systems of philosophy; and in Jainism he became celebrated as Vadighangala. He was, besides, an eminent poet. Like a sun on the eastern mountain, Syadvada, he destroyed the mass of darkness, arrogant scholars, by the resplendant rise of his learning, cut off the expansion of the lilies, proud disputants, by the rays of his eloquence, and acquired the high distinction of Vadighangala on the earth. 'His eloquence in the exposition of literature made king Ganga-Gangeya ('Ganga among the Gangas', i.e. Marasimha ), a cuckoo in the grove of delighters in all learning, his pupil. His instruction in politics induced the learned men of Vallabharaja's capital (i.e. Manyakheta of the Rastrakutas ) to show him great honour, which showed to the world his greatness and remarkable scholarship; and his counsel to Kssnaraja (which enabled him to conquer all the regions ), procured for him the king's esteem along with that of all his Mandalikas and Samantas,' 108 The artistic execution as well as its composition (a Sanskrit Campu work of considerable literary merit) make the above record of unique interest, besides its historical value as the longest of the Ganga copper-plate inscriptions giving a full account of their dynasty. The Kannada works produced under the Gangas were principally, the Harivamsa and Neminatha Purana by Gunavarma I, under Mahendrantaka or Ereyappa ( 886-913 A. D.); Camunda or Cavunda Raya's Trisastilaksana Maha-purana, better known as Cavundaraya-Purana, under Racamalla IV (974-84); and Chhandombudhi or "Ocean of Prosody" by Nagavarma I (c. 984 A. D.). Of these, the second is of special interest and importance as the work of the great minister and general who erected the famous colossus at Belgola, and as the oldest extant specimen of a 108 Kudlur Plates of Marasimba Ganga, ibid. 1921, pp. 23-1.

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE, ETC. book written in continuous prose, enabling us, therefore, to gain a knowledge of the language as spoken in the tenth century ( 978 A. D.). Nagavarma's prosody, with additions by later writers, still remains the standard work on the subject in Kannada. The work is addressed by the poet to his wife. In the vyttas, or metres, each verse is composed so as to be an example of the metre described in it. It is said that he also made a translation of Bana's Kadambari in Kannada. 109 Like Adi Pampa, Nagavarma too came from Vengi, as also another great writer named Ponna. The migration of these three Jaina writers from the Andhra into the Kannada country is a strong commentary upon the attitude of the two provinces towards Jainism. Ponna lived under the patronage of the Rastrakuta king Klsnaraja (also called Akalavarsa and Anupama, 939-98). On account of his proficiency in Sanskrit as well as Kannada, the poet received the title of Ubhaya-Kavi-Cakravarti or. Imperial Poet in Both Languages'. His most famous work is the Santi-Purana, relating the history of the 16th Tirthankara. He also wrote an acrostic poem entitled Jinaksharamale, in praise of the Jinas. 110 Another contemporary writer who deserves mention is Ranna, author of Ajita Purana and Sahasa Bhima Vijaya, popularly known as the Gada-yuddha or the Conflict of Clubs.' It describes the incident in the Mahabharata wherein, Bhima fulfils his vow to break the thighs of Duryodhana and slay him. The work was composed under the patronage of Ahavamalla Calukya, who is likened by the poet to Bhima, just as Pampa had done with Arikesari, in his Pampa Bharata. He is chiefly praised for his literary skill, fluency, and fascinating style.111 We might go on multiplying these instances and the catalogue will still remain unexhausted. Hence, for the sake of brevity we classify the remaining writers according to subjects as under: 109 Cf. Rice (E. P.), op. cit., pp. 32-33. 110 Ibid., pp. 31-2. 111 Ibid., pp. 81-3.

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Subject Name of work Author Remarks Purana Mallinatha Purana | Nagacandra or Abhinava Pampa Neminatha Purana | Karna parya Contemporary of Visnuvardhana Hoysala. Reveals great descriptive power (c.1105 A.D.) Includes stories from Mahabharata (c. 1140). 1170) 17 Unfinished. Seven more Puranas between these two dates, Nemicandra )) Mahabalakavi Kumudendu Ramavana Kumudendu Punyasrava Nagaraja (1254) In Shatpadi (c. 1275). 52 tales of Pauranic heroes, illustrative of the duties of householders. Tr. from Sanskrit (?). (c. 1331 ). Court Poet of Salvamalla (c. 1550 ). A Ksatriya of Muabidre (c. 1557). Salva Bharata Salva Bharatesvara Caritre Ratnakaravarni Ramacandra Carita Candrasekhara and Padmanabba Ramakathavatara Devacandra (c. 1700-1750). Prose ( C. 1797).

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Gunanandi J.s.c.-1528-13 Linguistic : | Works on logic, Grammar, grammar and sahitya Prosody and (names ?) Quoted by the grammarian Bhattakalanka, and called by him Bhagavan the adorable one.' (c. 900 ). Glossary ,, Karyavalokana Nagavarma II This is the fullest work in the language on the subject of poetic composition. It deals with Grammar, Faults and Elegances of composition, Style and Poetic Conventions copiously illustrated with quotations from earlier writers, as well as original stanzas. (c. 1145 ). Andayya Kabbigara-Kava or Sobagina Suggi or Madana Vijaya Poets Defender' or 'Harvest of Beauty' or 'Cupid's Conquest.' The only example in the language without a single tatsama, wholly written in todbhava and desya words. (c. 1235 ). Vastu-Kosa Nagavarma II Sanskrit Kannada glossary the earliest of its kind in Kannada. Sabdamanidarpana Kesiraja * Jewel-Mirror of Grammar,' remains to this day the standard early authority on the Kannada language. (c. 1260 ).

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Subject Name of work Author Remarks Linguistic :' | Amarakosavyakhyana Naciraja Grammar, Prosody and A valuable Kannada commentary on the Amara-kosa. (c. 1300 ). Glossary Kavya-sara Karnalaka Sanjivana Karnasaka Sabdanu-Sasana Abhinava Vadi Vidyanandi A valuable anthology. (1533). Salva A glossary of words spelt with ra and la (c. 1600 ). Bhattakalanka Deva 592 Sanskrit sutras. Like his predecessors quotes numerous previous authors and Kannada writers. (1604). Astrology (Name ? )| Sridharacarya Scientific: Medicine, Mathematics, Astrology, etc. Medicine Jagaddala (Kalyana-Karaka ) | Somanatha The earliest extant Kannada work on the subject (c. 1049 ). Cites Aryabhata's astronomy. ( 499 ). Translation of Pujya pada's Sanskrit work. This is the earliest extant Kannada work on the subject. Treatment prescribed is wholly vegetarian and non-alcoholic. (c. 1150 ).

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Scientific : Medicine, Mathematics, Astrology, etc. "3 Religion and Ethics , Mathematics (Name ?) Ratta Mata or Ratta Sutra Khagendra Manidarpana Dharmamrta Samaya-pariksa Rajaditya Ratta-kavi Mangraja I Nayasena Brahma Siva Poetical talents devoted to elucidation of the Mathematical subjects. With extraordinary skill he reduced to verse rules and problems in arithmetic, mensuration, etc. His writings are the earliest works on these subjects. (c. 1100-1160). A quasi-scientific work on natural phenomena such as rain, earth-quakes, lightning, planets, omens etc. (c. 1300). (c. 1360) Quotes Pujya pada. Fourteen chapters devoted to courage, truthfulness, chastity, justice, etc. in easy pleasant style. In the preface he says that he has avoided the needless use of Sanskrit works which was the fault of his contemporary writers. (1112). A controversial work which justifies Jainism as against rival creeds. (c. 1125).

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100 Subjeot Name of work Author Remarks Religion and Ethics Dharma-pariksa Vritta-Vilasa Tripuradahana Sisumayana Ratna-Karandaka Ayata-varma A Kannada version of Amitagati's ( 1014 ) work of the same name. (c. 1160 ). 'Burning of the Triple Fortress': Birth, Decay and Death - an allegorical poem. The earliest specimen of Sangatya, a form which later came to be much in vogue. (c. 1232 ). "Casket of Jewels". Trans. of Samantabhadra's Sanskit work. Deals with the Three Jewels : Right Belief, Right Knowledge and Right Conduct. (c. 1400 ?). An account of the universe (heaven, hell and the intervening worlds) as conceived by the Jainas. ( 1557 ). Moral discourses on renunciation. 'Songs of the Brothers' on moral and doctrinal subjects, largely current among the Jainas. Urges that contemplation and study of the Sastras are far more valuable than either outward rites or austerities. (c. 1559 ). Triloka-sataka Ratnakaravarni Ratnakaravarni A parajita-sataka Annagala-pada Jnana-bhaskara caritre Nemanna

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE, ETC. IOI The above list is by no means exhaustive, but only representative. It is based on the accounts given by Mr. E. P. Rice whose History of Kanarese Literature is a valuable guide in English for those who cannot read the precious volumes, Karnataka Kavi Caritre, by Mr. R. Narasimhachar. In addition to what has been stated above, we must draw attention to one or two more examples. One is that of Kanti, the earliest known Jaina poetess in Kannada. It is related that at the court of Ballala Raja (Hoysala) of Dorasamudra the King, in order to test her proficiency, asked Nagacandra to repeat half a stanza, which Kanti would immediately complete; "somewhat", as Rice points out, "after a fashion recently current in England of completing 'Limericks'".112 Another example is that of the earliest known Kannada novel, entitled Lilavati, by Nemicandra. " It is written in the usual champu in a pleasing style, but," as Rice observes, " disfigured by erotic passages. "113 The story is that of a Kadamba prince who saw in a dream a beautiful princess (the heroine), and she likewise dreamt of him. They were unacquainted, but after mutual search and various adventures were ultimately wedded. It is based on the Sanskrit romance Vasavadatta by Subandhu (c. 610-), but the scene is transferred from Ujjaini to Banavase. Both Kanti and Nemicandra belonged to the 12th century. In respect of the Kannada grammars by Jaina writers, the following remarks by Burnell and Rice are worth recording: Of the Sabdamanidarpana, Burnell wrote, "The great and real merit of the Sabdamanidarpana is that it bases its rules on independent research and the usage of writers of repute. In this way it is far ahead of the Tamil and Telugu treatises, which are much occupied with vain scholastic disputation ".114 In the opinion of Mr. Lewis Rice, "This encomium is equally applicable to other Kanarese grammars, which had not been made public in 119 Rico (E. P.), op. cit., p. 36. 113 Ibid., p. 48. 114 Burnell, Andhra School of Grammarians, pp. 8, 55,

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102 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE 1875, when Burnell wrote. Nothing is more striking than the wealth of quotation and illustration from previous authors which these grammatical writings contain, and this gives them a high scientific as well as historical value ".115 JAINA ART IN KARNATAKA The most distinctive contribution of Jainism to Art in Karnataka was in the realm of Iconography. As with everything else in life, the Jainas appear to have carried their spirit of acute analysis and asceticism into the sphere of art and architecture as well. There are minute details, for instance, in the Manasara, a standard book on the subject in South India, according to which, The image of a Jina should have only two arms, two eyes, and a cropped head; either standing with legs kept straight or in the abhanga manner; or it may be seated in the padmasana posture, wherein also the body must be kept erect. The figure should be sculptured as to indicate deep contemplation; the right palm should be kept facing upwards upon the left palm held in the same manner (and both resting on the crossed legs). On the Simhasana on which the image of the Jina is seated (and round the prabhavali) should be shown the figures of Narada and other rsis, hosts of gods (and goddesses ), vidyadharas and others, as, either seated or standing in the air, and offering worship to the Jina. 'Below the simhasana must be the figures of (other) Jinas in a worshipping attitude; these are the siddhas (or adisiddhas ?), the sugandhas (sugatas ?), Cahantu (carhantas, i. e. Arhantas ?), Jana (Jina ?) and parsvakas; these five classes are known by the name of Panca-paramestins.115. The complexions of these are respectively sphatika (crystal), white, red, black, and yellow. The central Jina figure should be shaped according to the 115 Cited by E. P. Rice, op. cit., pp. III-12. 115a This is not correct. The Pancparamesthis gre : Arhat, Siddha, Acirys Upadhyeya and Sadhu.

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DALIL21) more twee Jaina Colossus at Karkala (Vide page 103) Venur Gommata (Vide page 103 )

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE, Etc. toz uttama-dasa-tala measure, whereas those of the devatas and the twenty-four Tirthankaras surrounding him in the other (madhyama and adhama) dasatala measures. The body should be perfectly free from ornaments, but on the right side of the chest (a little over the nipple) there should be the Sri-vatsa mark of golden colour. On the right and left side of the gate of the temple of Jina, there should be the dwarapalakas named Canda and Maha - Canda respectively.'116 It becomes clear from this extract that there was a regular system of sculpture and architecture to which the workers were expected strictly to conform. The excessive deference to ritual prescription, generally recognised as a defect in Hindu art, as Smith obseryes, is carried to such an extremity by the Jainas, that images differing in age by a thousand years are almost undistinguishable in style. The uniformity which runs through the centuries extends all over India, so that little difference between Northern and Southern productions is noticeable, and the genius of individual artists finds small scope for its display.117 The best illustrations of this remark are undoubtedly the three wellknown colossi of Karnataka, viz. the statues of Gommatesvara or Bahubali at Sravana Belgola, Karkala, and Yenur or Venur. The last one is the smallest of the three ( 35 ft. high ) and the first the biggest, rising to a height of 561 ft. All the three are carved, each out of a single block of gneiss, giving expression to the same ascetic ideal in the self-same manner, with the exception of the dimples in the cheeks of the Yenur colossus expressing 'a deep, grave smile.' They date respectively from about 983 A. D., 1432 A. D., and 1604 A.D.118 All are set on heights of more or less prominence, visible from a considerable distance around; and, despite their formalism, 116 Manasara ch. 55; cf. Gopinathrao, Travancore II, pp. 118-19. 117 Smith, History of Fine Art in India, pp. 267-68. 118 Cf. Hultzsch, Jain Colossi in South India, Ep. Ind. VII, pp. 108-12 Ep. Car II, Introd., p. 16.

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104 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE 'command respectful attention by their enormous mass and expression of dignified serenity'. That at Karkala is 41 ft. 5 inches high, 10$ ft. broad and 10 ft. thick, weighing about 80 tons.119 "This is one of those colossal statues that are found in this part of the country", says Walhouse, "statues truly Egyptian in size, and unrivalled throughout India as detached works..... Nude, cut from a single mass of granite, darkened by the monsoons of centuries, the vast statue stands upright, with arms hanging straight, but not awkwardly, down the sides in a posture of somewhat stiff but simple dignity.120 " This figure of Gommateswara is indeed known only in Karnataka, and statues of that size are very rare elsewhere. 121 Gommateswara Bahubali, or Bhujabali is supposed to have been the son of the first Tirthankara, Vtsabha, who attained salvation in that position of Kayotsarga. His feet are entwined with weeds and Kukkuta-sarpas. On the Candragiri Hill at Sravana Belgola is also another statue, that of Bharata, brother of Babubali, of great size, broken below the knees, yet standing erect: "A statue solid set And moulded in colossal calm ". In the Jaina cave at Badami a similar figure is seen which, in the opinion of Fergusson, is much older (c. 600 A. D.) than the three great monoliths, but represents the same individual--the ideal ascetic who stood in meditation until the ant-bills arose at his feet and creeping plants grew round bis limbs. " This Gomata, Gummata or Dorbali", he also says, " has no prominent place in the Svetambara pantheon, though 119 Cf. Fergussion, A Hlstory of Indian and Eastern Architectnre, II, pp. 72-3; Buchanan, Travels, III, p. 83. 120 Cf. Sturrock, South Canara, I, p. 86 f. 121 At Nara in Japan is a bionze statue of Buddha 50 ft. high; and at Bamiyan, a stone image, also of Buddha, 173 ft. high. See, Carpentier, Buddhism and Christranity. p. 15; Nariman, The Indian Daily Mail Annual, 1926, p. 12. Cf. At Gwalior, Smith, op. cit., pp. 268-70.

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE, ETC. 105 Parsvanatha is with them occasionally represented in a similar position."122 The question naturally arises as to how these huge images were moved to their present place. "The task of carving a rock standing in its place had it even been twice the size, the Hindu mind never would have shrunk from; but to move such a mass up the steep smooth side of the hill seems a labour beyond their power, even with all their skill in concentrating masses of men on a single point," says Fergusson.123 Yet the fact remains that, at least at Karkala, the statue with its immense proportions was moved up a smooth and steep rock nearly 300 feet high. According to tradition, it was raised on to a train of twenty iron carts furnished with steel wheels, on each of which 10,000 propitiatory cocoanuts were broken, and covered with an infinity of cotton; it was then drawn by legions of worshippers up an inclined plane to the platform on the hill-top, where it now stands.124 Folk-songs of South Kanara also throw some light upon this point, and seem to contain the soul of truth within their legendary exterior. They ascribe the erection of all the three statues to the popular devil Kalkuda : 'The king of Belur and Belgula sent for Kalkuda the stonemason of Kallatta Marnad (N. E. of Mangalore). He put the thread on his shoulder to let people know his caste, and held up an umbrella. He made sharp his adze and put it on his shoulder. He made sharp his chisel and put it in a bag. He made sharp his axe and put it on his shoulder. He carried a cord and a pole for measuring. He dressed himself in his dressing-room, and then he dressed himself again. I am going to the kingdom of Belgula," he said to his wife. He reached Belgula where he ascended twelve steps of stone. He passed by the gate. He passed by a painted cavadi. He passed by a pillar of precious " 122 Fergusson, op. cit., pp. 72, 73 n 8; Ep. Car. II introd., pp. 12-13. 128 Fergusson, op. cit., pp. 72-3. 194 Thurston, The Castes and Tribes of Southern India, 11, pp. 422-28. JK0-2528-14

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to6 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE stones, and a large yard. There the king sat down on his throne with pea-cock's feathers. He held up his hands and saluted him : "Come Kalkuda, take a seat," said the king. "Why did you send for me?" asked Kalkuda. "Now this is evening and the time to take one's food: therefore take five sers of rice, and go to your lodging; I shall tell you your work tomorrow morning, and then you must work well," said the king. Next morning the king directed him to do fine work, such as a basti (temple), with 1,000 pillars, and with 120 images. Seven temples with seven idols: a small temple inside and a garden outside : an elephant in the outer yard, and also a large idol called Gummada. Work such that only one door was opened when a thousand doors were shut, and that the thousand doors were opened when a single door was shut ;- a building for dancing and another for dancing-girls, and also others for lodgings ;-an elephant that seemed to be running ;-a fine horse and a lion. "I want to choose my own stones," said Kalkuda. "Go there to a large rock, and get the stones you like," said the king. "He went to a large rock called Perya Kalluni and remembered the gods on the four sides. He found the cleft in the stones and put his chisel there, and then he applied his axe. The stone was separated, just like flesh from the blood. He then did fine work, and built the basti of a thousand pillars, etc.125 Then the song proceeds," It is a year and six months since I came. I must go to my native country. Therefore, I beg leave," said Kalkula. The king presented him with a cot to lie down on, a chair to sit on, five torches for light, a stick to walk with, clothes up to the shoulders, and betel leaves to fill his mouth............ Then Kalkuda's son, seeing his own father's work said: "All the work is done well, except the image of a frog which is not 125 Burpell, The Devil Worship of the Tuluvas. Ind. Ant. XXV, Ms. 25.

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE, ETC. 107 done well. Its eyes are not done well. Its paws are not well done. Its legs are not properly done." "Rama, Rama, Bermetti !", exclaimed Kalkuda, "Many have seen and examined my work; many have been satisfied with it. You were born but yesterday, and are only just grown up; still you have found out a mistake in my work. If the king heard of this, he would tie me to an elephant's leg and beat me with horse-whips. He would dishonour me, and then what would be the use of my life?" So saying, Kalkuda put down his tools and took out a knife from his girdle and cut his own throat. Thus did he kill himself. " Father, althongh you are dead, I will not leave your tools," said the son.... And he worked at Belgola better than his father had done. He built the seven temples; he established a Brahma128 (?), etc. Bairana-suda (Bairasu Wodeya ? ), King of Karkala, heard the news, sent for him, and told him to work in his kingdom ........ He made a basti with a thousand pillars, 120 images, a dancing room, a lodging for dancing girls, etc. "Go to a rock on dry land and make Gummatasami there," said the king. He made the Gommatasami. He made a pillar called Bantakamba, a pillar of Maharnavami. He made a garden inside the temple. "You people, bring fifty cocoanuts in a basket, and betel-nut on a fan; call together the 5,000 people of Karkala, and raise the Gommatasami, he said. But they could not do it." " Very well," said Kalkuda ( the younger), and he put the left hand under the Gummata and raised it, and placed it on a base, and then he set the Gummata up-right." 196 This is evidently a reference to the Brahma-deva Pillar, or Manas. tambha on the Candragiri Hill which is a beautiful work of art. Cf. Ep. Car. U Introd., p. 24.

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108 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE This interesting legend makes it clear that the Jainas employed Brahmanical architects and sculptors as well. In the sequel we are told that the King of Karkala said, "I will not let Kalkuda who has worked in my kingdom, work in another country ;" and he cut off his left arm and right leg. In spite of this, however, Kalkula went to Timmajila, 127 King of Yenir, and did fine work with only one arm and one leg. His sister, Kallurti (another devil worshipped in South Kanara ), is said to have taken full revenge for the ill-treatment of her brother to which the fall of the Karkala Wodeyars is attributed, 128 The legend also amply illustrates the life of a sculptor, his skill, his sense of honour, his hereditary attachment to his vocation, his small remuneration, as well as his hardships which often disabled him for life, though his indefatigable enthusiasm for his task was more than could be curbed by such calamities. But in spite of all this, we cannot fail to notice that lack of versatility in expression, which resulted in repeating the same acts and same forms over and over again-at Belgula, at Karkala, and also at Venur,-almost like a machine turning out stereotyped blocks. "Numberless images might be figured," says Smith, "without adding anything to the reader's knowledge of Indian art. They differ from one another merely in the degree of perfection attained in mechanical execution."129 There is in the Madras Museum, a Jaina image on the base of which are written the words that King Salva Deva, 'a great lover of Sahitya (literature)' 'made ( the image ) according to rule. '130 There are innumerable such images made of metal, stone, or even gems. The Jainas, as Walhouse has remarked, delighted in making their images of all substances and sizes, but almost 127 Evidently, Timmarajs who erected the Yenar colossus. He must, ther fore, bave bolonged to the Ajila or Ajalar family. See, Sturrock, op. cit., p. 55. 128 Burnell, op. cit., p. 224. 129 Smith, op. cit., p. 268. 130 Rangacharya, Inscriptions of the dradras Presidency, II, 395,

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE, ETC. 109 always, invariable in attitude, whether that be seated or standing. Most of the images belong to the Digambara sect or school, are nude. Small portable images of the saint are made of crystal, alabaster, soapstone, blood-stone, and various other materials; while the larger are carved from whatever kind of stone is locally available. He also mentions a life-size brass image of Santiswara at Yenur, erect and enshrined in burnished silver and brass-work variegated with red ornaments.131 Each Tirthankara is distinguished from another by his colour, his chinna and lanchhana, and the Yaksas and Yaksinis who attend on him; the Svetambara images differ from the Digambara particularly in the nudity and absolute lack of ornament in the latter.132 But, in the words of Mr. Nanalal C. Metha, "Somehow or other the aesthetic element was overshadowed by other considerations, and size rather than strength in sculpture, elaboration of detail more than the beauty of form or out-line in building, and narration more than accomplished expression in pictures, become the dominant qualities of Indian art as developed under the austere influence of Jainism." 133 Another peculiar contribution of the Jainas, not only to Karnataka but also to the whole of Indian or even Eastern art, is the free-standing pillar, found in front of almost every basti or Jaina temple in Karnataka. "In the whole range of Indian art, " observes Smith, "there is nothing, perhaps, equal to these Kanara pillars for good taste. A particularly elegant example, 52} ft. in height, faces a Jain temple at Mudbidre. The material is granite, and the design is of singular grace (c. Irth or I2th cent. A. D.)." 134 There are about twenty such pillars in the District of South Kanara alone, which made many other distinctive contributions to Jaina art, as we shall notice in the course of this chapter. There are two kinds of such pillars in 13! Walhouse cited by Smith, op. cit., pp. 238, 268. 139 Burges, Digambara Jain Iconography. Ind Ant. XXXII p. 459 f, 193 Metha, Studies in Indian Painting, p. 22. 134 Smith, op. cit.i p. 22.

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IIO JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE Karnataka namely, the Brahma-deva-stambhas and the Manastambhas. The former bear figures of the Brahmanical god Brahma ; the latter are taller and have a small pavilion at the capital.135 We have already referred to the Tyagada Brahmadeva-pillar at Candragiri which is considered a beautiful work of art.' The fine Mana-stambha in front of the Parsvanatha Basti at Sravana Belgola is distinguished by a sikhara over the cell which is always surmounted by a small dome, "as is universally the case with every vimana in Dravidian architecture, instead of with the amalaka ornament of the Northern sikharas." 136 These stambhas or detached pillars are quite different from dipa-stambhas or lamp-posts of Hindu temples, and in the opinion of Fergusson, "are the lineal descendents" of the Buddhist ones which bore either emblems or statues-generally the former-or figures of animals. "Pillars are found of all ages in India," he says, "from Asoka pillars down to the Jainas. They might be compared to the Egyptian obelisks but when we look at the vast difference between their designs, it becomes evident that vast ages must have elapsed before the plain straight-lined forms of the obelisks could have changed into the complicated and airy forms of the Jaina stambhas." 137 According to Mr. Walhouse the whole capital and canopy (of Jaina pillars) are a wonder of light, elegant, lightly decorated stone work ; and nothing can surpass the stately grace of these beautiful pillars, whose proportions and adaptations to surrounding scenery are always perfect, and whose richness of decoration never offends.138 Apart from these pieces of individual statuary or architectural work, the Jainas distinguished themselves by their decorative 135 Ep Ind. VIII, p. 123. The Jainas, of course, regard this Brahma, not as identical with the Hindu god, but as a ksetra prit or yaksa attending on the Arbat. 136 Fergusson, op. cit., p. 75. 197 Ibid., pp. 81-83. 138 Walbouse, Ind. Ant. V., p. 39.

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ve A AMA ve Main entrance to Tribhuvana Tilaka Jinalaya (Vide page 110)

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE, ETC. "" sculpture, and attained a considerable degree of excellence in the perfection of their pillared chambers which were their favourite form of architecture. These took various shapes and gave full play to a variety of designs, differing according to the locality, the nature of the climate or the substance available out of which to execute their artistic ideals. Dr. Coomaraswamy, however, finds fault with Fergusson for his 'sectarian classification " which he says "is quite misleading"; "for, just as in the case of sculpture, there are no Buddhist, Jaina or Brahmanical styles of architecture, but only Buddhist, Jaina and Brahmanical buildings in the Indian style of the period." 139 Without entangling ourselves in this controversial question, we might accept the geographical classification of Dr. Coomaraswamy as an "adequate" (though not " the only") classification, for our purposes. "The three most clearly differentiated types are", according to him, " the Northern, marked by the curvilinear sikhara; the Southern, with a terraced pyramidal tower, of which only the dome is called the sikhara; and the Central, combining both types with peculiarities of its own These three types are thus designated in the Silpa-sastras : "} A. Nagara-mainly, North of the Vindhyas. B. Vesara-Western India, the Deccan and Mysore. fit C. Dravida-Madras Presidency and North Ceylon. 140 It is to be understood that these are the most predominant characteristics of each area, but not the monopoly of any particular zone. We have already noticed, for instance, in a Ratta inscription of Saundatti, that King Raja caused to be erected at Kalpole, a temple of Jina, wonderful to behold, the diadem of the earth, having three pinnacles (sikharas) unequalled, so that Brahma, Visnu, and Siva were charmed with it; he also built a place of retreat for the high-minded devotees of the god Santinatha (Jina) adorned with golden pinnacles and arched 139 Coomaraswamy, History of Indian and Indonesian Art, pp. 106-7. 140 Cf. Ibid.. pp.106-7.

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t12 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE portals, fashioned like a sea-monster, and pillars of honour etc.141 A more pecular type of Jaina temples is found in South Kanara, below the ghats, on the West Coast. Apart from the Betta or shrines consisting of an open courtyard, surrounded with cloisters round about the colossi, are the temples of Mulbidre, belonging mostly to the time of Vijayanagara Kings, with their sloping roofs of flat overlapping slats, and a peculiar type of stone-screen enclosing the sides, recalling a Buddhist railing-resemble Himalayan structures, rather than anything else more familiar in India.142 The influence of this style is seen not merely in South Kanara, but also, further South along the coast. Mr. Logan observes, "The Jains seem to have left behind them one of their peculiar styles of temple architecture ; for the Hindu temples, and even the Muhammedan mosques of Malabar are all built in the style peculiar to the Jains, as it is still to be seen in the Jain bastis at Mudbidre and other places in the South Kanara district." How the Muhammedans came to adopt this style for their mosques, he explains by stating that some of the original nine mosques were built on the sites of temples (or bastis) and perhaps the original buildings were retained or they set the model to later mosques. 148 Of the various styles we can only choose a few typical instances, and dwell more on the peculiarities of Jaina art as a whole. The bastis on the Candragiri Hill (Sravana Belgola ) are fifteen in number. They are all of the Dravidian style of 141 Fleet, Ratta Inscriptions, JBBRAS X, p. 285. 149 Cf. Coomaraswamy, op. cit., pp. 118-19; Fergusson, op. cit., p. 75 1. This resemblance with Nepalese or Himalayan architecture is generally explained by saying that " Similar conditions produced similar structtures." But those who say this forget or are unaware of the existence on a number of Nepalese jogis at badri (Mangalore ) from unknown times, in the vicinity of whose Math, are a number of tombs said to be those of Gorakh-Nath and his followers from the Himalayas. It this fact does not wholly explain, it certainly lends support to the hypothesis af actual Northern influence. 143 Logan, Malabar, pp. 186-88; cf. Fergusson, op. cit., pp. 7, 669.

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Peculiar type of Jaina architecture in S. Kanara Tribhuvanatilaka Jinalaya at Mudbidre (Vide page 112)

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" * - RA Pillar-carving of Baira-devi Mandapa, Mudbidre (Vide page 113 )

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE, ETC. 113 architecture and are consequently built in gradually receding storeys, each of which is ornamented with small simulated cells. No curvilinear sikhara, such as is universal with the Northern Jainas, occurs among them, and their general external appearance is more ornamental than that of the generality of Northern Jaina temples.144 Quite in contrast with these are the bastis of Mudbidre. The external plainness of the Jaina temples of South Kanara gives no clue to the character of their interiors. In the words of Fergusson, "Nothing can exceed the richness or the variety with which they are carved. No two pillars are alike, and many are ornamented to an extent that may almost seem fantastic. Their massiveness and richness of carving bear evidence to their being copies of wooden models."145 This last observation is fully confirmed by an inscription in Coorg, above the Ghats, which definitely speaks of a basadi made of wood to serve as a model for another to be later on constructed in stone. Its estimated cost was 330 honnu.148 The wooden model must easily have been dispensed with in cases of material which was as tractable as wood. For instance, at Barkur, Buchanan observed a basti, built by the Wodeyars, about which he remarks, The workmanship of the pillars and carving is superior to anything that I have seen in India, probably owing to the nature of the stone, which cuts better than the granite in common use, and preserves its angles better than the common pot-stone, of which many temples are constructed." 147 The variety of material used for temple building, naturally varied with the locality. There is a Jaina temple in Belgaum with pillars of black Belgaum porphyry which is said to take a high polish and is strongly magnetic.148 At Ellora, in one of " 144 Cf. Fergusson, op. cit. I, p. 172, ibid. II, p. 74. 145 Ibid., pp. 78-9; Sturrock, op. cit., p. 85. 146 Cf. Rice, Coorg Inscriptions, Ep. Car. I, 10, p. 56. 147 Buchanan, op. cit., III, pp. 132-33. 148 Cf. Belgaum, Bom. Gaz. XXI, p. 540. JK0-2528-15 !!

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114 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE the Jaina caves, a shrine has two round pillars of polished red stone which give a hollow metallic sound when tapped with the fingers. The plans of these bastis are everywhere the same, with but slight variations according to size. They begin with spacious, well lighted, porches or mandapas-of which there are three in larger temples, ( known respectively as Tirthankara,--Gaddigeand Citra-mantapas ), and two in smaller ones (called Tirthankara, and Namaskara-mandapas ) --leading to a cell in which the images of one or more Tirthankaras are placed. 149 A special type of the smaller shrines, common in Mysore, is what is called the Trikutacal with three garbhagyhas, three sukhanasis, and a Navarangi or porch. Shrines of this type are taken as good specimens of the Hoysala style, two examples of which are : the Jaina basti at Markuli (a small village 3 miles east of Ambuga on the Mysore-Arsikere railway-line) and the Santinatha temple of Jinanatha-pura (a mile north of Sravana Belgola ). The latter is said to be the most ornate temple in the whole of the Mysore State. 150 Another variety of the smaller temple is that found at Guruvayyanakere in South Kanara. It is a five-pillared shrine, in front of the larger temple to which it belongs. Fergusson has observed that four pillared shrines are not uncommon in the Southern temples, but five pillars is peculiar, and also having access to the upper chambers (which in this case are three in number).161 The Meguti temple at Aihole, in the Bijapur District, is also said to be "somewhat peculiar," the shrine being surrounded by eight small rooms (8 ft. wide ) in place of a pradaksina passage.162 But by far the best model of a Jaina temple is that of Caturmukhabasti or the four-faced temple, found at Karkala and 149 Yerg1188on, op. cit., p. 79; cf. Madras Ep. Rep. 1916-17, pp. 113-14. 150 Mysore Archaeological Report 1925, p. 1; Ep. Car. II Introd., pp. 32-33. 161 Fergusson, op. cit., p. 79. 159 Ibid.. I, p. 866; f. Havell, Ancient and Mediaeval Architecture of India, p. 68.

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE, ETC. 115 Gersoppa; a plan of the latter is given on the opposite page. The following description of the former by Walhouse is also worth reproduction : 'On a broad rocky platform below the hill on the side next the town stands a remarkable Jain temple, much differing from the ordinary Hindu style; square with a projecting columned portico facing each of the four quarters. The columns, quadrangular for a third part of their height, pass into rounded sections, separated by cable bands, and have the sides and sections richly decorated with deities, and most graceful and intricate arabesque designs, rosettes and stars, leaf and scroll work, in endless combination, all made out of the carver's brain, wrought almost as finely as Chinese ivory work. The friezes and pediments round the porticoes and temples are ornamented in like manner, and frequently a stone in the wall displays some quaint wonderfully well-cut device; a hundred-petalled flower disc, two serpents inextricably intertwined, or a grotesque head surrounded with fruitage. The temple is roofed with immense overlapping flag-stones, and bore some sort of cupola now ruined in the centre. On the massive folding doors of one of the portals being rolled back, a strange sight is disclosed. In a large square recess, immediately facing the entrance stand three life-sized images of burnished copper, the counterparts of the great statue on the hill above, each resembling each, and looking weird and unearthly in the gloom of the adytum as the light through the opening doors falls upon them. A like triad stands within each of the other three entrances'. 153 Details of the interiors of other Jaina temples also reveal an almost confusing variety of figures, decorations, and symbols, To give but one illustration, in the Markuli temple, already referred to, the main image of Adisvara is seated in Yogamudra, palm on palm, and crossed legs in the front. Behind him is a prabhavali built against the wall. On either side are standing figures of Bahubali and Parsvanatha with a serpent of five boods 153 Cf. Sturrock, op. cit,, p. 90. t.

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116 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE over the head of the latter, Bahubali is flanked by two small figures, one with six hands, and another only with two. Of the six hands of the former, three hold respectively an ankusa, a kalasa, and a trident; the rest hold fruit. Another seated male figure has four hands holding an ankusa, aksamala, and fruit in the three, with the fourth hand in Varada-hasta pose. There is also a female figure with twelve hands: four on the right and four on the left, holding each a cakra or disc; two with a thunderbolt, and the remaining, with a lotus and varada-hasta. On the ceiling are lotuses and other flowers. 154 Often on the pillars of Jaina temples are curious figures, like that of the giraffe, or the interlaced basket-work, of which Fergusson finds parallels in Irish manuscripts and crosses, as well as, in America, and the valley of the Danube in Europe.155 The number of pillars also is sometimes far in excess of mere architectural needs, as in the case af the Thousand Pillar Basti' of Mudbidre. It is very extensive, magnificient, containing on and about a thousand pillars and no two alike. In the prophylaeum are of several great size, the lower halves square, the upper round and lessening, recalling Egyptian forms, and all covered with a wondrous wealth of sculptured gods, monsters, leaf and flower-work, and astonishing arabesque interlacement, cut with admirable cleanness. One quadrangular face bears a hymn, graven curiously in twenty-five small compartments, each containing four compound words, which may be read as verses in all directions, up or down, along or across. On the outer pediment there is a long procession of various animals, living and mythical, among them the centaur and mermaid and an excellent representation of a giraffe.156 The two specimens of wood-carving, reproduced elsewhere, viz. the Pancanari-turaga and Navanari-kunjara, are also from Mudbidre and belong to the Couter's palace there. 154 Cf. Mysore Archaeological Report, 1925, p. 2. 155 Of. Fergusson, op. cit., p. 82. 156 Walhouse, quoted by sturrock, op. cit., p. 88,

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* * www. * ERL AAN Pancanari-Turaga : Wood-carving -- Mudbidre ( Vide page 116)

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eb LOVAMALT W RSS 41 1. M . ti . TISSA . .. ... . 11 WEAL Navanari Kunjara : Wood-carving -- Mudbidre (Vide Page 117)

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE, ETC. 117 To these illustrations from Mysore and the West Coast, we might add another from the Deccan to show that the love of profusion and variety was essentially the same, whether in the North or South, differing only in the details of expression. The temple of Belgaum with its pillars of magnetic black porhyry has already been referred to. Its sculptures are no less interesting. The brackets of the pillars are ornamented with heads of cobras. In each of the eight architraves, which support the dome of the temple, are carved five small cells or mandirs, each containing a sitting Jina, and, between the cells are four attendants or supporters-standing figures each under a small canopy. On one carved slab is a figure on horse-back with a high cap, a canopy or umbrella over his head, and a woman behind him. Another is a fancy alligator or makara, a large-headed gaping and similarly mounted short-legged dragon. In the centre of the dome is a beautiful pendentive boldly designed and well executed, but damaged at one point. The door leading from the hall to the inner temple has been very gracefully carved. On the centre of the lintel is a sitting Jina and above the cornice are four sitting men. On the neat side-pillar colonettes are five bands with human groups in some of which the figures though little more than an inch high are in strong relief. Inside the bands of human figures is a band of rampant lions, their necks adorned with high frills. Outside the colonettes is a band of holy swans, another of lions, and a third of human figures, mostly on bended knees. The pillars of the inner temple or sala are square and massive, relieved by having all the chief fronts, the triangles on the base and neck, carved with flowers. A richly carved door leads to the small ante-chamber in front of the shrine. On the under-side of the door cornice is carved a dancing figure between two musicians.157 It will be at once noticed that the austere asceticism which symbolised itself in the huge stoic and naked monoliths was also counter-balanced, if not more than counter-balanced by the 157 Belgium, Bom. Gaz. XXI, pp. 540-41.

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II8 CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE, ETC. abundance and variety of these sculptures which, in a sense, give expression to the later and emotionalised Jainism that we shall comment upon in a later chapter. There are not a few traces of the early tree and serpent worship of the Dravidians in Jaina sculptures; and the five, seven, or thousand headed naga is everywhere present in the Jaina temples. It is in fact, as Fergusson observes, the naga that binds together and gives unity to the various religions of South India; and snake images are very frequent about Jaina temples, particularly in Mysore and Kanara.158 In the Caturmukha Basti, at Gersoppa, there is, among the various Digambara figures huddled together, one of Parsvanatha with a beautifully carved sesa-phana, as also in the exquisite seated marble figure still worshipped at Sravana Be!go!a. Hindu or Brahmanical influence is also traceable in the sculptures of Indra or Sakra, Garuda, Saraswati, Laxmi, etc.,169 striking examples of which are found in the figure of Laxmi bathed by two elephants at the entrance of the great enclosure round the Gummata at Belgola, and in the huge seated figure of Indra which has given the name of Indra Sabha to one of the most interesting caves at Ellora. This naturally leads us to a consideration of Jaina excavations in Karnataka, which are perhaps more numerous in the Bombay division than anywhere else in the peninsula. " The varying practical requirements of the cult of each religion, of course, had an effect on the nature of the buildings required for particular purposes," observes Smith, ; 160 and the striking paucity of Jaina caves, as compared with either Buddhist or Brahmanical ones, is a strong commentary upon those who adversely reflect upon the ascetic nature of the Jaina religion. The importance attached to the lay community, as well as, the active part played in worldly life by the Jaina 153 Cf. Fergusson, op. cit., I, pp. 42-44 and 41 n 1; ibid. II, p. 79. 169 Ibid., pp. 4-5; Cf. Buhler, Indian Sect of the Jainas, App. by Burgess, Jaing Mythology, p. 61 f. 160 Smith, op. cit., p. 9.

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE, ETC. iig monks, must largely account for the fact that although, like the Buddhists, the Jainas had a monastic organisation "it never attained power like that of the Buddhist order." 161 As Burgess has pointed out, the Jaina caves in Western India do not exceed 4 per cent of the whole. The figures given by him are Buddhist 720; Brahmanical 160; and Jaina only 35. The earliest of these belong to the 5th or 6th Century A. D., and the latest perhaps to the 12th century A. D. They are all Digambara, and include one or two very fine specimens. Like the Brahmanical caves they are also built after the plan of the Buddhist viharas, probably "as a means of dressing their candidature for a larger share of popular favour." 162 Chota Kailas or smaller Kailas, at Ellora, a curious example of the imitation of the works of one sect by the votaries of another. "For there can be no doubt, says Burgess, this was undertaken in imitation of the great Brahmanical temple of Kailasa, but on a much smaller scale. He also adds, "these two temples cannot be far distant in date" (9th cent. A,D,).163 "" By far the most interesting caves of the Jainas in this part of the country are, of course, the groups called the Indra Sabha and Jagannatha Sabha. They constitute a maze of excavations leading from one into another, and Havell observes, "The name of the two temples, and the orientation of their shrines indicate that, unlike most of the other shrines at Ellora, it was not the tamasic aspect of the Trimurti that was here invoked, but the blessings of the Rain God, represented by Visnu, the preserver, and his s'akti, Laxmi, the bringer of prosperity. Only as the temples belonged to the Jaina sect they appealed specially to their saints, the Tirthankaras, to whom analogous divine powers were attributed. With this qualification of the symbolism of the structure and ornament has the same #s 161 Cf. Ibid., p. 11. 162 Burgess, Cave Temples of India, pp. 170-71. 163 Ibid., pp. 193-96, ""

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Izo JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE significance as in Brahmanical and Buddhist temples "' 164 The entrance to the Indra Sabha is completely sculptured out of a living rock, like the Kailas temple which it resembles in many respects, though on a considerably smaller scale. Immediately within the walls is the Jaina equivalent of Siva's Nandishrine. The cubical cell is of the Brahma type, and stands for the four-headed Brahma symbol, as seen at Elephanta, though the four sides are sculptured with the figure of Mahavira. The main block of Indra Sabha consists of a two-storeyed temple, cut into the rock for a depth of over 100 ft. Perhaps the most remarkable feature of the sculpture of the Indra Sabha ", observes Havell," is the strikingly beautiful and original facade of the side-chapel on the western side of the main temple, the richness of which contrasts so admirably with the larger surfaces of the grand chhaja shading the main front and the magnificent profile of the elephants kneeling above it. "165 46 The figure of Indra himself is sculptured on the left of the main temple, seated on a sleeping elephant as represented in the photograph facing this page. Similarly seated under a tree, carved with infinite care and accuracy with birds, fruits and leaves brought into remarkable relief, is Indrani in the opposite corner facing her Lord. This goddess, unlike Indra, is seated on a crouching lion whose head is completely damaged. She is not the only goddess in the group. There is also a four-armed Devi with two discs in the upper hands, and a vajra in her left, resting on her knee. To her left is another goddess with eight arms seated on a pea-cock; evidently Saraswati. Some of the remarkable things to note are the dogs and deer at the foot of Mahavira's throne in the Jagannatha group. There are numerous other figures common to other Jaina temples, but the magnificent pillar-carving, with nude, standing Digambaras on 164 Havell, op. cit., p. 201. The Brahmanical caves predominate at Ellora; they are 17, whereas Buddhist ones are 12, and Jaina only five. All are situated within the radius of a mile. 165 Cf. Plate LXXI, Havell, op. cit., p. 292.

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- Indra seated on Elephant Indra-Sabha, Ellora (Vide page 120)

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' Carved Pillar in Jaina Cave - Ellora (Vide page 121)

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE, ETC. I21 their inner face, is particularly note-worthy. (see photograph opposite. ) Yet Ellora forms one of a group; there are others, more ancient, further South. "When Buddhism was tottering to a fall", observes Burgess, "the Jainas timidly at first in Dharwar and the Dekkan, and boldly afterwards at Elura--asserted themselves as co-heirs to the Buddhists, with the Brahmans".186 The caves at Ellora being thus of later date, are supposed to represent a decadent age in Jaina sculpture. The rock-cut style was only a passing episode in their architectural history and was dropped by the Jainas when it was no longer wanted. It has had no permanent effect upon their own peculiar style. "Notwithstanding this, however, the architects who excavated the two Sabhas at Elura," says Burgess," deserve a prominent place among those, who, regardless of all utilitarian considerations, sought to convert the living rock into quasi-eternal temples in honour of their gods." 187 There are similar excavations in the Deccan at Badami, Aihole, Dharasiva, Ankai, Patan. Nasik and Junagad, as well as in the far South at Kulumulu or Kulugumalai in the Tinnavelly District. The caves at Dharasiva ( Osmanabad 37 miles N. of Sholapur ) are perhaps the largest of these. The halls here are of considerable size, being 80 ft. deep and 79-85 ft. across, with eight cells in each of the side walls and six in the back, besides the shrine. In one is an image of Parsvanatha with a seven-hooded serpent above him, seated on a throne, in jnana-mudra. Hanging from the east is a carved representation of rich drapery. In front of it was a wheel set edge-wise, with antelopes at each side. There are sardulas and other non-descript monsters as well.168 That at Aihole is two-storeyed with a number of halls attached, as at Ellora. From their appearance, as well as the presence of the 166 Burgess, op. cit., p. 510. 167 Ibid., pp. 511-12; cf. his Report on the Cave Temples in Western India, p. 44 f. 168 Ibid., pp. 503-04 ; Fergusson, op. cit., pp. 18-19. J.R.C. - 2598-16

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122 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE peculiarly Southern Gummata (as at Badami) Fergusson concludes that the excavator must have brought the Dravidian style with them into the Deccan. He says, the Ellora group (i.c. the Deccan group) exhibits an extra-ordinary affinity with the southern style. They must have all been excavated by the Calukyas and the Rashtrakutas (7th to the 8th cent. A. D.) whose kingdoms extended from the Tungabhadra and Krsna, in the South, to Ellora and Malkhed in the North.169 The Badami cave contains names of Digambara sadhus, and the figures are marked by the sacred-thread, seen also in the status of Indra at Ellora; on either side of the statue of Mahavira are chauri-bearers, sardulas, makaras, etc. 170 The caves of Nasik have cells and halls for the monks, and those at Yeola, in the same District, have small but richly carved doorways.171 Among the smaller caves of interest might be mentioned those of Ankai, in the Khandesh District. They are seven in all, and belong to about the Iith or 12th cent. A D. They are rich in sculpture, notable samples of which are the female dancing figures on petals bearing musical instruments. 172 That of Kulugumalai, in the Tinnevelly District, is a rock-cut temple which deserves mention also not for its size but for its elegance of details. The temple now used by the Saivas is described as " a gem of its class." It too belongs to about the same period as the caves of Ankai. 173 These excavations are not copies of structural buildings but are "rock-cut examples, which had grown up into a style of their own, distinct from that of structural edifices." 174 Jaina art is to an overwhelming degree religious, and hence we find in it a certain lack of the purely aesthetic element 169 Ibid., pp. 20-22. 170 Burgess, A. 8. of W. I., Belgaum and Kaladgi Dists. (1874), pp. 25-6; Cave Temples, p. 491. 171 Burgess and Cousens, Revised Lists of Antiquarian Romains in the Bombay Presidency, VIII, pp. 46-9, 52. 173 Fergusson, op. cit., pp. 18-19; Bargess, Cave Temples, pp. 505-07. 173 Fergu88on, op. cit., p. 22; Burgess, op. cit., p. 169. 174 Fergusson, op. cit., p. 7.

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE. ETC. 123 conducive to its own growth. Even religion is emotional, and in the conventional Jaina art the ethical object predominates. The dominance of this ideal is indicated by sculptures representing scenes from the lives of their saints, rather than heroes in any other walk of life. For instance, in the Candragupta Basti at Sravana Belgola, the facade is made of a perforated stone screen containing as many as ninety sculptured scenes of events in the lives of Bhadrababu and Candragupta. 175 This also finds illustration in the pictorial art of painting. On the walls of the Jaina Matha at Belgola are several examples of how the chief tenets of their religion were sought to be inculcated by means of this art. In one of the panels (North) Parsvanatha is represented in his samavasarana or heavenly pavilion where the Kevalin or Jina preaches eternal wisdom to the sravakas. A tree with six persons on it illustrates the six lesyas of Jaina philosophy by which the soul gets tinted with merit and demerit. Neminatha is also similarly represented in the act of expounding religious doctrine. The only secular scene that finds a place there is that of Ktsnaraja Odeya III during his Dasara-darbar (on the right panel of the middle cell). 176 But even such paintings are very rare in Karnataka. There is nothing in what has survived of Jaina art in Karnataka comparable with the immaculate Buddhist frescoes of Ajanta. A few traces of old paintings are still to be seen on the ceilings of the Ellora caves. There are also some at Kancipuram and Tirumalai in the South. 177 Dubreuil has drawn attention to others at Sittanavasal in Pudukottai State, near Tanjore, assigned to about the 7th cent. A. D. 178 These paintings are in a Jaina rock-cut temple, akin in their style to Ajanta, but less forceful and impressive. 179 More interesting, perhaps, are 176 Rice, Mysoro and Coorg from the Inscriptions, p. 6; cf. Smith, op. cit., p. 270. 176 Of. Ep. Car. II Introd., pp. 30-31. - 177 Coomaraswamy, op. cit.,pp. 118-19; cf. lbid. III. Pl. LXXX, 256. 178 Dubreuil, Pallada Painting, p. 8; Coomaraswamy, op. cit., p. 89. 179 Of. Ajit Ghose, Comparative Survey of Indian Painting, I. H.Q II 2, p. 303.

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124 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE those of Tirumalai (N. Arcnt). Smith says, the Jaina holy place at Tirumalai is a remarkable as possessing the remains of a set of wall and ceiling paintings ascribed, on the evidence of inscriptions, to the 11th cent. A.D. (E. I. ix, 229)".180 Traces exist of still older paintings covered up by the existing works. But, with the exception of one, they are said to be purely conventional and of little artistic importance. That exception is a representation of twelve Jaina nuns who are white-robed. But they are not to be supposed that they are Svetambara; for we have seen that such an order of Digambara sisterhood still exists in the Arcot District of whose antiquity, therefore, this is a valuable confirmation. 181 Apart from this mural painting, there was another kind of Jaina art which was particularly prevalent in Gujarat, viz. the art of illustrating, with beautifnl pictures, manuscripts of not less artistic interest than they were of religious importance. Dr. Coomaraswamy has observed that Mediaeval Indian art has nothing finer to show than these Jaina paintings : only the early Rajput pictures of ragas and raginis are of equal aesthetic rank. 182 A brief allusion to these therefore would not be a digression, especially as the subjects' dealt with are persons of vital interest to our history. "The tradition of Jain painting," says Coomaraswamy, "is recovered in manuscripts of the thirteenth and subsequent centuries. The text most frequently illustrated is the Kalpa Sutra of Bhadrabahu, containing the lives of the Jinas, most of the space being devoted to Mahavira. There are also illustrated cosmologies and cosmological diagrams, and appended to the Kalpa Sutra there is usually to be found the edifying tale of Kalikacarya...... The pictures take the form of square panels of the full height of the page, occupying spaces left for the purpose: only in very rare cases is the whole page used. The 180 Smith, op. cit., p. 344. 181 Of. Thorston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, II, pp. 432.33. 182 Coomara Swamy, Introduction to Indian Art, p. 117,

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE, ETC. 125 proper subject to be represented is often indicated by a marginal legend, sometimes by a diagrammatic marginal sketch, the former doubtless due to the scribe, the latter to the artist taking note of his instructions. The same subjects are repeated in the various manuscripts almost without variation: it is very evident that both in composition and style the pictures belong to an ancient and faithfully preserved tradition."183 There is similarly an illustrated manuscript of BhaktamaraStotra, in the Ailak Panalal Digambara Jaina Saraswati Bhavana (Bombay), which, however, being on paper, unlike the palmleaf described by Coomaraswamy, has full-page coloured paintings of unique artistic value. It is a pity that it is so damaged and worn out that at the slightest touch the paper crumbles to dust. Not the least interesting figure in it (out of nearly forty) is that of a four-headed Digambara Brahma, standing on a lotus-stool with the Bull of Adinatha below. There is a triple umbrella over his heads, the whole profile being surrounded with a halo of light. On the right is a naked sadhu standing on a wooden seat and on the left a crowned royal figure. On the inner surface of the back cover-leaf are carelessly scribbled the words : Hata 8698 ai rajonale si fa ETATATERS areret TEME ireit isara l' (Sam. 1851, Phalgun 13). But the contrast of this with the artistic script of the text, as well as, the present condition of the manuscript make it clear that it must be much earlier. Other manuscripts on palmleaves, like Pampa Bharata in Kannada script, are not wanting in this treasure-house of Jaina manuscripts. One more example of book-illustration, is that from an illumined manuscript of Nemicandra's Trilokasara, where the .great teacher is represented as expounding the docrtines of his religion, and among the auditorium is said to be Camundaraya, his famous disciple who caused the Belgola colossus to be erected.184 183 Ibid., pp. 114-15. 184 For A facsimile of this illustration see, Dravyasamgraha, S.B.J. I, Introd. p, Xxxix (facing).

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126 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE. From this we must now turn to yet another form of Jaina art, namely, that of inscribing on rock or copper-plate, some of which is of not less artistic interest than it is of historical value. The Kudlur plates of Marasimha Ganga, for example, are both literature, art, and history, rolled in one. Particularly noteworthy in it is the seal which is beautifully executed. It is divided transversely into two unequal compartments, the upper enclosing about three-fourths of the space, and the lower about one-fourth. The upper division has in the middle a fine elephant in relief, standing to the proper right, surmounted by a parasol flanked by couris, with the sun and the crescent at the upper coi ners. Behind the elephant is a lamp-stand with what looks like a couri above it, and in front is a vase surmounted by a dagger, and another lamp-stand. The lower compartment bears in one horizontal line the legend: Sri Marasingha-Devam, in Hale-kannada characters.185 The official designation of the engravers is often given as Viswakarma; and not infrequently we have reference to "the ornament to the forehead of titled sculptors."186 The banners of Jaina kings are also not without interest. Those of Ganga Permadi and Hastimalla, indicate the stamp and symbol of Jainism, viz. the Pincha-dhwaja (Flag of pea-cock feathers ) described as "the banner of the divine Arhat."187 Finally, we cannot conclude this chapter better than by pointing to the taste of the Jainas in always selecting the best views for their temples and caves. At Ellora they came perhaps too late, when the best sites had been already appropriated by the Buddhists and the Hindus; but speaking of the Jaina ruins at Hampi, Longhurst observes, unlike the Hindus, the Jainas almost invariably selected a picturesque site for their temples, valuing rightly the effect of environment on architecture. 188 The hill originally occupied by them, south of the 185 Mysore Archeological Report, 1991, p 18. 186 Rico, Coorg Inscriptions, Ep. Car. I, p. 7, Ep. Car. II Introd., p.52. 187. Hultasch, Ep. Ind. III, p. 165 ; Ind. Ant. XVIII, p. 318. 188 Longhorst, Hampi Ruim, p. 99.

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_ ... Chandragiri and Dhavala - Sarovara (Vide page 126 )

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE, ETC. 127 great Pampapati temple, is significantly called the Hema-Kutam or the Golden Group.189 There is also not a more picturesque spot in the vicinity than that chosen and occupied by the Jainas at Sravana Belgola, their first colony in the South. Mulbidre, in South Kanara, their last stronghold, is thus described by Walhouse in his matchless style :--'No Cistercian brotherhood was wiser in choosing a dwelling place than the Jainas. Their villages are ever marked by natural beauty and convenience. This one named Mudbidre is in a slight hollow on the verge of a wide rolling plain, covered after the rains with vast expanses of tall grass between flat lined elevations which are often studded with beds of a light blue gentian. The village is embowered in fruit and flower-trees and intersected by a labyrinth of hollow ways or lanes worn deep by the rains and tread of generations. Rough steps ascending to a covered entrance like a lynch-gate lead up to the houses that stand back among the trees. The banks and walls built of laterite blocks black with age are shrouded with creeping plants, azure convolvuli, and a profusion of delicate ferns sprouting from every crevice, and words are wanting to describe the exquisite varieties of grasses that wave everywhere on walls and roofs. Bird-of-paradise plumes, filmiest gossamer, wisps of delicate-spun glass, hardly equal in fairy fineness the pale green plumy tufts that spring in unregarded loveliness after the monsoon. Shade and seclusion brood over the peaceful neigh bourhood, and in the midst stand the greatest of Jain temples built nearly five centuries ago. ' 180 189 Ibid., pp. 25-6. 190 Walhouse, cited by Sturrock, op. cit., pp. 87-8.

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III. IDEALISM AND REALISM (CHARACTERISTICS : RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL) JAINISM AS IT WAS Jainism as it was, at the time of its introduction into Karnataka, was in many respects quite different from what it came to be later, owing to the conditions obtaining there. But, in order to be able to appreciate this metamorphosis, it is necessary to comprehend clearly the basic ideas and principles of the pristine faith. The sources for this are, no doubt, of a comparatively later date; but it is not difficult to distinguish between what was original and what was transformed. For, as Carpentier has rightly observed, "the inflexible conservatism of the small Jaina community in holding fast to its original institutions and doctrine... has been its strongest safeguard"; and in spite of periods of severe affliction, has enabled the Jainas to preserve their canon to a large extent untainted, 1 There are indications in inscriptions and bas-reliefs of the first and second century A. D. of their authenticity going back to a much earlier period, and its oldest elements "may very well go back to the time of the first disciples of Mahavira, or at any rate to the Council of Pataliputra which was held according to tradition under the Maurya king Candragupta at the end of the fourth (or beginning of the third) century B. C."2 The transformations were principally in matters of detail,--and the unconscious modifications which all religions and institutions tend to undergo in matters of practice rather than in the principles underlying them. 1 Carpentier. The Cambridge History of India I, p. 169. 2 Macdonnel, India's Fast, p. 71; Jaina Sutras, S.B.E., XXII, Introd., Pp. Il-xlii ; Gbosal, Dravyasamgroha, SBJ. 1, pp. 3-4.

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IDEALISM AND REALISM 129 The first material split within the Jaina community itself came at the time of Bhadrabahu and Candragupta, largely on account of the calamity of the famine and the consequent migration of the Digambaras to the south. 3 In the words of Mrs. Sinclair Stevenson, "It was naturally the more vigorous monks who undertook the long journey to South India, and perhaps the older and more infirm ascetics who remained at home had already been allowed to wear some clothing as a concession to their infirmities; the habit of so doing would have been likely now to become general among them. Thus one element of division was established among the Jainas, that of difference in practice, and it only remained in order to make the division permanent, that they should have a differing sacred literature". So arose the controversy about the 'clothes', and 'no-clothes', which has ever since diyiced the community into Svetambaras and Digambaras.5 There could be little dout that the more severe forms of discipline, represented by the Digambaras, yielded place to the less severe asceticism of the Svetambaras in course of time. This supposition is supported by what we know of Mahavira and the line of teachers who followed him. Mahavira himself discarded all clothing and experienced the most painful forms of selfmortification in order to realise his goal. The Acaranga Sutra of the Svetambaras states: More than four months many sorts of living beings gathered on his body, crawled about it and caused there pain ; but always well guarded he bore the pains caused by grass, cold, fire, flies, and gnats,-manifold pains.? 8 See pp. 4-6 above. 4 Stavenson. The Heart of Jainism, p. 71. 5 Literally S'oetambura means 'white cloth' and Digambara means direction (sky )-cloth'; s.e. those who wear white clothes and tbc 80 that weat no clothing. As a matter of fact this distinction 'applies only to ascetics. Cf. Carpentier, op. cit. PP. 105-06. 6 Jacobi, op. cit., p. xvii-xviii l; Stevenson, op. cit., p. 49; Bibler, The Indian Sect of the Jainas, p. 2. 7 Acharange Sutia I. 8, 1. 2; ibid. 3. 1. JRC-2628-17

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130 JAINISM AND KARNATAZA CULTURE Similarly, the Kalpa Sutra, attributed to Bhadrabahu, states : He with equanimity bore, underwent, suffered all pleasant and unpleasant occurrences arising from divine powers, men or animals; for it is said of an ascetic in the last stage of his spiritual career that he does desire neither life nor death. The same severe code must have been followed upto Bhadrabahu who was the last of the Srutakevalis.9 But under Sthulabhadra who convened the Council of Pataliputra the rigour was mitigated and the Digambaras disapproved of the change.10 The controversy appears to have continued for some time even among the Svetambaras. For, Arya Mahagiri, the immediate successor of Sthulabhadra in the Svetambara apostolate, being a stricter ascetic, is said to have reverted to the "ideal practice of nakedness." There was reaction again under Suhastin, and Aryamahagiri retired to Dasarnabhadra out of sheer disgust.11 The new doctrine, however, gained royal support from Asoka's grandson Samprati, under whom, as we saw, the first Svetambara mission was sent to the South. Thus, from very early times, both these schools of Jaina thought found representation in the South; but by far the most overwhelming epigraphic and archaeological evidence in the South is of the Digambara Sect.12 Despite these and other differences (with which, however, we need not trouble ourselves here ) 13 the great Jaina community which came to the South had many things in common, especially in their fundamental doctrines and outlook on life. 8 Kaipa Sutra, 117; ibid. Rules for Yatis, p. 51. 9 Cf. Devasena, Darsagagara, vy. 12-15 ; cf. Peterson, Report on San. M88. III, p. 24. 10 Jacobi, op. cit., p. xliii. 11 Cf. Stevenson, op. cit., p. 74; Barodia, History and Literature of Jainism, p. 55. 12 The earliest lithic reference to the S'vetam baras in South India is found in an inscription of badamba Mrigesavarma, Ind. Ant. VII, p. 38. Another is in Ep. Car. II, 8B 254. In the former they are called 'S'tela patha' in the latter Sitambara'. 18 See Buhler, op. cit., pp. 1-3; Jaini, The Jaisa Gavette XX, pp. 98-5.

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IDEALISM AND REALISM 131 In the eyes of the masses as well as non-Jaina faiths like Buddhism and Brahmanism the Jainas were one, whether Svetambara or Digambara they represented one school of thought, viz., the Nirgrantha. 14 It is the dominating characteristics of this that we have to examine in the course of this chapter, particularly in the light of their contrast with conditions in Karnataka. In the first place, what were the features of Jainism before it came to be affected by its competitions with Buddhism Brahmanism, and Animism? They were, fundamentally, in respect of their attitude towards God, Creation, Life, Destiny ; and more than anything else, their mode of living. Briefly, the Jainas were atheistical but believed in the eternity of existence, universality of Life, immutability of the Law of Karma, and Supreme Intelligence as the means to Self-Liberation. In social life they were well organised and followed a rigorous discipline. We shall examine these in the light of the conditions that obtained in Karnataka at the time of their first impact. The Jainas denied that God, in the sense of the Creator and Sustainer of the universe, existed. "If God created the universe," asks Jinasenacarya, "Where was he before creating it? If he was not in space, where did he localise the universe ? How could a formless or immaterial substance like God create the world of matter? If the material is to be taken as always existing, why not take the world itself as unbegun? If the creature was uncreated, why not suppose the world to be itself self-existing?" Then he continues, "Is God self-sufficient ? If he is, he need not have created the world. If he is not, like an ordinary potter, he would be incapable of the task, since, by hypothesis, only a perfect being could produce it. If God created the world as a mere play of his will, it would be making God childish. If God is benevolent and if he has created the world out of his grace, he would not have brought into existence 14 Cf, Buhler, op. cit., p. 3,

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132 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE misery as well as felicity." 15 Hence, the conclusion of the Jainas was, in the words of Subhacandra, "Loka (world) was not created, nor is it supported by any being of the name of Hari or Hara, and is in a sense eternal." 16 * But this did not make the Jainas materialistic in the sense of the Caravaka, whose motto was to make merry while life lasted, since they thought the body turned to ashes turns not to life again.' 17 On the other hand, the Jainas firmly believed in the eternity of the soul, and insisted upon the very highest rectitude of life, up to final perfection, as a necessary means to permanent happiness now and hereafter. 18 The Pancastikaya-sara by Kunda-Kundacarya, one of the earliest of South Indian Jaina works, states the Jaina view of life and salvation thus:-- "The soul which is the agent of its own karma and the enjoyer of the fruits thereof, as conditioned by its own karma, gets blinded by the veil of ignorance and roams about in the world of samsara, which is limited for the faithful and unlimited for the unfaithful. 'Suppressing or annihilating the veil of ignorance which clouds the faculties of perception and will, well equipped with the Three Jewels, the undaunted pilgrim that has conquered the suffering and pain due to the environment, beckoned by the ideal of self-knowledge, wades through the path and reaches the Divine City of Perfection." 19 Both the rationalistic atheism, as well as, the high spiritual idealism of the Jainas, contained in the above passages, were in contrast with the animistic faith of the Dravidians and the priest-ridden ritualism of the Brahmanas. The latter too 41 15 Latthe, An Introduction to Jainism, pp. 85-87. Jinasena, Adi Purano ch. III, cf. Bhandarkar, Report on San. MSS, 1833-84, p. 118. 16 S'ubhacandra, Com. Kartikeyanupreksa ch. X; cf. Bhandarkar, op. cit., p. 113. 17 Cf. Tilak, Gitarahasya, ch. 1V, pp. 77-78; cf. Belvalkar add Ranade, Hist. of Ind. Philosophy II, pp. 403, 459. 18 Warren, Jainism, p. 2. 19 Pancastikaya, 8. B. J. III, 75-76,

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IDEALISM AND REALISM 133 believed in the doctrine of karma; but their interpretation of it rested more on the performance or non-performance of sacrifices and other details of Brahmanical retualism than on ethical conduct. The Jainas, on the other hand, laid stress on the moral responsibility which was applicable, not merely to human beings but equally well to the animal and lower existences.20 Strange as this might sound to many ears, this theory was perfectly logical in the light of their definition of Jiva or Soul. Kundakunda states that " Jiva is conscious, formless, characterised by Upayoga, attached to Karma, the lord, the agent, the enjoyer (of the fruits of karma), the pervader of bodies (large or small); that which goes upward to the end of Loka, being freed from the impurity of karma." 21 Life was universally the same and it was governed by the same immutable law of cause and effect. Not only was man endowed with Jiva but all creatures including plants, animals, birds, insects, and even atomic invisible beings had life. This hylozoitic theory, as Jacobi calls it, is an important characteristic of the Jainas, and "pervades their whole philosophic system and code of morals."22 It was quite different from the animistic belief in the existence of spirits in stones, trees, and running brooks. The latter had to be propitiated with bloody sacrifices destroying other forms of precious life. But, according to the Jainas, life in all its forms was sacred; and it moved upwards to the same goal, and was not to be disturbed or disintegrated by any kind of voilence. This was the rationale or psychology underlying perhaps by far the most dominating characteristic of Jainism viz. the principles of Ahimsa.23 Tie implications of this doctrine are perhaps nowhere better illustrated than in a story contained in the Yesastilaka-Camp!! 20 'zara Petanice a yale #talent art, ibid., 123 ; cf. Dravyasangraha, ibid. I, pp. 36-39. 11 Paricdelikaya-udra, S. B. J. II, 27? cf. Dravyasangraha, ibid I, pp. 6-7. 33 Jacobi, op. cit., p. xxxiii. 23 Smith, op. cit., p. 53.

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134 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE by Somadeva. It is related therein that a prince, Yesodhara by name, was once stricken with great remorse for the delinquency of his wife. He thought of renouncing his kingdom and becoming an ascetic. His mother, seeing his malady, proposed that the offence could be atoned for by performing a huge sacrifice involving the slaughter of numerous animals. The noble prince protested, saying that violence to life was the greatest of sins. Moreover, he was actuated with a high sense of duty and declared : rAzidhamiNi dhamidhAH pApe pApAH smesmaaH| TIFTI Saada qur TFT TOT 931 01 " If the king be righteous, they are righteous; if he be wicked, they are wicked; if he be neither good nor wicked, such also are they; they walk in the way of the king: as the king is, so are the people." The king's plea was, of course, that Ahimsa was the highest of principles. The poet has cleverly, but with great truth, represented the mother as quoting Manusmrti wherein it is stated, yajJArtha pazavaH sRSTAH svayameva svyNbhuvaa| THI E i FATTE atst: 11 V. 39. " Animals have been created for sacrifice, by the self-existing (Brahma) himself; hence, the killing of animals in sacrifice, does not involve any sin." The king in vain argued against this, but for all his pains the mother thought, STEI IT a pigri Traala fata: gaurea. My son is blown about by the wind of Jaina doctrine.' Finally, Yasodhara assented to the sacrifice of an effigy instead of the live animal itself. But as a consequence of this symbolical violence, both of them had to undergo suffering in a round of numerous transmigrations.24 The moral is obvious, and it illustrates the extreme insistence of the Jainas on the principle of Ahimsa, no less than the theory of karma. The contrast 24 Yalastilaka.camps ; cf. Peterson, op. cit. IV, pp. 42-44.

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IDEALISM AND REALISM 135 with Brahmanic teaching is also not to be lost sight of. The victory of the Jainas as against the Brahmanas is illustrated by the writings of Tiruvalluvar the great "pariah" writer of the first or second century A. D. He declares: "To abstain from the killing and eating of living beings is better than to perform a thousand sacrifices in the sacrificial fire." Again, "Behold the man who killed not and abstaineth from fleshmeat all the world joineth hands to do him reverence.' "L The greatest of virtues is non-killing: killing bringeth in its train every other sin. " . "They may say, sacrifices gain for a man many blessings : but to the pure in heart the blessings that are earned by killing are an abomination." 25 The fact that Tiruvalluvar imbibed the spirit of this excellent doctrine and helped to propagate it only proves the permeation of Jaina teachings in the lowest strata of Dravidian society. It also indicates beyond doubt that the Jainas made no distinctions of caste at that time. In contrast to this we understand from the Tholkappiyam a Brahmanical work that, already in the fourth century B. C., the study of the Vedas was prohibited to the lowest among the Vellalars or agriculturists. 26 Manu's restrictions on the Sudras are too well-known to need citation.?? illustration from the Uttaradhyayana Sutra will make the Jaina attitude towards the 'poorest, and lowliest, and lost,' quite clear. An Harikesa was a Svapaka or candala. He became a great sage possessed of the highest virtues, with his senses wholly subdued. Once on his begging tours he approached the enclosure of a Brahmanical sacrifice. He declared: "O Brahmanas, why do you tend the fire or seek external purity by water? The wise ones say that external purity, which you seek for, is not the right thing. * 25 Kural, chs. XXVI 259, 260 and XXXII 321, 328. 26 Cf. Shesha Iyangar, Dravidian India, p. 179. 27 E. G. nazUdrAya marti dadyAnnocchiSTaM na iviSkRtam // na cAsyopadizeddharma na cAsya vrata Manusmrti ch. IV 80.

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136 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE "You use Kusa-grass, sacrificial poles, straw, and wood; you touch the water in the morning and in the evening; thereby you injure living beings and in your ignorance you commit sins over and over again. "The law is my pond, celibacy my holy bathing place which is not turbid; penance is my fire, life my fire-place; right exertion is my sacrificial ladle; the body, the dried cow-dung; karman is my fuel; self-control, right exertion, and tranquillity are the oblations, praised by the sages, which I offer." No wonder the Uttaradhyayana proclaims: "The value of penance has become visible; birth appears of no value. Look at the holy Harikesa, the son of a Svapaka whose power is so great." #28 The above illustration also serves to indicate some of the moral virtues sought to be inculcated by the early Jainas. Kunda-kundacarya, in the South, adds, "Inordinate taste for worldly things, impure emotions, hankering for and indulging in sensual pleasures, causing anguish to fellow-beings, and slandering them openly or covertly; these constitute the springs of evil." So, "To whatever extent the five senses, the four taints of emotions, the four instinctive appetites, are suppressed by a person, well established in the path of righteousness, to such extent the doorway for the entrance of evil is closed for that person." 25 Kanakasabhai Pillai has observed that Nirgranthas and Buddhists aimed at a high ideal of morality and that these two religions "necessarily exercised a very considerable influence upon moral and intellectual order, upon public ideas and sentiments in the Tamil country." 30 The same might be said about Karnataka. This was the natural outcome of a teaching that inculcated civic and philanthropic virtues born out of the principle of Ahimsa, which, in its active form, meant helping 29 28 Ullaradhyayana Sutra, S. B. E. XLV, pp. 50-56; Buhler, op. cit. pp. 3-4. 29 Pancaatikaya-sura, S. B. J. III, vv, 146, 147. 30 Kanakasabhai Pillai, The Tamils 1800 Years Ago, pp. 233-34.

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IDEALISM AND REALISM 137 humanity in its struggle for emancipation. "In the case of the wise ones", says Kundakunda, "moved by pity, they help the struggling souls to emancipation." He also explains, "If any one, moved at the sight of the thirsty, the hungry and the miserable, offers them relief out of pity, then such behaviour of that person is love or charity." 31 Such a humane message was certainly needed by the 'blood-thirsty Marawar' who shot arrows at innocent travellers' merely to feast their eyes over the quivering limbs of their helpless victims'; and the early Tamils who "considered it an honour and a virtue in a military man to carry off the people's wives, to devastate the enemy's fields, to destroy their houses and to lift the cattle of neighhouring tribes." 32 The social organisation of the Jainas was designed to carry out in practice the ideals briefly indicated above. They only showed their practical good sense when they divided their community into two sections, viz., the Yatis and the Sravakas. The former were the ascetics and the latter the lay community. The Buddhists had a similar organisation of monks and laymen; but, as Smith has pointed out, they relied more on the Samgha of ordained friars than on the laity. 33 Among the Jainas the relation between the two sections was more balanced ; and hence their social equilibrium was stable. 34 As in the case of the Asramas or four stages, viz., Brahmacarya, Grhasta, Vanaprastha, and Sanyasa of the Brahmanas, the difference between the Jaina Yatis and Sravakas was one of stages. Literally, the Yati was one who strove (TX - to strive) and the Sravaka, one who listened ( - to hear). The one struggled actively for emancipation; the other tried to follow by acting up to his teachings, so far as he could, within the limits imposed 29 Pancastikaya-sara, S, B. J. III, vv. 146, 147. 30 Kanakasabhai Pillai, The Tamils 1800 Years Ago, pp. 233-34. 31 Pancastikaya-sara, S. B. J. III, vv. 143, 144. 32 Cf. Ch. X a. 15 above; S'rinivasa Aiyangar, Tamil Studies, p. 194. 33 Smith, op. cit., p. 52. C. Stevenson, op. cit., p. 67; Maododell, op. cit., p. 70. J.E.C.2628-18

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138 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE by the worldly life. 35 But the end was the same, and a layman ultimately looked to becoming a full-grown ascetic. For, accor. ding to the Jaina, emancipation could be had only at the end of a period of rigorous self-mortification, which was possible only for an ascetic to undergo. 36 Nirvana was the goal to be attained. According to the Digambaras complete nudity was essential for this; the Svetambaras thought that it was not absolutely necessary. 37 In the Uttaradhyayana, beloning to the latter, it is stated that "Some house-holders are superior to some monks; but the saints are superior to all house-holders". 38 The Digambaras, being more severe in their view of asceticism, differed from the Svetambaras in this and another important respects, viz., as regards their treatment of woman. The Svetambaras admitted that woman too could attain salvation and hence allowed them to become nuns. There are rules in their sacred books for the guidance of nuns no less than for the monks. 39 On the contrary, the Digambaras definitely closed the doors of salvation against house-holders and woman, undoubtedly as a corollary to their extreme insistance on nakedness. Srutasagara plainly states- khaMDanI peSanI cullI udakuMbha prmaarjnii| paMcasUnA gRhasthasya tena mokSaM na gacchati // tathA strINAmapi muktina bhavati mahAtratAbhAvAt / tadapi kasmAtra bhavati / kakSayostanayoraMtare nAbhau yonau ca jIvAnAmutpattivinAzalakSaNahiMsAsadbhAvAt // mizaMkatvA. bhAvAt / vanaparigrahAtyajanAt // ahamiMdapadamapi na labhate kathaM nirvANamiti 1211 The reasons are that women and house-holders cannot attain Nirvana for their inability to obverve certain injunctions. 40 35 Ibid., p. 69. 36 Tbis period extended from one antarmuhuyla before death to twelva years at the most. Ibid., p. 7o; Jacobi, Death and Disposal of the Dead (Jain ), E. R. E. IV, P. 185. 87 Buhler, op. cit., p. 2; Burgess, Ind. Ant., p. 28. 88 Ottaradhyayana Sutta, SB. E. XLV, 5-20. 39 e.g. Kalpa Sutra, Rules for Yatig, 8. B. E. XXII, p. 297. 40 Srutasagara, Shatprabhrta-tiks ; of Peterson, op. cit. II, pp. 84-85; Age also Devasena's Bhavasamgraha, M. D. J. G. XX, PP, 26-7 vv 92-8.

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IDEALISM AND REALISM 139 Devasena, in his Darsanasarasamgraha says, that Jinacandra, pupil of Santyacarya, pupil of Sri Bhadra-bahuganin, being "wicked and slow to good works," devised the doctrine that "women in their life as women can be saved;" "these and other false doctrines he made perverting the scriptures and thereby plunged his soul in the first hell." 41 And there seems little doubt that (apart from details) this was the general attitude towards women since the days of Mahavira and Buddha. To illustrate this remark we have only to recount a few passages from the Svetambara and Buddhist writings. The Kalpa Sutra lays down many a rule restricting social intercourse between monks and nuns. The terms in which these rules are stated betray an utter lack of faith in woman's nature, if not in human nature itself. It prohibits, for instance, a monk and a nun to stand under a tree, even if it rained, unless it be in company with other members of either sex or the place was distinctly visible to passers by. 42 The Sutra Krtanga is more explicit and lays down that "even a monk who practices severe austerities should avoid the company of women," The reason is plainly stated: "As men (by baiting) with a piece of flesh a fearless single lion get him into a trap, so women may capture an ascetic though he be careful," and "as antelope caught in a snare, so he does not get out of it, however he struggles; afterwards he will feel remorse like one who has drunk milk mixed with poison." So, "considering the consequences, a worthy monk should have no intercourse with "43 women. Buddha, like all other ascetics, was not less diffident about the influence of women on spiritual life. When Mahapajapati, his own aunt, got herself admitted into the Order by evoking the pity of Ananda (Buddha's most trusted disciple), and Buddha yielded to the importunities much against his will, he * 41 Devasena Dars'anasamgraha, vv. 12-15; of. Peterson, op. cit. III p. 24, 42 Kalpa Sutra, S. B. E. XXII, p. 303, vv. 38-39. 43 Sutrakrtanga, ibid., pp. 272-273, vv. 8-10, 12,

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JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE declared, "If women had not received the going-forth (i. e. initiation) in the doctrine and discipline, the religious system (Brahmacarya) would have lasted long, the good doctrine would have stayed for a thousand years; but as women have gone forth, now the religious system will not last long, now, Ananda, the good doctrine will last only five hundred years." 44 Similarly, with regard to house-holders: 'Cramped and confined is house-hold life," said Buddha, "a den of dust; but the life of the homeless one is as the open air of heaven. Hard is it for him who bides at home to live out, as it should be lived, the Holy Life in all its perfection, in all its purity!" 45 "s And Manu, in spite of his oft-quoted line reg goda cua : prohibited woman even to read the Vedas,--a prohibition which he places on woman and Sudra alike.46 This raises the suspicion that the causes may have been cognate, viz., that like the Sudras a considerable section of Aryan wives might have at that time come from the hated Dasyu or non-Aryan. But whatever the reasons, the above parallels, illustrate the genesis of the Digambara attitude towards woman, which had its roots in the psychological back-ground of the age. The Jainas justify it on purely philosophical grounds. In many other respects, as well, Jainism resembled Buddhism on the one hand, and Brahmanism on the other. In the opinion of Prof. Buhler, Jainism stands nearer the Brahmana than the Buddhist system." Learned comparisions have been made by him and other scholars like Prof. Jacobi and Dr. Bhandarkar; but with this, however, we are not here directly concerned.48 The question of borrowing and indebtness is also vain to discuss, and we can only say, in the words of Jacobi, that the various systems " are 140 41 Cf. Thomas, The Life of Buddha, pp. 108-109. 45 Majjima Nikaya II, p. 99 (tr. S'liacara); cf. Mookerji, Men and Thought in Ancient India, pp. 35-7; Rhys Davids, Buddism, p. 125. 46 Manusmrti, Chs. V 155, IX 18, and IV 80. 47 Buhler, op. cit., pp. 11-12; Baudhayana II, 10-18, S.B.E. XIV, p. 275. 48 Jacobi, 8, B. E. XXII Introd., pp. xiii, xvii-xxiv and xxxiii-XXXV; E.R.E. VII, p. 465 cf. Bhandarkar, op. cit., pp. 101-102,

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IDEALISM AND REALISM 141 related to each other by a kind of affinity of ideas "'48 : For example, Ahimsa and Karma. Similarly the Ratna-trayi or the Three Jewels (Right Faith, Right Knowledge, and Right Action) of the Jainas might be compared to the Eightfold Path elaborated by Buddha : i. Right Belief; ii. Right Aims; jii. Right Speech; iv. Right Actions ; v. Right means of Livelihood; vi. Right Endeavour; vii. Right Mindfulness ; viii. Right Meditation.50 On the other hand, the five great vows of the Jainas, viz., Ahimsa, Sunrita, Asteya, Brahmacarya, and Aparigraha were exactly the same as those laid down by Patanjali in his Yoga Sutras, 51, though in the Jaina system they were elaborated and explained in a manner unsurpassed by others in minuteness of detail and painstaking observation. The Jaina idea of Ahimsa, for example, extends far beyond the Brahmanical or Buddhist notions. "Lest plants and animalculae be destroyed, the Jaina ascetic sweeps the ground before him as he goes, walks veiled lest he inhale a living organism, strains water, and rejects not only meat but even honey, together with various fruits that are supposed to contain worms; not because he has distaste for worms, but because of his regard for life." 52 We shall consider in the next chapter how these characteristics of the Jaina religion and society came to be transformed in Karnataka in the course of a few centuries : until at the present day the Jainas of Karnataka are hardly to be distinguished from other Hindus, both in their beliefs as well as in their practical life. 49 Jacobi, S.B.E. XLV Introd., p. xxxvii. 50 Cf. Jaini, Outline of Jainism, pp. 52-66 : Rhys Davids, op. cit., pp. 47, 108. 81 Pathnjula Yoga Sutra II 35-39 ; Acaranga Sutra, S.B.J. XXII, pp. 200-210. 52 Hopkins, The Religions of India, p. 288 ; of. Smith, op. cit., p. 53 Jaini, op. cit., (Trades and Industries ) p. 71. The minuteness of observation to which this doctrine led is seen in the Kalpa Sitra, Rules for Yatis, S.B.E. XXII, pp. 301-5; similarly, for details of discipline see Asadhara Dharmanrta ch. viii, cf. Bhandarkar, op. cit., p. 98 n. 2.

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142 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE JAINISM AS IT CAME TO BE The imperceptible way in which religions change in the course of centuries, especially when placed under conditions different from their original atmosphere, affords an interesting branch of investigation. Prof. Luders alluded to this fact in the course of his valuable lectures on * Aryan Civilization in Central Asia ' delivered in 1928 under the auspices of the Bombay University. He pointed out, from the evidence inscribed on pieces of leather and wooden tablets found in China, how Buddhism in that country had been so transformed as to admit of Sramanas who were married, owned slaves, and took part in commercial transactions, as well as believed in the expiation of sin by payment in money, forgetting the pure principles of the religion which they pretended to follow. Similarly, Smith has observed, that, " While the original official Buddhism was a dry, highly moralised philosophy, much resembling in its practical operation the Stoic schools of Greece and Rome, the later emotional Buddhism approached closely to Christian doctrines in substance, although not in name. In other directions it became almost indistinguishable from Hinduism." 3 What happened to Jainism in Karnataka was not unlike this in many respects. In the first place, with regard to its atheism. "Since the doctrine gave no other support," says Buhler, "the religious feeling of the laity clung to the founder of it, Jina, and with him his mythical predecessors became gods. ... In many of their hymns in honour of Jina they appeal to him with as much fervour as the Brahmana to his gods; and there are often expressions in them, contrary to the original teaching, ascribing to Jina a creative power. Indeed, a Jaina description of the six principal systems goes so far as to number Jainism, as also Buddhism, among the theistic religions." 54 Epigraphic and 53 Smith, The Oxford History of India, p. 55. 51 The work referred to is Saddars'anasamuccaya, 45, 77-8; Buhler, The Indian Sect of the Jainas, pp. 18-20, cf. Barth, Relegions of India, p. 146; Thomas, The Life of Buddha, p. 214.

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IDEALISM AND REALISM 143 literary evidence, in support of these statements, is indeed, easy to find. For instance, in one inscription Jina is spoken of thus : jayatyatizayajinabhAsurAsphuravanditAH zrImAn jinamati saSTerAdeH krtaa| Jina or Jina-pati, adored by the gods, is here described as patie: waf or the first Creator of the world.55 Speaking of another such epigraph at Tumkur, Rice has pointed out, " In an endeavour to accomodate itself to the age, Jina is described as the Universal Spirit who is Siva, Dhatri (Brahma ), Sugata (Buddha) and Visnu".58 Likewise, a Jaina grant of the Ratta King, Kartiviryadeva, says that" the dust of the earth may be counted, and the drops of rain ; , but the reward of preserving an act of piety cannot be estimated even by the Creator." 57 We have already noticed in numerous Jaina grants such acts of piety either in the shape of building, or of endowing temples for their upkeep, repairs, or carrying on the eight-fold worship of the gods. 58 Fergusson has remarked that the Jainas built temples out of all proportion to their population owing to the belief that temple-building was a means to salvation; temples were really prayers in stone.' 59 Sravana Belgola is one witness to this spirit of devotion. It attracted pilgrims from all places who have left their mark on the local records. Princes and people alike made grants for anointing the images with milk, and decorating them with flowers and garlands.60 Similarly, gifts were made for feeding ascetics, construction of water-sheds for the use of Jaina devotees; for the study of Sutras ; for burning lamps before the gods, and for their daily 55 Fleet S. and 0. C. Inscription, Ind. Ant. VII. p. 106, LL 51-2, Br. Sutalprasadji points out that for Jaina poate these terms had a different mencing. e.g. that are not "means Risbanhadeva who made rules in Tamil and not creator of tho world." 66 Rico, Mysors and Coorg from the Inscriptions, p, 203, Tumkur 9. 87 Fleet, Ratta Inscriptions, JB BRAS X, p. 239. 68 Cf. Mysore Archaeological Report, 1923, p. 51; Ep. Ind. III, pp. 207-9, 11. 89 Fergusson, Hist. of Ind. and East, Arch. II, p. 26. 60 Cf. Ep. Car. II, SB 235-8, 242-5, 947, 268 and Introd, pp. 79-3, 77-8,89.

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144 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE worship. There are interesting examples of thirty to a hundred sheep being offered as the price of burning a lamp, probably all the year round as a perpetual endowment.61 The popular awe and respect for these grants is indicated by the imprecations with which such inscriptions generaily close : e.g. "Whosoever takes away land presented by himself or by another is born a worm in ordure for 60,000 years. The property of the gods is a dreadful poison; poison destroys a single person, but a gift to the gods (if seized ) destroys sons and grandsons.62 The kind of image worship and temple ritual implied by the above evidences arose among, the laity and not among the monks, says Jacobi : "When the people in general felt the want of a higher cult than that of their rude dieties and demons, and when the religious development of India found in Bhakti ( devotion) the supreme means of salvation." 63 Evidently, the theory of Karma, as well, underwent considerable modification when once the Jina was invested with divine grace; and he that was once but a supreme example of conduct became in course of time a saviour of souls by the direct power of divine interference. 632 Thus Rsabha came to be described as a ship for crossing the ocean of Samsara; and a protector against the wild beasts passions, in the forest of the world Nay, more; by the repetition of his divine name all troubles could be overcome. Miraculous hymns, like the Bhaktamara-Stotra and Kalyanamandira-stotra, came to be composed, by the help of which, for instance, Manatunga is supposed to have got himself released 61 Cf. Rangacharya, Inscriptions of the Madras Presidency II, Mr. 134 5, SK. 212, Rd. 17, and ibid., Im. pp. 23 -31. See also Mysore Archaeo logical Reports, 1925, pp. 15-16, and 1916, p. 51. 69 Rice, Inscriptions, Ep. Car. I, p. 52. The S'aiva form of this was, that tamperiog with such grants was tantamount to killing twenty cow8 OD the banks of the Ganges or polling out a thousand lingas, etc.' Cf. ultzsch, S.I.I. II, p. 499. 63 Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, S. B. E. XXII Introd., p. xxi. 63a Br. Sitalprasadji writes to me, " The Jaina poets describe Arhats or Tirthankaras, not as direct doers of actions, but as indirect helpers. By worshipping them we get merit that helps in having our desires fulalled."

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IDEALISM AND REALISM 145 from the bondage of fortytwo chains; and Siddhasenadivakara to have converted a Siva-linga into the image of Parsvanatha. 64 That such stories are repeated even in the case of learned sages like Samantabhadra, Akalanka, and others is only proof that this Bhakti movement did not confine itself to the laity in the long run. Akalanka is said to have invoked the goddess Kushmandini to work a miracle against the Buddhist goddess Tara, and by her interference won a victory over his rivals.65 We have already alluded to Elacarya's allaying the devil by means of the Jwalamalini-stotra.66 There are in the inscriptions, as well, frequent allusions to the goddess Padmavati who still finds a large number of devotees, especially among the Jainas of the Kannaoa speaking districts. For instance, one at Belur speaks of a Jainavratisa ( ascetic) who by his mantras was subduing the goddess Padmavati for the increase of the wealth of the Hoysalas; later on we are told, "that Yakshi became worshipped as the goddess Vasantika.67 Ammanavara-caritre or the "Doings of the Mother" is a manuscript which is commonly found in the possession of many Jainas in the Kannada country; and Buchanan also refers to it as' Amonora carita. Indeed, the light that Buchanan throws on the popular form of Jainism at the time of his visit, about a 64 Cf. Marathi Jnana Kos'a (37), p. 332-33. I have seen manuscripts of these bymns well illustrated with magic symbols and detailed instructions as to the number, place, time, etc. for the repetition of each mantra, as well as miraculous powers attributed to each, such as the power of bestowing wealth, longivity, immunity from fire, accident, etc. etc. They are in the Sri Ailak Pannalal Digambara Jaina Saras. watibhavana, Bhuleswar. Bombay; and some of them have been pube lished by Mr, Nathuram Premi, in the Hindi-Grantha-Ratnankara.Kar. yalaya, Hirabag, Bombay 4. 65 Cf. Ep. Car. II Introd., p. 84. 66 of. Hiralal, Catalogue of MSS. in C. P. and Berar, Introd, p. xxx. 67 Cf. Buchanan's Travels III, p. 81; Ep. Car. V, Belur 124, traps., p. 88. The name of the Jaina-pratis'a, referred to in this epigraph is stated to be Varahamana-munindra in the list of the Humcha gurus. Cf. Rice Mysore and Coorg I, p. 372. J.K.C. - 2628-19

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146 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE century ago, is valuable, especially as he says he derived his information from Panditacarya Swami, the guru of the Jainas, who claimed to be equal to the chief Pontiff at Sravana Belgola.68 According to him, the Jainas denied the authority of the Brahmanical Vedas and their eighteen Furanas; but their greatest authorities were Gommata-Sara, Trilokasara, and Lubda-(Lubdhi?) Sara, These they considered as holy as the Brahmanical Vedas, and believed they were composed by Adi Brahma or Adiswara. Sometimes it is difficult to follow (whether Buchanan or his informant we can hardly say), when, for instance, it is also stated that their chief book was Yoga (written in Sanskrit with Kannada characters) explained by twentyfour puranas all composed by VrishabhaSayana (?) 68a" Who attained divine knowledge by long prayer.' However, there could not be the least doubt as to the nature of the popular beliefs. We transcribe below a few specimens: "The gods of the Arhita are spirits of perfect men, who owing to virtue have become free from changes and are all equal in rank and power. They are called Jineswara (the Lord Jina), Arhita (worthy ), or Siddha ('holy'?). These live in a heaven called Mocsha ( Moksa); it is by their worship only that future happiness can be obtained. The first Jina was Adi Parameswara who has 1008 names. 69 "The servants of the Siddhas are spirits of good men who live in an inferior heaven called Swargam. They enjoy happiness there according to their merits. Swargam is situated higher in the air than Mount Meru ('North Pole '); men ought to worship these as they possess the power of bestowing temporal gifts. " was a king who He was a great W Concerning Vishnu they say that he owing to good works, was born as Rama. hero and conqueror, and finally became a Siddha or Jina. Maheswara or Siva, and Brahma are only devatas inferior r 68 Buchanan, op. cit., pp. 75, 79. 68a vRSabhasena the first Tirthankara ? 69 Ibid., pp. 76 and 412.

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IDEALISM AND REALISM 147 in rank to Indra who is the chief of all happy beings in Swargam. There are sixteen stages in this heaven. "Marima, Putalima, and other Saktis are Ventarus, living on Mount Meru; but they are of malevolent disposition. Below Mahameru and earth is Bhuvana or hell, the residence of the spirits of wicked men who are called Raksasas and Asuras; and although endowed with great power they are miserable. Bhuvana is divided into ten places of punishment in proportion to the crimes performed by their inhabitants ..... etc. etc. etc. " 70 Here, indeed, is a khicari of all faiths and beliefs: both Aryan and Dravidian, Hindu as well as Jaina. Marima and Putalima who were worshipped with bloody sacrifices have here entered the Jaina pantheon, evidently divested of all their ferocious and blood-thirsty character. In the Dharwar District, Jainas of all classes are said to believe in sorcerers, witches, sooth-sayers, and consult them in cases of sickness or other calamities. ? Similarly, Thurston speaks of the worship of Bhutas or devils by the Jainas of South Kanara. They set apart a room for them in their houses, called the Paddle; but instead of sacrifices they offer to them metal images of fowls, goats, pigs, etc. 72 As a matter of fact such a metamorphesis in the practical aspects of Jaina belief was inevitable. For, in the words of Jacobi, "generally speaking, the notions of the Jainas about demons, ghosts, ete. were very much the same as those of other Hindus; but the position of the Superhuman beings was, in many respects, altered by the efforts of the Jainas to introduce systematic order into the Mythological conceptions current at the time when their religious teachings were reduced to a definite torm." 73 70 Ibid., pp. 76-3. 71 Cf. Dharwar, Bom. Gaz. XXII, p. 118. 7: Thurston, The Castes and Tribes of Southern India II, p. 427; cf, Sturrock, South Kanara I, p. 189. 73 Jacobi, Demons and Spirits, E. R. E. IV, p. 608; Ibid. Cosmography pp. 160-61

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148 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE The next point in respect of which the Jainas have apparently changed is with regard to Ahimsa. There seems little doubt that they have changed in practice though not in theory. In the first place, it is necessary to remember that originally they insisted upon non-injury to life, in thought, word and deed. The Gupti or restraints were of three kinds, viz., manogupti, vAggupti, and kAyagupti. Bhava-samvara or thought-restraint was the first, and of primary importance. It consisted, above all, of the observance of the five Vratas, or vows, viz. (i) Ahimsa (not to cause or tend to cause pain or destruction to any living being by thought, speech, nor conduct ); (ii) Satya ( truth in thought, speech and deed ); (iii) Asteya (to take nothing, unless, and except, it is given ); (iv) Brahmacarya (chastity, on the devoted contemplation of self by the soul); (v) Parigraha-tyaga (renunciation of worldly concerns ). 74 It is significant to notice that Tiruvalluvar imbibing fully the spirit of these teachings declared : " The greatest virtue of all is non-killing : truthfulness cometh only next". 75 In the light of this, therefore, it is difficult to understand how an ascetic like Simhanandi could help or even inspire the Ganga Kings to found their Kingdom of Gangawadi, except in contradiction to these principles. For, it is also a well known injunction for the ascetic that he begin nothing (i.e. do nothing that has the seed of another life in it).78 Hence, the foundation of a kingdom inevitably based on force and blood-shed was undoubtedly in violation of the vratas of Ahimsa and Parigraha-tyaga.77 74 Jaini, Outlines of Jainism, pp. 96-7. 75 Kural, XXXIII 323. 76 Kundakunda, Satpahuda ; cf. Peterson, Report on San MSS. II, p. 82. 77 Cf. It is inteteresting to note in this connection the remarks of Mr. 'Bertrand Rassel about Japanese Budd bism and Teutonio Christianity: " What the Japaese made of Buddhism reminds one in many ways of what the Teutonio nations made of Christianity. Buddhism and Christianity, originally, were both religions aiming at the achievement of boliness by renunciation of tho world. They both ignored

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IDEALISM AND REALISM 149 "He who loves the world," says Kundakunda," is bound in the chain of works. He who loves it not is loosed. This is in brief the doctrine of the Jainas with regard to the deliverance from spiritual bondage."78 But very often the Jaina teachers lost sight of this teaching, particularly, in their keen rivalry with the Buddhist and other sects. Akalanka, for instance, we are told entered into a compact with king Hastimalla to grind the Buddhists in oil-mills in case of the latter's defeat in religious controversy.79 That this was not actually enforced does not absolve the Jaina guru from the sin of hypothetical violence ; even as king Yasodhara could not escape from the cycle of numerous re-births on account of his symbolical sacrifice, noticed earlier. Likewise, we find them carelessly giving vent to feelings of hatred against their Buddhist and other rivals in expressions like "Prosperity to Jinasasana, powerful to rebut its assailants, in splitting the skulls of the elephants opponents speakers " ; 80 and "This king Jayaduttaranga cleft open the frontal globes of the lordly elephants the arrogant false disputants of the Ekanta-Mata with the thunderbolts the arguments based on scriptures". 81 Maghanandi, a politics and government and wealth, for which they substituted the future life as what was of real importance. They were both religions of peace, teaching gentleness and non-resistance, But both had to undergo great transformations in adapting themselves to the instinot: of warlike barbarians. In Japan a multitude of seots arose, teaching doctrines which differed in many ways from Mahayana orthodoxy(?). Buddhism becamo Aational and militaristic; the albuts of great monasteries beoame important feudal chieftains, whose monks constituted an army which was ready to fight on the slightest provooation, Sieges of monasteries and battles with monks are of constant occurrence in Japanes3 history." Rassel, The Problem of China, pp. 91.2 78 Kundakunda, op. oit. 79 Cf. Ep. Car. II Introd., p. 84. 80 Ibid. v, Trans., pp. 189-90 81 Cf. Kudlur Plates of Marasimha, Mysore Archaeological Roport, 1921, p. 22.

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150 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE Jaina ascetic, is described as "a lion to the herd of rutting elephants the Mimansakas". 82 Students of subconscious psychology may not be blamed for finding in these expressions revelations of suppressed feelings of violent anger. That the violence stopped only with words must be remembered to their credit, but even this expression in words is undoubtedly a violation of their strict doctrine of Ahimsa as interpreted by themselves. The following quibble only goes to support our contention that, out of practical considerations, the Jainas practically transgressed what they theoretically attempted to inculcate. In support of Kumarapala's infliction of capital punishment upon all those who offended in any way against the doctrine of Ahimsa, it is contended : 'A true Jaina will do nothing to hurt the feelings of another person, man, woman or child ; nor will he violate the principles of Jainism. Jaina ethics are meant for men of all positions--for kings, warriors, traders, artisans, agriculturists, and indeed for men and women in every walk of life... "Do your duty Do it as humanely as you can". This in brief is the primary principle of Jainism. Non-killing cannot interfere with one's duties. The king or the judge has to hang a murderer. The murderer's act is negation of a right of the murdered. The king's or the judge's order is the negation of this negation, and is enjoined by Jainism as a duty. Similarly, the soldier's killing on the battle-field.'83 It can hardly be contended that all the wars fought by Jaina kings and soldiers in Karnataka orelsewhere were "a negation of any negation "except it be " a negation of their own principle of Ahimsa." But, it should be conceded that Jainism has been largely responsible for making Karnataka, in the main, vegetarian, and Ahimsa still form the substratum of Indian character as a whole. For hundreds of persecutions of the Jainas by non-Jainas we can hardly find a single instance where the reverse happened 82 Ep. Car. II SB 64, Trans., pp. 17-18. 83 Smith, op. cit., p. 53; Cf. Jaini, op. cit., p. 72

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IDEALISM AND REALISM 151 Thirdly, the development of castes and sub-castes among the Jainas of Karnataka throws ample light upon the problem of caste-origins in India. We have already noted their division into Svetambara and Digambara; not merely do these not interdine or intermarry, but in their hatred of each other, forget even the highest principle of their religion, namely, Ahimsa.84 The Acaranga Sutra lays down that " To friendly or hostile (heretics ) one should not give food, drink, dainties and spices, clothes, alms-bowls, and brooms; nor exhort these persons to give ( such things ) nor do them service, always showing the highest respect." 85 We shall consider here a few cases of how the division and sub-division was carried on to a fatal extremity, by the Jainas in Karnataka leading to their ultimate fall or practical absorbtion by other communities. In the first place, according to Smith, "The propagation of Ahimsa necessarily produced a sharp conflict of ideas and principles of conduct between the adherents of the doctrine and the old-fashioned people who clung to bloody sacrifices, cowkilling, and meat-eating. Communities which had renounced the old practices and condemned them as revolting impieties naturally separated themselves from their more easy-going and sell-indulgent neighbours, and formed castes bound strictly to maintain the novel code of ethics." 86 Secondly, divisions arose within the Jaina community itself due to several reasons. An inscription at Sravana Belgola states : " Arhadbalin, who, by means of the eight-fold omens consisting of Vyanjana, Svara, Nabha, Tanu, Laksana, Cinnha, Bhauma, and Sakuna, knows, as if a witness, pleasure and pains, success and failure, and everything else in the three times ( past, present and the future ) and who shone with his two disciples, Puspadanta and Bhutabali, .... made the MulaSamgha ( consisting ) of the Kundakundanvaya ( lineage ) into 84 Cf. Buhler, op. cit., p. 8. 86 Acaranga Sutra I, 7. 1, 8. B. E. XXII, p. 62. 86 Smith, op. cit., p. 38.

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152 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE four samghas in order to minimise hatred and other (evils) that might arise owing to the nature of the times." 87 It passes our comprehension, however, to understand how hatred and other evils could be minimised by creating such divisions! The inscription goes on to say, "Let one make a difference in the case of heterodox samghas such as the Sitambara and others which are of a form contrary to rule; but who thinks of such a thing in the case of the SENA, NANDI, DEVA, and SIMHA Samghas, is a heretic." 88 Dr. Hoernle identifies Arhadbalin with Guptigupta, disciple of Bhadrabahu II; for he points out that Arhadbalin and Visakhacarya were other names of Guptigupta.89 According to Pattavalis, Maghanandin, disciple of Guptigupta, established the Nandi-Samgha or Balatkaragana; 90 and there are at Karanja, in Berar, temples belonging respectively to the Balatkaragana, Senagana, and Kasta-Samgha. Mr. Hiralal, speaking of these, observes: 'They derive their names from the sub-divisions of the Digambara community into which it was divided in the earlier centuries of the Christian era. Balatkaragana is the most important branch of the Mula-samgha (lit. the original community) wich is the original name of the Digambaras. Kundakundacarya (Ist. cent. A. D.) is said to have caused by a miracle the stone image of Saraswti to decide a dispute between the Svetambaras and Digambaras, in favour of the latter. Since he made Saraswati to speak by force (a) his followers called themselves Balatkaragana of the Saraswati-gachcha. The closing verses of a genealogy found in the temple of the Balatkaragana (at Karanja) state that "" Preceptor Padmanandi became the first of the Balatkaragana by whom the stone-made Saraswati was made to speak. 87 Ep. Car. II SB 254, pp. 110-11. C 88 Ibid. 89 Hoernle, Two Pattavalis of the Saraswati Gachcha, Ind. Ant. XX, P. 350. 90 Ibid; cf. Fleet, Bhadrabahu, Candragupta, and S'ravana Belgola, Ind. Ant. XXI, p. 159.

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IDEALISM AND REALISM 153 Thereby arose the Saraswati-gachcha on the mount Urjayanta. Hence, a bow to that lord of sages Padmanandi." (vv. 41-2). 'That Padmanandi is another name of Kundakundacarya is proved by the 4th verse of the same genealogy: AcAryaH kuMdakuMdAkhyo vakragrIvo mahAmatiH / gerandi geuiqes: quiciia qzqa || 91 It is interesting to notice that this verse is also found inscribed on the lamp-pillar of the Ganagitti-temple at Vijayanagara recording the grant of Irugapa, already alluded to; only instead of a qa in the second line we find the words ' iti tannAma paMcadhA' This substitution was evidently necessitated by the previous lines of the inscription which read : zrImUlasaMghe'jani naMdisaMghastasmin balAtkAragaNo'tiramyaH / tatrApi sArasvatanAmni gacche svacchAzayanbhUdihapadmanaMdi // 92 Prof. Jacobi has observed that "The inscriptions furnish materials for a necessarily incomplete history of their ancient schools (ganas); but they do not quite agree in all details with the more modern traditions of the Pattavalis."93 We have here at least one remarkable instance of epigraphical confirmation of the statements made in the Pattavalis referred to by Mr. Hiralal. It is clear also that Balatkaragana was but a subdivision of the Nandi-Samgha. The words balAtkAragaNo'tiramya : indicate the special pride of the members belonging to it. The Belgola inscription with like pride says, Among these Samghas, the Nandi-Samgha, an eye to the world has the three subdivisions: gana, gachcha, and vali; and victorious is the lofty Inguleswara-vali of the pure Pustaka-gachcha of the virtuous Desigana of that Samgha. In it were Naga, Deva, Udaya, Ravi, Jina, Megha, Prabha, and Bala with the suffix Candra; Deva, Sri, Bhanu, Candra, Sruta, Naya, Guna, Dharma and others with the suffix Bhusana; as also Vidya, Dama, Indra, Padma, Amara, Vasu, Guna, and Manikya with 91 Cf. Hiralal, op. cit., p. iii. 92 Hultzsch, 8. I. I. I, pp. 156-57 93 Jacobi, Jainism, E. R. E. VII, p. 474. JXQ-2528-20

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154 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE the suffix Nandi : Destroyers of sin, breakers of the tusks of the elephants the disputants, conferers of various kinds of good fortune, bees to the lotuses universal learning, possessors of bright bodies uninfluenced by the world-conqueror Cupid, lofty by their pure conduct, and free from the ties of the world were these celebrated ones." 94 It need hardly be pointed out that the list of the names and suffixes contained in this epigraphical record must serve as a valuable index to the class, sect, or subsection of any given Acarya or teacher, though obviously not an infallible guide owing to much overlapping. There are indications in Tamil inscriptions as to separate villages being occupied by the Jainas, Brahmanas, and others.95 Names of villages or places like Samana-halli or village of the Gramanas, Sravana Belgo!a or the white pond of the Sramanas, and Savanoor, Savanadurga, etc. surely seem to confirm the same fact. Mr. Rice, for instance, has likewise pointed out that Pansoge or Hansoge in Coorg was the official centre of the Hottage-gachcha which he identifics with Pustaka-gachcha.96 Some of the other sub-divisions met with mostly in the inscriptions are Valahari-gana, Kalogra-gana, Karanur-gana or Kanurgana; Yapaniya-Samgha, Mathurasamgha, Gopyasamgha, Addakali-gachcha and Trintrini-gachcha.o? Gana, Samgha and Gachcha, are often used as convertible terms, as for example: an inscription of Amma II speaks of Dhiradeva, disciple of Divakara, as belonging to the Yapaniya-Samgha of Nandi-gachcha ;98 and the Jaina-Siddhanta-Bhaskara gives the apostolic line of the Sena-gana founded by Jinasena 1.99 We 94 Ep. Car. II SB. 254, pp. 110-11. 95 Cf. Oh. IV n. 40 above. 96 Rice, Ep. Car. IV Ya 26; cf. Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, pp. 141-42. 97 Cf, Rangacharya, op. cit. II. SK 215, NI 397, C. P. 324 (Madras Museum); Sheshagiri Ras, Studies in 3. I. J. II, pp. 61-2; Nathuram Premi, op. cit p. 117. 98 Cf. Rapgacharya, op. cit. NI. 397. 99 Ibid., p. 995.

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IDEALISM AND REALISM 155 have already found these referred to above as Nandi-Samgha and Sena-samgha respectively in the Sravana Belgola inscrip tion.100 But almost all of the orthodox divisions trace their origin from the Mulasamgha and Kundakundanvaya which evidently points to their genesis after that great teacher who lived about the ist century. The heterodex Samghas are mentioned as being five in number, by Indranandi in his Nitisara : od gopucchakaH cetavAsA drAviDo yaapniiykH| arrafagotta get #THET: T rat: 101 It is rather surprising to find the Yapaniyas included in the list, as we find them described in an inscription of Amma II as part of the Nandi-Samgha which was orthodox according to Arhadbalin. Similarly, the Dravida-Samgha : Its founder is said to have been Vajranandi, disciple of Pujyapada who certainly belonged to the Kundakunda lineage. The Mathura-Samgha is supposed to be a sub-division of Kasta-Sangha whose foundation is attributed to Kumarasena, the desciple of a co-disciple of Jinasena author of the Mahapurana. According to Devasena's Darsanasara Kumarasena was WE-FITH or fallen away from the path of asceticism.109 His reference to Jinacandra, pupil of santaycarya, pupil of Sri Bhadrabahu-gaoin has already been alluded to. We quote below the full passage in order to illustrate the manner in which these divisions took place, no less than the attitude of one sect towards the founder of another. "Sri Bhadrabahuganin had a pupil by name Santyacarya, and he a pupil of Jinacandra, wicked and slow to good works. "He devised this doctrine that women, in their life as women, can be saved ; that the Kevalins or perfected saints eat --though none could see them eating, and were subject to disease. "That the sage who puts clothes on may be saved ; that Vira was translated from one womb to another; that salvation may 100 Of. n 90 above. 101 Of. Nathuram Premi, op. cit. p. 192. Cf. Ibid., pp. 133-84, 138 and 141.

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156 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE be found in every creed; and that what is declared to have life in it should never be eaten. "These and other false doctrines he made, perverting the scriptures and thereby plunged his soul in the first hell."'108 No less than eighty-four sub-sects of the Jainas are enumerated in the Marathi-Jnana-Kosa ;104 and the origin of each appears to have been due to reasons as trivial as those noted above: They differed as to whether a man should bathe in cold water or hot water, eat or not eat certain plants, worship standing or sitting, should decorate images or not, and whether the ascetics were to carry, if at all, a bundle of pea-cock feathers or a cow-tail whisk, etc., etc.105 Without going into these trivialities, therefore, we shall proceed to examine the more real causes of most of these divisions. The Jainas of Dharwar have a tradition which very well illustrates how they crystallised themselves into a separate caste owing to their strict observence of Ahimsa. They say that there was in ancient times a king named Iksavaku who had two family priests: one of them, Parvat by name, sacrificed sheep to the god of fire, and the other, called Narad, used only parched rice for oblations. The descendants of the former, according to them, are the Brahmanas, and those of the latter, the Jainas. They also hold that their community was once divided into Brahmana, Ksatriya, Vaisya, and Sudra, but that the Ksatriyas having disappeared long ago, only the other three now remain.106 This fourfold Aryan division of society is everywhere traceable among the Jainas of Karnataka and undoubtedly indicates the influence of Aryan ideas and institutions over the mass of Dravidian population. A decisive proof of this is found in South Kanara, where, only one section of the 103 Days'anasamgraha v. 12-15; cf, Peterson, op. cit. III, p. 24. 104 Marathi-InanaKos'a (37), p. 323, 105 For a detailed consideration of these see Glasenapp, Der Jai pp, 355-57; Burgess, Digambara Iconography, pp. 2.3; Ind. Apt. VII p. 28. 106 Cf. Dharwar Bom. Gaz. XXII, p. 116.

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157 Jaina community follows the Aryan law of inheritance, whereas another, still adheres to a relique of the Dravidian matriarchate, viz., the Aliya Santana law according to which property devolves, not from father to son, but from maternal uncle to nephew.107 The tendency for the Aryan to drive the Dravidian underground is indeed still visible in the vigorous movement set afoot to have done with this anomalous anachronism by means of legislation, and thereby do away with one barrier which isolates the Jainas of South Kanara from the rest of their co-religionists in India. The priestly class among the South Kanara Jainas are divided into two sections Kannada Pujaris and 'Tulu Pujaris' about whom Sturrock observes, "the latter are indigenous, while the former are descended from emigrants from above the ghauts." 108 Moreover, the priests, as a rule, have marriage relations only with their own class, although they dine with the remaining three namely, the Brahmana, Ksatriya, Vaisya sections of the laity. When they marry at all outside their own class such relations are confined to these three classes alone.109 There are besides these, several osher classes of Jainas known as Setvals, Caturthas, Bogars, Pancamas, and Gaudas, all of whom might however be classed as Sudras. Thurston observes there are as many as twenty-two sub-divisions among the Tamil Jainas.110 IDEALISM AND REALISM The Setvals appear to have been originally a body of hundred families excommunicated for some unknown reason; The Caturthas or and now forming a sect by themselves. 11 'fourth class' are of course the Sudras; Buchanan speaks of them as the Sadru, (Woculigas or cultivators) and says, "They worship only the god Jina, but do not inter-marry with the true Jainaru." The reason for this was that 'formerly the Sadru were Jainaru, but his ancestors disliking that religion, betook 44 107 Sturrock, op. cit., pp. 191, 158; Thurston, op. cit., pp. 426-27. 108 Sturrock, op. cit., pp. 190-91. 109 Dharwar, op. cit., pp. 116-17, 110 Thurston, op. cit., pp. 419-20. 111 Dharwar, op. cit., p. 117.

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158 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE themselves to worship Visnu." 112 As a matter of fact there is another class called "Jaina Banajigaru or Dasa Banajigas who style themselves Jaina Ksatriya Ramanujas.' These appellations are a string of contradictory epithets, only revealing the confusion of faiths that resulted in the course of centuries. Banajigas, for aught we can make out, must have been traders (San. arust trade ); but they call themselves Ksatriyas ! Jaina Ramanuja is again an unintelligible paradox. Whereas, in truth, the " Jaina Banajigas" are not Jainas at all; for Buchanan says they were converted to saivism at the time of Basava. To make this confusion, worse confounded he adds, "They worship the same gods as the Hindu Pancama Baniji, i.e. Siva, his wife and sons, whom they consider identical with Brahma and Siva !" 113 The Gaudas 113? are farmers and labourers, speaking Tulu or Kannada as their home-language. They all follow the ordinary system of inheritance and not that of "descent through females." Generally they are Hindus, but some are also Jainas.114 Sturrock gives the following account of their splendid organisation : " They have a somewhat elaborate system of caste goverment. In every village there are two head-men, the Grama-Gauda and the Vattu or Gottu Gauda; for every group of eight or nine villages there is another head, called the Magane Gawda, and for every nine maganes there is a yet higher authority called the Katlemaneyava. The caste is divided into eighteen baris or balis, 112 Buchanan, op. cit. I, pp. 421-22 113 Buchanan, op. cit., p. 240. These Banajigas might very well be compared to the Malkkanas of Rajputana and the Kabir-panthis of North India, both of whom are & curious mixture of Hindu and Mahomedan faiths,--the one from ignorance and force of habit; the coher from enlightened eclecticism. 113a From Grama-bhajaka 68motis), Qaounda (gruma-unda, inscrip tions), to gaunda or gauda. 114 Of. Sturrock, op. cit., p. 191; Thurston, op. cit., and Buchanan op. cit., pp. 421-22.

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IDEALISM AND REALISM 159 which are of the usual exogamous character. The names of all these have not been ascertained, but those of twelve of them are as follows : (I) Bangara, (2) Nandara, (3) Mulara, (4) Hemmana, (5) Salu, (6) Kabru, (7) Goli, (8) Nayar, (9) Setti, (10) Basruvogaru, (11) Balasanna, and (12) Karmanaya." 115 The Bogara sub-division of the Jainas, who are at present found in the Bellary and Belgaum districts, are chiefly workers in brass ; they cannot inter-marry with the others though they may dine with them. 116 This is in fact the chief barrier which divides the various sub-castes of the Jainas, noticed above, from one another; justisfying the observation of Smith that though the teaching theoretically condemns caste, "in practice the modern Jaina is as fast bound as his Hindu brother in the iron fetters of caste." 117 Buchanan has pointed out that the Jainas of Tuluva do not admit that any Sudras belong to their sect; but the office of Purohita is in the hands of the Brahmanas alone.118 Thurston also says, that, in the Tamil country, an ordinary layman cannot become an Arcaka; it is a class apart and they do not have marriage relations with laymen.119 In the Kannada districts, even the Caturthas and the Pancamas do not inter-, marry, although they are qually classed among the Sudras. The origin of the Pancama class is generally attributed to their excommunication on account of widow-marriage ; but it does not seem unlikely that some at least among them might have been converts to Jainism from the Hindu caste of untouchables at a time when Jainism was still in its pristine condition. 120 The survival of original distinctions, habits, customs and institutions, even after formal conversion from faith to faith have been already illustrated in this chapter ; but we might add one more instance to enforce the same conclusion. 115 Sturrock, op. cit., p. 162 116 Cf. Bellary Gasetteer I. p. 64; Belgaum, Bom. Gaz, XXI, p. 102. 117 Smith, op. cit., p. 54. 118 Buchanan, op. cit. III, p. 412. 119 Thurston, op. cit. pp. 432-33. 120 Dharwar, op. cit., pp. 116-17.

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160 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE Speaking of the Roman Catholics of South Kanara, Sturrock has remarked, "To this day the Roman Catholics have not entirely shaken themselves free of the trammels of caste and they are still divided into classes of which Bammans or Brahmins, Carodas or Ksatriyas, Sudirs or Sudras, saltmakers and washermen are the most prominent. .... The cultivating and labouring classes are much like their Hindu neighbours.... All classes retain the Hindu dress.... Married women substitute for the Hindu 'tali', a necklet from which is suspended a figure of the infant Jesus made of gold in the case of those who can afford it.... 'They have all Portugese names such as Saldanha, Brito, Mascarenhas, Vas, Coelho, Sequeira, derived from Portugese sponsors, when their ancestors were baptised after conversion, but in some cases, especially in the rural districts, they use their old native titles such as Prabhu, Naik, Shetti, Pai, Padval, etc. "In the same way as some relics of caste feelings still remain among them, their whole habit of life is in many ways still affected by survivals of old customs and modes of thought, though western ideas have made much more progress amongst the Canara Christians than amongst the corresponding classes on the east coast. Many of them, especially amongst the women, cannot bear the idea of eating beef. Widow re-marriage is not prohibited, but it is looked upon with much disfavour. A bridegroom of good position expects a large dowry with his bride, and many a man has been impoverished by being blessed with a large family of daughters. A wife never calls her husband by his name, and except among the more educated classes she is no more regarded as her husband's equal than is the case among other natives."121 This lengthy quotation is justifieable becaus the remarks made therein are almost literally applicable to the Jainas. The present day Jainas wear Caste-marks just as other Hindus do ;122 111 Sturrock, op. cit., pp. 185-86. 122 Cf. Thurston, op. cit., p. 430; Belgaum, op. cit., p. 102.

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IDEALISM AND REALISH 161 they do not marry widows, except among the Pancamas ;123 they observe fasts, festivals, ceremonials, quite like other Hindus; 124 child-marriages also take place among the Jainas ;125 they burn the dead, throw the ashes on the third day into a river, and even offer rice-balls to the crows on the tenth day, and feed relatives and caste-fellows on the twelfth and thirteenth days 126 A detailed consideration of these and other points, interesting as they may be, would take us far beyond our limits. But a few of the more striking features which have crept into Jaina society, especially in contradiction to their avowed theories and practices, might be described with advantage. Jainism, being like Buddhism an anti-Vedic movement, must have cast off the sacred thread of the Brahmanas, in conformity with their democratic denunciation of caste. But, with the resumption of this institution, in practice though not in theory, the Digambaras of Karnataka also adopted its most distinctive symbol. It does not seem unlikely that great converts to the Jaina faith from Brahmanical ranks, like for instance, Gangaraja 127 and Vadiganghala Bhatta, 128 might have insisted upon retaining the marks of their social status, even after their formal acceptance of the new creed. The concession once made 123 Ibid., p. 103; Dharwar, op. cit. pp., 116-17. Now the practice appears to have been changed, among some. 124 Cf. Bhandarkar, op. cit., p. 119; Belgaum, op. oit., pp. 102-3. 125 Mhurston, op. cit., pp. 432-33. 126 Ibid. Contrast this with what Yasodhara says to his mother in tho Yas'astilaka-Campu by Somadeva: The spirits of ancestors have either entered other bodies or passed away into the land of spirits, in neither of which cases they stand in need of oblations which are devoured by crows'. Cf. Peterson, op. cit. IV, p. 44. 127 Gangaraja is spoken of as a Purifier of the Kaundinya.gotra, chief of the Karnata Brahmans' in Ep. Car. V Belur 124, traps., p. 8.' 128 The Kudlur Plates of Marasimha record the grant made by Murasimba Ganga to Vadigangbala Bhatta, his precaptor, a great Jaina disputant, who is therein described as born in an illustrious and learned Brhman family, noted for its Vedic Study and sacrifices'. Ct. Mysore Archaeological Report, 19.1, pp. 23-4, 110-2628-21

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162 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE must have become the general rule; and teachers like Somadeva only confirmed it by saying yatra samyakttahAnirna yatra na vrataSaNam / sarvameva hi nAnAM pramANaM lokiko vidhiH|| Where there is no harm done to the highest principles of Jainism, where there is no infringement of the vows enjoined, all indeed is acceptable to the Jainas which have the sanction of local custom.' 129 Likewise, Jinasena in his Mahapurana, speaking of yajnas (involving no killing of course) states that since they are in conformity with Vyavahara Naya they are worthy of adoption by the Jainas. 180 These statements only serve to indicate the new outlook of Jainism, as it was affected by its struggle for existence. Now it is the rule, rather than the exception, among the Southern Jainas to wear the sacred thread. They perform the ceremony when the boy is about seven years of age : 131 and, if Thurston's information is correct, then, in the Arcot District even girls are taught the thread-wearing mantras at about the same age, though they are not actually invested with the sacred cord. 132 This volte face with regard to their attitude towards the delicate sex is more definitely indicated by several inscriptions which allude to their attainment of the abode of the gods by means of severe asceticism. We quote below a few instances. An inscription at Sravana Belgola records: "On receiving diksa from the guru, Srimati Ganti, becoming a treasure of all penance, a celestial jewel of liberality, the chief of the possessers of numerous virtues, the beauty of the face of the ladies compassion, self-restraint and forbearance, (and) a moonlight to 128 Cf. Jaina Hitaisi XII, p. 146 130 Mahapurdra IL, 88-90; cf. Jaina Hitatsi XII, pp. 144-46. 131 Bolgant, op. cit., p. 102, 139 Thunton, op. cit., PP. 433-34.

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IDEALISM AND REALISM 163 the ocean modesty, was ever celebrated in the world, being lovingly praised by the earth.133 The subduer of the Kasayas, Srimati Ganti, having by severe penance thus obtained name and fame on the earth, and having fixed her mind on the pair of the lotus-feet of the great Jinendra, the lord of the world, attained by Samadhi, a high rank in the abode of gods. Srimati Ganti, ending her life by the rite of sanyasana, went to the world of gods. Her good penance being immense, the meritorious Manakabbe Ganti, adored with the ornaments good qualities, caused to be set up this epitaph to her great guru." 134 It is clear from the last words that the excellant Srimati Ganti was the guru of another Manakabbe Ganti ; which evidently reveals the existence of a regular sisterhood of nuns. We have already alluded to the Ganagitti Temple of Vijayanagara, and it is possible that Ganti or Ganati is but a contraction of Ganagitti (oil-woman). The oil-pressers known as Ganigas, of South Kanara, originally belonged to Vijayanagara and Mysore.185 Although these are not Jainas at present, the existence of the Jaina Ganagitti Temple at Vijayanagara would seem to point to some at least among them having been once Jainas. The class of nuns called Ganti, therefore, might possibly have belonged to the Ganiga or oil-pressing caste. Rice reasonably thought that there must have been a regular sister-hood of Digambara Jaina nuns in South India. 136 The evidence in this behalf is quite canvincing despite such theoretical objections as contained, for instance, in the Bhava-sangraha by Somadeva. After considering various arguments against woman's right to salvation, the writer concludes: Taraft The IT fakt at HOT I J T 9799A ETT or furreproi' 11 97. H. SCH 133 Cf. "Women, as is ugnal in this monkish poetry, are very pessi mistically characterised. They are, for example, described as the torch on the road to the gate of hell, the root of all miseries, and the prime cause of discord' (Hemacandra's Yoga-S'astra) Macdonell, India's Past, p. 74. 134 Ep. Oar. IT SB 951, trans., p. 165. 135 Cf. Starrook, op. cit., pp. 167-68, 196 Rice, Coorg Inscriptions, Ep. Oar. I, p. 66 ..

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764 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE In Sanskrit Awara Pri grict FiTAct aga atdor i Frat: 9467 : TETAHI 7 faaloi 11 137 Against this dogmatism we find at least one instance of a woman strongly asserting herself. An inscription in Coorg records that one Jakkiyabbe who performed Sanyasana (or death by starvation) which is considered by all Jainas as a sure pass-port to Mukti did so "without hesitution deciding I will obtain Mukti." 138 It is reasonable to suppose that this practice might have come also as a substitute for sati among Jaina women, in view of the fact that the Jainas condemn every form of suicide excepting Sallekhana, and Buchanan records (on the strength of Panditacarya's statement) that'widows ought not to burn themselves on the bodies of their husbands.' 139 According to Samantabhadra, one of the greatest of Karnataka Jaina teachers, Sallekhana was to be performed "when overtaken by calamity, by famine, by old age, or by incurable disease." 140 What worse calamity could befall a woman than the death of her husband, especially when to take a second meant only excommunication worse than death? On the other hand, death by taking the holy vow meant for her glory in this world and salvation in the next; for it is believed that the last cloth in 137 Devasens, Bhavasamgraha, M. D.J.G. XX, pp. 26-7 vv. 92-8. 138 Bice, op. cit. No. 31. As lately as 1913 at Rajkot & S'vetambara pan. named Jivibai, took this yow and died after two or three days. "To take this yow and die on a bed of Kusa grass", says Mrs. Sinclair Stevenson, " is called Santharo; and though in this age of Dusama it is impossible for those who do so to go straight to Moksa, as they would formerly have done, yet they pass to Nevaloka, ard may hope, if their previous karina was good and their faith in the Jaine creed strong, to pass to Moksa after fifteen more incarnations". She also states, the practice is far more frequent still, than Europeans realise, Stevenson, The Heart of Jainism, pp. 163-64. 139 Buchanan, op. cit. III, pp. 75-6. Rev. Heras has got a Sati-stono from Gersoppa, from among the Jaina ruins; but it cannot be asserted that the sati-stone is also Jaina. 140 sqart fortales SITT a eto. Ratnakarandaka-s'ravakacara, M. D. J. G. I, p. 89 v l; cf. Ep.Car. II (otrod., p. 69,

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IDEALISM AND REALISM 165 which a nun is wound has the efficacy of giving children to childless women. 141 In any case, there are unmistakable instances of nuns performing the act of Sallekhana no less than those of monks, and there is also in an inscription at Sravana Belgola, a reference to the presence of nuns who attended the ceremony of Panca-kalyana or the five auspicious things ( Birth, Anointment, Renunciation, Enlightenment and Liberation of Jina or Gommata ) together with the monks. 142 Thurston says, there is still a sisterhood of nuns in South Arcot who shave and wear white cloth. These might be Digambara as he says that all Jainas there are Digambara. And what is still more interesting is that he speaks of a class of Arcakas or priests called Annam or Annuvriti : "a kind of monk who is allowed to marry but has special rules of conduct," 143 Lastly, something must be said about the various pontificates of Karnataka, which also added to the varieties of codes and practices, a geographical principle, dividing the present day Jainas into so many bewildering sections and sub-sections. Buchanan for instance, has observed that the Jainas of Tuluva are in many respects different from those of Be!go!a above the ghats. One of the differences he noted was that the former (inspite of there being Bunts among them) denied that there were Sudras among the Jainas. 144 At present the Hindu Bunts are classed among the Sudras; but the Jaina Bunts, because of their political status, must have classed themselves among the Ksatriyas in the past. The Amonora-Caritra referred to by Buchanan traces the origin of the Bairasu Wodeyars from Uttara-Madura, and an inscription at Karkal speaks of Virapandy of the same family as Atalant or belonging to the lunar race (of Ksatriyas ) of the family of Jinadatta. 185 Their 141 Ct, Marathi-J nana-Kos'a (T), p. 331. 142 Ep. Car. II SB 268, trans., p. 10 nl; cf. Ibid. Introd., pp. 69-70, 89. 143 Cf. Thurston, op, cit., pp, 30-39. * 144 Buchanan, op. cit. III, p. 412. 145 Ibid., p. 81; Hultzsch, Jain Cologgi in South India, Ep. Ind. VII, pp. 109-11, LL 9-11 of text; Rico, Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, pp. 138-39

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166 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE gurus having the titles of Lalitakirti and Carukirti Panditacarya, though originally subject to the Chief Pontiff at Sravana Belgola, claimed according to the testimony of Buchanan, a status equal to the chief. 146 The Bunts are a proud race and their peculiar law of inheritance adds to their isolation. The rulers as well as the mass of Jaina population of South Kanara being of this class, it was natural for their Pontiffs to claim independence, just as the secular chiefs attempted to do on the fall of Vijayanagara. 147 Lalitakirti is described as belonging to the Kalogra-gana which must be identical with (or a branch of) the Pustakagachcha , as he is also stated to be of the Panasoge lineage of Desigana. 148 The Jaina priests of Hottage (Pustaka-gachcha) claimed exclusive jurisdiction over the bastis of Pansoge and Talekaveri, which Rice thinks must have been the limits of the Cangalva kingdom of Coorg. 149 Since Lalitakirti belonged to the Hottage gachcha and was also the family priest of the Wodeyars of Karkal, it is natural to suppose that his influence below the ghats must have lasted as long as the supremacy of these kings. But the real pontiff of South Kanara must be considered the Panditacarya of Buchanan, whose fuller title was and still is Carukirti Panditacarya. He has his seat now at Mulbidre. The Venur inscription which records the erection of the colossus there, by order of Carukirti, calls him "the sun of the firmament of the Desigana and the moon in the milkocean of the pontificate of the town named Belgula. " 150 The pontiff of Belgola is, of course, by tradition the Chief Pontiff of most of the Jainas of South India. An inscription at Nagamangala mentions Laksmisena Bhattaraka, Jaina guru of Sravana Belgola who claimed to be the lord of the thrones of 146 Cf."Ibid., pp. 110, 112-13; Buchanan, op. cit., p. 79. 147 Of. Sturrock, op. cit., p. 189. 148 Rangaoharya, Inscriptions of the Madras Presidency II SK 215; Holtasch, op. cit., p. 110. 149 Rice, op. cit., p. 142; Coorg Inscriptions, Ep. Car, I, p. 13. 150 Hultasch, op, cit. p. 113,

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IDEALISM AND REALISM 169 Delhi, Kolhapur, Jaina Kanci (part of. Conjeevaram) and Penugonda (Anantapur District. ) 161 The foundation of this chief pontificate is attributed to Caundaraya, who erected the colossus at Sravana Belgola. To provide for the maintenance and worship of the image he established a Matha and other religious institutions with liberal endowments, and appointed Siddhantacarya (Nemicandra ?) as guru. There is a full genealogy of successive teachers who followed Siddbantacarya. From 1117 A. D. these gurus are said to have borne the name of Carukirti Panditacarya. 162 We have seen that this has also - been the little of the South Kanara pontiffs. The year of the change in the little of the Belgola pontiffs is significant. It synchronises well with the period of Ramanuja's personal influence over Bittideva Hoysala. 153 That was a turning point in the history of Jainism in Mysore. For a time at least the chief centre of Jainism was transferred to South Kanara, symbolised by the removal of important Jaina manuscripts ( like Dhavala and Jayadhavala) to Mulbidre where they are still to be found. 154 It is not to be denied that there was a line of gurus at Sravana Belgola even from earlier times; but of this, however, we have no connected records. At the time I visited the Matha (May, 1927) everything was under Government lock and key, the pontifical seat being the subject of severe contention by two rival candidates, reflecting thereby the unfortunate factiousness which everywhere prevails in the community. Amidst the relics reminding one, of the once glorious past, was a genuine naked Digambara ascetic, Vnsabhasena by name, residing in the Bhandari Basadi built by a treasurer of Narasimha I (Hoysala ). The Jainas in the Bombay Karnataka as well have their own gurus. The existence of two divisions called respectively Laksmisena-gana and Jina-sena-gana seems to indicate that 161 Ep. Car. IV Ng 43, trans., p. 125. 162 Rice, Mysore and Coorg 1, p. 372. 153 Ramanuja left Mysore in 1118 A. D. 164 Of. Ep. Car. II Introd., p. 28.

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168 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE o the former must have been at one time Vaisnavas (Lit. Laksmisayana abode (bed ) of Visnu's consort); and the latter must have called themselves in imitation of the former's name. It is possible the latter considered themselves a purer division. Both have their chief seat in Kolhapur. There is also a Balatkaragana with its head-quarters at Hombas in Mysore. Each sect has its own guru who is invariably an ascetic.155 The Pancamas have their own guru called Laksmi-sena Swami, who also lives at Kolhapur. The guru of the Setvals is at Hombad near Honawar (North Kanara District). That of the Bogars is at Malkhed, in the Nizam's territory; he is strangely - called Balutkaragun represesenting the name of the sect rather than that of a person. The Caturtharu or Caturthas have also their own teacher at Kurundwad. 166 We have already seen that there is no free social intercourse (i.e. marriage and interdining !) between these various sects and divisions. That even geographical divisions act as great barriers is indicated by the fact that Kannada and Gujarati Jainas do not dine together.167 The Jainas of the extreme South in the same way, form a community by themselves. Their high-priest has his seat at Sittamur in the Tindivanam Taluk of South Arcot District. He claims to have power over all Jainas South of Madras, independently of Belgola and Kanara 158 All these Jainas have no marrige relations outside their own small circle. No wonder that year after year their census indicate a steady decline in population. 159 155 Of. Dharwar, op. cit., p. 118. 156 Cf. Belgaum, op. cit., p. 103. There does not appear to be a teacher 157 Cf. Charwar, op. cit., p. 117. of the caturthas at Kurundwad 158 Thurston, op. cit. pp. 439-31. j now; there are teachers at Nandani, Kolhapur, and Belgaum. 159 During the thirty years from 1891-1991 their decrease for the whole of India has been 5.8% (1901), 6.4% (1911), and 9.4% (1921). Of. Shah, ' Decreasing Jaina Population,' The Jaina Gazette XX, p. 167. To cite one specific instance, the population of B'ravana Belgola, their chief centre in the South, has decreased from 18, 237 in 1911 to 17,299 in 1921. Mysor. Census Report, 1991, Pt. V, p. 195.

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IDEALISM AND REALISM 169 CONCLUSION Truly, nothing succeeds like success; and the failure of Jainism to hold its own against its numerous rivals in the South, as in the North, has led to many a false estimate of its achievements in the past. Thus, it is largely held that Jainism, like Buddhism, did not strike deep roots in South India and that there was nothing like a Jaina Period in the history of India. 160 With all deference to the scholars who maintain these views, we venture to believe that the study of Jainism in Karnatak, attempted in the foregoing pages, inadequate as it is in many ways, is sufficient evidence to the contrary. Despite the flux of half a century and more since Fergusson wrote, his observations still remain largely true, viz. that "Until the numerous Jaina inscriptions which exist everywhere in the South are collected and translated, and until plans are made of their buildings, and statistics collected about them, it is idle to speculate either about the time of the introduction of Jainism into the South, or its vicissitudes during its existence there. It is a task which, it is to be feared, few in that Presidency are capable of undertaking, and that fewer still are willing to devote the time and lobour requisite for its successful accomplishment; but it is worthy of being attempted, for, if successfully carried out, it would add to our scant stores of knowledge one of the most interesting chapters still available for the religions and artistic history of the people of India,161 Much research has been done since 1876 when Fergusson made these remarks, but much more still remains to be done. However, with what materials we can gather at present, let us focus together the various problems and their solutions suggested by this our necessarily inadequate study. 160 Cf. Aravamuthan, Kaveri, Maukharis and the Sangam Era, p. 2 Smith, The Oxford History of India, p. 55. 161 Fergusson, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, I, pp. 466-67 (0.c.) JKC-2528-22

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170 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE EXTENT OF INFLUENCE First, as to the extent of influence. Whatever may be the antiquity of Jainism in the South, no one can deny that there is enough conclusive evidence to the effect that, at least from the beginning of the Christian era, down to the epoch-making conversion of Visnuvardhana Hoysala by Ramanuja in the 12th century A. D., Jainism was the most powerful religion in Karnataka. The fall of the Kalacuris in the Deccan, during the same century was another death-blow that was given to Jainism in Karnataka. But even after this it continued to flourish in the Tuluva country until its overthrow by Sivappa Naik of Ikkeri in the 17th century. Thus, for nearly a millennium and a half Jainism was quite alive and active; and even now unlike Buddhism it has a considerable following in the South, no less than in the North. During the heyday of its power there was not a single dynasty in Karnataka, whether large or small, that did not come under its influence at one time or another : The Kadambas, the Gangas, the Rastrakutas and the Kalacuris in the Karnatak among the more powerful; and the Rattas, Silaharas, Cangalvas and the Tuluva rulers of Kanara, among the minor feudatories, counted among them a large number of votaries of the Jaina faith. Two great princes at least among these (viz. Marasimha Ganga and Indra IV Rastrakuta) died in the orthodox Jaina fashion of Sallekhana, in addition to Santaladevi, a queen of Visnuvardhana Hoysala, thereby showing the firmness of the hold of Jainism upon them. Among the non-Jaina rulers, the Calukyas and the Vijayanagara kings, as well as the present dynasty of Mysore, no less than some at least among the Colas, distinguished themselves by their patronage of Jainism. In geographical extent, as well, the permeation of Jainism is indicated by the Jaina vestiges still left intact or in ruins in every district of Karnataka to a greater or lesser degree. Its influence among the masses is indicated by the grants made to sacred places by merchants, goldsmiths, and even garland-makers as already noticed; it is also still

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18 14 10 74 Karahataka (Karhad) SRS Matapi Patasika. (Badami) (Halsi) ligere. Gersoppe BHATKAL 76 O Paithan (Lash mes var.) Banavase./ Humcha Mangalore Barkyre Karkald Mudlidre H DKalyan avijaynagara (Humpe vanji 78 Dorasamudra) (Halebid) Shravana Belgola (KATUT SOUTH INDIA SHOWING PLACES of INTEREST IN JAIN HISTORY. Godavart.R. O Man yakheta (Malkhed) warangal JUMPS Kaveri R Uraiyur O 78 Kan op (Trichinopoly) Madura 80 R. 80 engi 16 14 IDEAL.

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IDEALISM AND REALISM 171 visible in the various castes, customs, and institutions of Karnataka as noticed in the chapter on. Jainism as it came to be,' which have crept into Southern Jainism mainly through the door of large and indiscriminate conversions. CAUSES OF DISINTEGRATION The question that naturally arises out of this is "How did such a vast force and movement come to be disintegrated ? " The answer is two-fold : Internal causes, and External causes The internal causes have been alieady dealt with ; namely, the transformations within Jainism itself that made it almost indistinguishable from the surrounding creeds and practices. The Jainas were too much divided and subdivided into sects and subsects, and in the words of Indranandi : Fora stati EET = TITAI prajAHsvacchaMdacAriNyo babhUvuH pApamohitAH // 162 After the sages Bhadrabahu and Vikramanka attained to heaven, people have become self-willed through attachment to sin.' The external causes were the rise of revivalist Hindu movements, like Saivism, Vaisnavism, and Lingayatism, the conversion of royal supporters of Jainism like Mahendravarma Pallava, Sundara Pandya, and Visnuvardhana Hoysala, and last but not least, the Muhommadan conquests in the South. As a corollary to these followed a series of persecutions the truth of which bears close examination. We have made incidental references to these in the previous chapters, but it is well to state a few more here so as to arrive at a definite conclusion regarding them. PERSECUTIONS Dr. Krishnaswami Aiyangar has observed, "Religious controversies between Jainism, Buddhism and Brahmanism there might have been, but these were apperently under the control of the civil authorities for the time being." 163 Speaking of per162 Indranandi's Samayabhusana 3, cited by Pathak, Pujyapada and the Authorship of Jinendra-Vyakarna Iod. Ant. XII, p. 20. 163 Krishnaswamy Aiyangar, Contributions, p. 314.

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172 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE secutions he says that these stories seem to have been concocted by the later hagiologists to enhance the glory of their own particular form of religion; and that "in each one of these cases it can be proved conclusively there is no evidence of a general act of persecution, such as is described, as these religions flourished in undiminished influence even after the period to which these persecutions are ascribed." 164 The general spirit of toleration in India towards creeds other than one's own has been remarkably revealed in our history at least from the time of Asoka to Akbar; and we have also seen that the Jainas received considerable patronage even from rulers who were not themselves Jainas. But from these instances we cannot emphatically deny the fact of pesecutions in South India. The fact that Jainism continued to flourish even long after the 'alleged persecutions" cannot be considered as proof of the falsity of the allegations any more than we can say that there was no persecution of Christianity in Europe, or of Hinduism under the Muhommadan rulers, since these religions have survived to our own days and continue to flourish if at all with greater vigour. If the several traditions can be explained away as mere concoctions of hagiologists, the following facts are certainly incapable of dubious interpretation : (1) In the Madura and Tinnevelly Districts a barbarous relic of the old persecutions of the Samanal is still kept up in the ceremonial form koown as Kulavettal (lit. impaling). "The model of a human head is stuck on a pike and carried in a procession ; some sit as if impaled on a stake; others appear to be hanging from the gibbets, etc. The idea of the performance is to suggest mutilation, and there can be little doubt that it is intended to commemorate the savage treatment which the Jainas of old received at the hands of their Saiva persecutors."166 (2) a cave near the Anjaneya temple at Bettadapura (Coorg) there is a linga on the pedestal of which is written 164 Ibid., pp. 238-39. 165 Tinnevelly Gazetteer 1, pp. 100-102; Madura Gazetteer I, pp. 74, 297.

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IDEALISM AND REALISM 173 the word ' Jina' evidently betraying the fact that the place was once used by the Jainas and that the image of Jina was replaced by the symbol of Siva. 186 The Aihole temple, a photograph of which is given elsewhere in this volume, is another such example. Such conversions of Jaina temples to Saiva use are by no means rare. How whole cities of Jaina power were often desecrated by the Saivas is indicated by the present condition of Barkur in South Kanara, which is only one among several such instances. Barkur was once the strong-hold of the Jainas. "Groves and clusters of trees cover most of the area now with here and there a group of houses and a temple, but always a Brahmin temple; the conquering religion rules there, and no Jaina passes through, for the broken and headless images of his Tirthankaras may be picked up by the dozen among the grass and bushes that have crept over his shattered temples, and here and there one may be seen laid before the entrance of a Brahmin temple over which all must tread." 167 There could be little doubt, therefore, that apart from the innate weakening of the Jaina religion, these persecutions were real and largely responsible for the final overthrow of Jainism in South India. AHIMSA But it is remarkable that for scores of instances that could be cited of persecutions directed against the Jainas, there is hardly a single instance of retaliation by the latter. The flight of Basava and Cenna-Basava from the Kalacuri capital immediately after the murder of Bijjala was due to a sense of guilt rather than active persecution. Hence, as the greatest contribution of the Jainas to Karnataka Culture, as well as to Indian life and character, must be counted the great principle of Ahimsa. It is this which has niade Kamataka, largely vegetarian in diet and quiescent in character. But it is not 166 Cf. Mysore Archaeological Report, 1925, p. 15. 167 Sturrock, South Kanara I, p. 92; cf. Smith, Early History of India, PP. 473, 495.

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174 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE right to attribute the failure of Jainism to their emphasis on Ahimsa, as some have done. 168 For, as we have noticed already, this did not stand in the way of their conquests or defence of kingdoms; nor did it stand in the way of kings and judges in the detection and punishment of criminals. The bravery of Jaina kings and generals, no less than that of the rank and file is a common theme of eulogy in Jaina inscriptions. For instance, an inscription in Mysore speaks of a Jaina warrior, Baicappa, as having sent many o the Konkanigas to destruction' and thereby 'gained the heavenly world and attained the feet of Jina.' 169 PESSIMISM Another cause to which the failure of Jainism is usually attributed is its alleged 'pessimism.' This needs a fuller and deeper discussion than we are prepared to enter upon here. The goal of all Indian religions, in fact, is declared to be Death and not Life. Confining ourselves to Jainism for the present, we cull a few remarks from Mrs. Sinclair Stevenson's 'The Heart of Jainism'to understand what this dictum means :-- "The desire of India is to be freed from the cycle of re-births and the dread of India is reincarnation. The rest that most of the spiritual seek through their faith is a state of profound and deathlike 'trance, in which all their powers shall have ceased to move or live, and from which they shall never again be awakened to undergo rebirth in this toilsome and troubled world. "If, therefore, we would try reverently and sympathetically to grasp the inner meaning of an Indian faith, we must put aside all thought of the perfectly developed personality which is our ideal, and of the joy and zest that come from progress made and powers exercised, and, turning our thoughts backwards, face 168 Cf. Ramaswami Ayyangar, Studies in S. I. J. I. p. 106. Dr. Saletore has elaborated this theme in his Mediaeval Jainism (ch. on 'Jaina Men of Action '). 169 Ep. Oar. VIII, Sb. 152.

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IDEALISM AND REALISM 175 for a while another goal, in which death, not life, is the prize, cessation not development the ideal."'170 "Both ( Hinduism and Jainism) use the same words, such as moksa and nirvana, and both think of the highest state as attained by those who have completely stultified their personality, and who are not perfected characters but perfectly characterless beings who touch life on as few points as possible."171 " It seems, in fact, impossible for any religion which is not illuminated and irradiated by Hope to become a really missionary faith."172 "The more one studies Jainism, the more one is struck with the pathos of its empty heart."173 In order to realise the nature of the Jaina ideal one has only to stand within one of their richly carved temples, or gaze at the face of one of their great colossi, lost in the exuberance of its peace and contemplation. Their mythology and their literature penetrate the utmost depths and variety of human thought and imagination. Their ethical ideal reaches the boundaries of theoretical perfection. The supreme goal of their life is to be perfect as the Arhat or Jina or Tirthankara is perfect: literally, the Deserving, the Conqueror, the Founder of the Path across the Ford : perfect in the Triple way of Right Faith, Right Knowledge, and Right Conduct. Indeed, the harmonious combination of these three, each in its fullest development, is the supreme ideal to be attained ; and the ideal is attainable by all including the lowest forms of life and existence. Failure in one form of existence is only a steppingstone to another in which to set right the mistakes and resume the lost path. No one, however low and fallen, is doomed; all have salvation. What could be more optimistic or more dynamically optimistic in its outlook! Indeed this raises the question, 'Who is a pessimist?' and What is pressimism ?' But a discussion of this, as already 170 Mrs. Stevenson, The Heart of Jainism, p. 1. 171 Ibid., pp. 171-72. 172 Ibid., p. 275. 173 Ibid., p. 289.

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176 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE "f remarked, would be a digression too long for our purposes. What Dr. Thomas has said about Buddhism is perhaps more true in the case of Jainism: Buddhism has been called pessimistic," says he, "but it is so only in the sense in which all religions are pessimistic that inculcate asceticism, and place true happiness above the pleasures of the sense."174 The following observations on Christian monasticism are illuminating : Co 66 The basic idea of monasticism in all its varieties," observes the Catholic Encyclopaedia, is seclusion or withdrawal from the world or society. The object of this is to achieve a life whose ideal is different from and largely at variance with that pursued by the majority of mankind; and the method adopted, no matter what its precise details may be, is always self-abnegation or organised asceticism. Taken in this broad sense monachism may be found in every religious system which has attained to a high degree of ethical development, such as the Brahman, Buddhist, Jewish, Christian and Moslem religions, and even in the system of those modern communistic societies, often antitheological in theory, which are a special feature of recent social development especially in America. Hence, it is claimed that a form of life which flourishes in environments so diverse must be the expression of a principle inherent in human nature and rooted therein no less deeply than the principle of domesticity, though obviously limited to a far smaller portion of mankind... The truth is that the Christian ideal is frankly an ascetic one and monachism is simply the endeavour to effect a material realisation of that ideal.... Two ideas that constantly recur in Eastern theology are that the monastic state is that of Christian perfection and also a state of penance."175 "Love not the world, nor the things that are in the world, " sayeth the Gospel. "If any man love the world, the charity of the Father is not in him. For all that is in the world is con 174 Cf. Thomas, The Life of Buddha,p. 178 n. 175 The Catholic Encyclopaedia X, pp. 459-68.

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IDEALISM AND REALISM 177 cupiscence of the flesh, and the concupiscence of the eyes, and the pride of life, which is not of the Father, but of the world. And the world passeth away and the concupiscence thereof. But he that doeth the will of God abideth forever." 176 Jaina asceticism was not based on other ideals : only instead of reliance on a personal God, the Jainas relied upon their Ideal of Perfection embodied in their Jina for all practical purposes. The futility of mere external form and penance has already been indicated in the words of Kundakundacarya, than whom the Southern Jainas produced no greater teacher: One may understand the true nature of Tirthankara; one may have interest in and devotion to the scripture; one may have self-control and penance: With all these, if one is not capable of realising his own true self, to him Nirvana is beyond reach.'177 NIRVANA And what is it that leads to this Jaina ideal of life? It is non-attachment to things of this world and freedom from anger and sensuous desire : tasmAnivRttikAmo rAgaM sarvatra karotu mA kiMcit / pita afatilu HOT FAMi a fa u 178 And "Unlimited perception and knowledge are always associated with Jiva and spotless conduct born of these leads to Moksa.179 " Jiva is the architect of its own form of existence. It is the doer and onjoyer of its own Karmas. " Atma which is free from the defect of Karma gets to the highest point of the universe, knows all and perceives all, and obtains the transcedental bliss everlasting. "Thus Atma, becoming omniscient and all-perceiving through its own effort obtains the infinite bliss which transcends senseexperience, which is free from any imperfection, which is spiritual and self-determined." 180 176 St. John ii. 15-17. 177 8. B. J. III, Pancastikayasira, gatba 177. 178 Ibid. 179. 179 8. B. J. III, Pancustikayasdira, gatba 161. 180 Ibid., gitbaa 27-29. JTO-8628-23

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IV. KARNATAKA CULTURE Such as the character and history of Jainism have been in Karnataka, what is their bearing on Karnataka Culture ? Though an answer to this question has been suggested in more than one chapter of this book already, we should here try to focus our attention more pointedly on the main theme we set out to study. It is obvious from what has been set down in the course of our survey that both Jainism and Karnataka Culture have affected each other deeply. A creed that held sway over the lives of princes aud peasants alike, during more than a millennium in Karnataka, was bound to leave its indelible marks on the culture of its people. Likewise, the fact that Jainism came to be substantially transformed in Karnataka as witnessed in an earlier chapter, is sufficient proof of the strength of Karnataka Culture. From both these points of view, therefore, a closer examination of Karnataka Culture becomes quite necessary. Culture is not an easy word to understand. It might mean different things to different people. Hence, it is desirable to explain its connotation, at least in our present context. Mr. Devudu in the Introduction to his book on Kannada Culture has, we are afraid, given it too general a meaning. Though it is correct to define "Culture" as 'that which differentiates man from the mere animals,' it is necessary to be more specific. He has done this admirably, however, in the body of his work itself. Therein he has dealt with the development of culture among the people of Karnataka as might be learnt from their folk-songs, tales, proverbs, conundrums, etc.' A similar attempt to explore the vital elements in Karnataka Culture has been also made by Mr. M. Venkatesa Iyengar, in his Popular Culture

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KARNATAKA CULTURE 179 in Karnataka. Though, he, like Mr. Devudu, has made no attempt to cover the whole ground of Karnataka Culture or to deal exhaustively even with the topics selected" (such as the Virasaiva and Haridasa movements, and the significance of proverbs, folk-songs and place names), both have tried to interpret the mind and heart of Karnataka on the basis of a very close study of some of its historic phases, and manifestations in its present outlook and life. "A deep and real culture," observes Mr. Iyengar, "has, as it were, transfused the very air that the people are breathing and it appears in all the many acts of their lives and often in the words which they use without realising the full meaning."1 At the same time he rightly says "that no claim is advanced that the popular culture of Karnataka is separate or different from the popular culture of other parts of India. The ruling ideas of nearly the whole of India on essential topics relating to life are more or less the same. But cach area wears these ideas with a difference and the men who built up the culture of one locality and the movements which contributed to it are necessarily often different from those of other localities." 2 It is from just this view-point that we might look at Jainism and Karnataka Culture. Culture may not lend itself to a formal and clear-cut definition, but it is not the less tangible because of this elusive character. Though there are certain essential qualities, which are of a universal nature, that distinguish cultured societies from the brutish, it is not difficult to differentiate one species of culture from another. Thus, it is not wrong to speak of Indian Culture, European Culture, Chinese Culture, and so on. In like manner, it is also possible to mark out provincial variations in our national culture. For instance, though all Indian women may be wearing sarees, as distinguished from the gowns of European women or the Kimonos of the Japanese women, the mode or style of wearing the saree differs from province to province, 1 Papular Culture in Karnataka, p. ll. 8 Ibid., Preface, p. vi.

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180 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE and even from caste to caste. This individualiy is, however, not confined to dress alone; it shows itself in speech, manners, diet, customs, art, etc. And though all these may form a synthesis which we describe as culture of a particular brand (Karnataka Culture, for instance), it is also possible to analyse its several elements and find therein traces of particular influences. Hence, out of the synthesis of Aryan and Dravidian in South Indian Culture, the worship of spirits, snakes, Mari-amma, and Murugan may be clearly marked out as Dravidian, while the worship of fire, Brahma, and the Vedic deities, as well as the Aryan philosophy and way of life, may equally be clearly. singled out. In like manner should it be possible and useful to find out and assess the contributions of Janism to Karnataka Culture. In the light of these observations, let us recount the distinctive features of Jainism as pointed out in an earlier chapter. Here it is well to remember that Jainism was meant to be not merely a philosophy', but also 'a way of life'. We have already shown, however, that in Karnataka (as perhaps also elsewhere ) it survived only as a philosophy and largely ceased to be a way of life. What happened to Aryanism or Vedism, in general, in the southern Dravidian atmosphere, also happened to Jainism, in particular. Confining its philosophic universalism to the books, it became sectarian in its mode of life. It absorbed into its own system or scheme of life most of the elements and characteristics of non-Jaina Karnataka, and by so doing it ceased to be distinctively Jaina. Except by the practice of not eating the supper after night-fall and the worship of nude images of the Tirthankaras, it is hardly possible to identify a Jaina in Karnataka from the rest of the people. His temples and festivals may be different, but their variation looks only sectarian, even as the Vaisnava might differ from the Saiva. But whatever be the position of the Jainas in Karnataka today, there is no gainsaying their contributions to Karnataka Culture in the past. Outwardly they consist of imparting a

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181 KARNATAKA CULTURE great impetus to the development of Kannada literature, as shown earlier, and enrichment of the art and architecture of the province by distinctive types of their own. Both in quality and quantity the service rendered by the Jaina writers, artists, and architects to Karnataka Culture was considerable. Yet to attribute the military and political achievements of certain rulers, generals, and ministers to Jainism is hardly warrantable. They achieved their successes in these fields, not on account of any distinctive qualities imparted by their Jaina creed, but more by overlooking the distinctive teachings of Jainism such as ahimsa and asceticism. Such martial and political vigour or acumen was equally well displayed by the non-Jaina kings, generals, and ministers. Eclecticism was undoubtedly the bedrock of state policy and social relations in those times, with a few equally undeniable exceptions of sectarian bigotry displayed by some rulers and other men. Thus most of the avowedly Jaina or Hindu monarchs, men and women, revealed a remarkably latitudinarian interest in the religious institutions and activities of one another. Numerous instances of these have been cited by other writers in the field, and the curious reader may refer to them. Some typical examples have also been cited by us earlier. However, one fact may be set down to the credit of the Jainas of Karnataka. There were fewer persecutions on account of religion in Karnataka than was the case in the other parts of South India during the same period. This may be, perhaps, attributed to the wider, deeper, and longer permeation of Jainism in Karnataka. We have also observed before that for scores of acts of persecution of the Jainas by the nonJainas, there are hardly any instances of violent reaction on the part of the Jainas. This spirit of toleration could certainly be ascribed to the syadvada of the Anekantamata-vadins. Indeed, 3 E. g. Chapters on Religion and Society in Altekar's Rostrakatus, Saletore's Jainism, and Vijayanagara, Moraes's Kalumbakula, and Krishna Rao's Gangas,

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182 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE . as Mr. J. C. Powys has observed in his The Meaning of Culture, "The sceret of culture is to have a knowledge of relative values in this world." Another trait widely illustrated in numerous inscriptions in Karnataka is that of the spirit of self-abnegation and sacrifice. Sati-stones and Virgals proclaim this in all parts of Karnataka. Though this was a feature of the spirit of the age, the example of hundreds of Jainas voluntarily subjecting themselves to the tribulations of sallekhana and samadhi-marana must indibutably have heartened the votaries of even other sects to do the same, as a matter of honour. The Jaina basadis were repositories of learning, in all branches, even as their arctitecture afforded a stimulous to artistic expression and their yatis set examples of high spiritual striving. It was Jaina writers who insisted on maintaining the purity of the Kannada language. "Several of the Jaina authors," observes Mr. R. Narasimhachar, "who were adyocates of purism in the use of Kannada, have condemned the practice of introducing unnecessary Sanskrit words into Kannada composition. They denounce the practice as the mark of an imperfect education. Nayasena compares it to the mixing of ghee and oil; and Nagavarma, to the stringing of pearls along with pepper-corns. There were even a few authors who attempted to write works in Kannada without the admixture of Sanskrit words in order to show that the use of Sanskrit is not indispensable for Kannada composition."'4 It was a Jaina poet Nopatunga who gave us the true extent of Karnataka as the country stretching from the Godavari to the Kaveri. kaaveeriyiNdmaag daavrivrrmi naardaaknndddoll | bhaavisid jnpdN vsu dhaavllyviliinvissyvishdvisheessN 3 It was again the same Nipatunga (or Amoghavarsa I, 815-77 A Karnatnkas. Ravi-Charitre, Introd., I. p. xvii,

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KARNATAKA CULTURE 183 A. D.) who described the culture of Karnataka in the following terms: pdnridu nuddiyluN nuddi dudnridaarylu maarpraa naaddvrgll | cdurr nijdiN kujkoo ddiyuN kaavy pryoogprinntmtigll | kulltvrllde mtt0 pviruN tNtmm nuddiyollellN jaannr | kittuvkkllu maamuugru mlply livr viveekmN maatugll0 | "Skilled are the people of that region in making speeches with apt words and also in understanding and pondering over (other's) speeches, Naturally intelligent, they are, even without special study, versed in the usages of poetry. All are skiliul in their speech. Even young children and the dumb learn wisdom and words respectively at a hint." And lastly, in the words of the Kuppatur inscription (d. 1408 A. D.). "Among the many beautiful countries it contained, an abode of the Jina dharma, a mine of good discipline, like the dwelling of Padmasana (Brahma), having acquired great fame, the birthplace of learning and wealth, the home of unequalled splendid earnestness, thus distinguished in many ways was the lovely Karnataka country."

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V. APPENDICES . A. GENEALOGIES The antiquity of the separation between the Svetambara and Digambara sections of the Jaina community is well indicated in the following lists of the gurus or teachers preserved by them: Digambara Svetambara 1. Mahavira 2. Gautama 2. Gautama 3. Sudharma 3. Sudharma 4. Jambu 4. Jambu 5. Visnunandin 5. Prabhava 6. Nandimitra 6. Yasobhadra 7. Aparajita 7. Sambhutavijaya 8. Govardhana 8. Bhadrabahu 9. Bhadrabahu Up to the fourth successor from Mahavira their teachers are common. Then they diverge for about two or more generations, but meet again in Bhadrabahu after whom there is no conformity whatsoever except in the singular instance of Samantabhadra. This teacher is placed sixteenth or nineteenth in the Svetambara lists and about 34th in the Digambara lists. The continuations of these lines given below will show beyond doubt that after Bhadrabahu the Svetambara and Digambara lists never meet again :Digambara Svetambara 10. Visakha 9. Sthulabhadra II. Prosthila 10. Arya Mahagiri 12. Ksatriya II. Arya Suhastin 13. Jayasena 12. Arya Susthita 14. Nagasena 13. Indradinna

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15. Siddhartha 16. Dhristisena 17. Vijayasena 18. Buddhilinga Dharmasena 19. 20. Naksatra 21. Jayapala 22. Pandava 23. Dharmasena 24. Kamsa 25. Subhadra APPENDICES 14. Dinna 15. Simhagiri 16. Vajra or (Guptigupta) 17. Vajrasena 18. Candra 19. Samantabhadra 20. Deva 21. Pradyotana 22. Manadeva 23. Vira 24. Vira 25. Kalaka These names are abstracted from the Pattavalis published by Klatt and Hoernle in the Indian Antiquary.' The order of succession has not been tampered with, but only the details connected with each name have been omitted. It is significant to note that in the Svetambara Pattavalis given by Klatt, Sthulabhadra, the junior contemporary of Bhadrabahu, is stated to have been a contemporary also of Candragupta who overthrew the last of the Nandas: ergo, the contemporaneity of Bhadrabahu I (Srutakevali) with Candragupta Maurya is unquestionable. After Subhadra, (25) in the Digambara list given above, we have the following: Yasobhadra 26. 27. Bhadrabahu II 31. Dharasena 28. Lohacarya 29. Arhadbalin Samantabhadra 3 30. Maghanandin The list need not be continued further. It is well to consider the following observations by Hoernle in the light of the above: "All pattavalis agree in representing Maghanandin as the actual founder of the Saraswati Gachcha, whence it is also 185 32. Kundakunda Umasvati 33. 34. (Jinacandra) 1. Klatt, Extracts from the Historical Records of the Jainas, Ind. Ant. XI, pp. 245 ff; Hoerale, Three Further Pattavalis of the Digambaras, ibid. XXI, pp. 57 ff. 2. Klatt, op. cit., p. 251 n 35. 3. Cf. Hoerule, op. cit., p. 74 and Ep. Car, II SB 254, Introd., p. 87. J.K.C.-2528-24

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186 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE called the Amnaya or Line of Nandin. At the same time they also all agree in making the pattavalis proper of the Gachcha to begin with Bhadrabahu, two steps before Maghanandin. This it appears to me can have but one meaning: before Bhadrbahu the Jain community was undivided; with him the Digambaras separated from the Svetambaras, but remained united themselves; with Maghanandin the Digambaras themselves separated into four divisions, the most important of which would seem to have been that named after Maghanandin..... ...... Co * Now, it is well-known that the Digambaras place the great separation of themselves and the Svetambaras in Sam. 136deg (or A. D. 79). This tradition of theirs is not borne out by their own pattavalis, as represented in A, B, C, D. For they place Bhadrabahu in Sam. 4 (or B. C. 53, and even Maghanandin is placed in Sam. 36 (or B. C. 21). Therefore one of two things: either the tradition about the separation in Sam. 136 is false, or the separation took place long after Maghanandin. "We have undoubtedly here two contradictory traditions of the Digambaras disclosed to us; that of their pattavalis places the great separation considerably earlier than Sam. 136, in the time of Bhadrabahu. The question is who this Bhadrabahu The Svetambara pattavalis know only one Bhadrabahu, who from the dates assigned to him by the Svetambaras and Digambaras alike, must be identified with Bhadrabahu I, who died 162 A. V. according to Digambaras, or 170 A. V. according to the Svetambaras. The final and definite schism may then have occured later in Sam. 136, or according to the Svetambaras, Sam. 139." was. B. DOCUMENTS The sources that are still open to the student of South Indian Jainism may be gauged somewhat from the number of Jaina MSS. libraries that are scattered throughout South India. Many of them are still unknown. Detailed lists of some have 4. Ibid., pp. 59-60.

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APPENDICES 187 been collected in the Sri Ailak Pannalal Digambara Jaina Saraswati Bhavana, Bombay. The information has been classified under the following principal heads :-- 1. Name of Work. 2. Language of the original. 3. Author's name. 4. Commentaries if any and Lang. of commentary. 5. Place where MS. is found. 6. Subject of Work. 7. Complete or not. 8. Number of pages. 9. Number of Slokas. 10. Date of Copy. The lists, however, have been copied just as they were received, and hence there is no order in them either of place, subject or even language. We give below an abstract of them which may serve research scholars competent to make use of them :Places where MSS. are found and the total number of volumes that are known to exist : Presidenci Province or State Place of Find Total No. of Works. Remarks Bombay 444 | Bombay City : 1. Saraswati Bhavana 2410 | 962 are MSS. out of which 116 are on palm-leaves. 2. Candraprabha Caityalaya Dhannalal's 4. Manekcand Caityalaya 5. Not specified | 328 165 in Hindi Bhusaval Satara; Ankali L 155

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188 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE Presidency Province or State Place of Find Total No. of Works Remarks Nandagaon 254 (Nasik ) Surat: Narsimhapur 2:28: 566 Sholapur 718 Belgaum III: 33 89 are printed, 3 in Kannada Mudhol Dharwar 7 in Kannada Hubli 16 Kannada Karwar Banavase 8 Kannada, 1 Tamil, Sirsi 253 31 Kannada Kolhapur 109 Kannada, 8 Marathi, I Tamil Ichalkaranji 29 Sangli Ibo Terda! I10 Kolhapur 9. SI Mysore Mysore : 1. Oriental Library 2. Private Libraries Sravana Belgola Humcha Nagamangalam Sagar 186 332 49 Kannada 999 124 Kannada 689 192 Kannada 211 68 Madras Madras Oriental Library Mudbidre 317 2518 224 Karka! Hebri Yenur 453 Kannada, I Marathi 54 Kannada | 9 Kannada 10 Kannada 38 23 Making due allowances for a sprinkling of printed works, at least 10,000 out of these 12,812 volumes are in manuscript

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APPENDICES 189 form. A systematic search should certainly reveal more. There are no doubt copies of the same manuscript in several places, but sometimes these hidden libraries also contain very rare and unpublished works like the Jayadhavala at Mudbidre.' From the 'Remarks' column, above, it is also evident that a large number of MSS. is in Kannada; the rest are mostly in Sansket, a few in Prakst. and some also in Hindi, Marathi and Tamil. The subjects dealt with are various : Religion, Ethics, Mythology, Medicine, Grammar, Prosody, Lexicography, etc. We also often come across works like Yantra-Vidya, Naksatraphala and Padmavati Kalpa. The value of these manuscripts may be gathered from the extracts published by the Saraswati Bhavana in its Annual Reports. One of these, for example, entitled Vytakatha-kosa by Sakala Kirti contains stories of the following vytas observed by the Jainas: 1. Meghamalavsta. 2. Ekavalivsta. 3. Dwikavalivsta. 4. Ratnavalivsta. 5. Nandiswara panktivita. 6. Silakalyanavsta. 7. Naksatramala. 8. Vimana pankti. 9. Srutaskandhavsta. 10. Merupankti. II. Sravanadwadasivsta. 12. Akasapancami etc. 8 The following passages from the Trivarnacara by Brahmasuri are an ample commentary on the Social outlook of the later Jainas :-- ayocyate trivarNAnAM zaucAcAra vidhikmH| zaucAcAravidhi prAptau dehaM saMskartumarhasi // 1 // 1 Of. Haralal, Catalogue of MSS. in O. P. and Berar, Introd., p. xxiji. Now being published by Prof. Hiralal of Amravati Berar. 9 Cf. Sri Ailak Paanalal Digambara Jaioa Saraswati Bhavana Fourth Annual Report, pp. 81 ff.

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190 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA ULTURE saMskRta deha evAsau dIkSaNAya visNmtH| viziSTAnvayajopyasmai neSyate yamasaMskRtaH // 2 // gugadvayAdRtumati sUtikAstu yugatrayAt / cAMDAlA zvapacAdIMzca tathA yugacatuSTayAt // bhazaucAte ca rogAMte zavAnugamane tthaa| cAMgalasUtikAdInAM sparzanepyevamAcaret / / prasatA yAzca puSpiNyA aspRzyasya janasya vaa| darzanevAtha tacchabdazrutau bhuktiM parityajet / / atha kanyA sajAtIyA pitRdattAnisAdhikam / vivAyate vareNyati vivAhaH parikIrtyate // 225 // bhinagotrabhavAM kanyAM zubhalakSaNalakSitAm // mRte bhartari tajAyA dvAdazAnhi jalAzaye / vidhavAyAstato nAryA janadIdhA svamAzrayaH zreyAnutA svidvaidhavyadIkSA vA grAhyate tadA // ityaM caturvidhamudIritamArtavAdi shraavaadivsht| [1] khalla puktimuktaM / azaucamAcarati yaH zucitAmupaiti sabramha varcasaparaH sujnaiksevyH||3 The writers seem to have been conscious of the calamities that awaited some of their laboured works, and we find Asadhara closing his manuscript with unakAnala caurebhyo mUSakebhyastathaivaca / rakSaNIyaH prayatlena kaSTena likhitaM mayA / / And finally : maMgalaM lekhakasyApi pAThakasyApi maMgalaM / maMgalaM sarvalokAnAM bhUmi bhUpati maMgalam // zrI: syAt // . Ibid., pp. 90-91. For 74 gofras, Fravaras, Sutram, and Sakha followed by the Tamil Jaidas, fogad in a Tamil M88 see The Jaina Gaxatte XXIII, pp. 229-31, cf. Comments thereon by Mr. Kamta Prasad Jain, ibid., pp. 293-96. Pratislangroddhara, cf. Sri Pannalal Digambara Jaiga Saraswati Bhavans Second Annual Report, p.69.

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APPENDICES tgt C. NOTES Two technical terms that we have often used in the course of this work need elucidation; they are Syadvada and Sallekhana. The former relates to Jaina doctrine and the latter to their practice. Both are in a sense peculiar to the Jainas. The Jainas call their religion SYADVADA, This has often been described as the doctrine of Scepticism', 5 but it is more correct to call it the Science of the assertion of Alternative Possibilities'. 8 It neither affirms nor denies the existence of a thing, but only states that a thing is, or is not, or is what it is described to be only from one out of several points of view with which reality might be comprehended. In other words our perception of reality is only relative to our point of view, but the thing in itself' is so complex that we can at a time but express only one out of its several aspects. No better example of the clarity, subtlety, and profundity of the Jaina intellect could be given than this. Yet, it is highly technical and we can do no better than reproduce the following exposition of it which is perhaps the most lucid one could think of : "The great contention of the Advaitins was that there is only one really existing entity, the Atman, the One only-without-a second (kamevadvitiyam), and that this is permanent (nitya) all else being non-existent ( a-sat), a mere illusion. Hence it was called the atma-vada, eka-vada, and nitya-vada. Their stock argument was that just as there are no such entities such as cup, jar, etc., these being only clay under various names and shapes- so all the phenomena of the universe are only various manifestations of the sole entity, atman. The Buddhists on the other hand, said that man had no real knowledge of any such permanent entity; it was pure speculation, man's knowledge 6 Of. Holtzsch Jain Colossi in South India, Ep. Ind. VII. p. 113. 6 Cf. Flest, sans, and 0. O. Inscriptions, Ind. Ant. VII, p. 107.

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192 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE being confined to changing phenomena-growth, decay, death. Their tloctrine was therefore called anitya-vada. Clay, as substance may be permanent; but as a jar it is impermanent-- may come into existence, and perish. In other words, Being is not simple, as Advaitins assert, but complex; and any statement about it is only part of the truth. The various possibilities were classed under seven heads (saptabhangi), each beginning with the word syad, which is combined with one or more of these terms asti ('is'), nasti ('is not'), and avaktavya ('cannot be expressed'). Thus, you can affirm existence of a thing from one point of view (syad asti), deny it from another (syad nasti); and affirm both existence and non-existence with reference to it at different times syad asti nasti. If you should think of affirming both existence and non-existence at the same time from the same point of view, you must say that the thing cannot be spoken of syad avaktavyah. Similarly, under certain circumstances, the affirmation of existence is not possible (syad asti avaktavyah; and also both syad asti nasti avaktavyah). What is meant by these seven modes is that a thing should not be considered as existing everywhere, at all times, in all ways, and in the form of everything. It may exist in one place and not in another, and at one time and not at another."? SALLE KHANA This is the peculiar rite of the Jainas by which one starves himself to death under given conditions. It is held that this act leads to Moksa or liberation from the miseries of earthly existence. The psychology underlying this may be stated in the argument of the Uttaradhyayana-sutra, viz., that death, willing or unwilling, is inevitable; the latter belongs to helpless fools: the former is called pandita-marana or death according to wise men. 8 Whatever the modern mind might think about it the logic of the Jaina was inexorable: According to him man 7 Cf. Bhandarkar, Report on San. MSS. 1883-84, pp. 95-6; Rice (E. P.), Kanarese Literature, pp. 23-4. 8 8. B. E XLV, Uttaradhyayana-sulra, v. 20-84.

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APPENDICES 193 was made up of soul and body; matter was the bondage of the spirit. Liberation of the soul from material bondage was the Ideal. What could be more logical then, than to train the soul like the caterpillar to slowly but surely relinquish the cocoon? Misguided you might call them, but no better test of the hold of a religion upon the mind of a people could be given. The number of people who died by this vow is certainly impressive. It is not every instance that occurs that is recorded; yet no less than 94 individual cases are recorded at Sravana Belgola alone, besides the 700 who are said to have followed the example of Prabhacandra in performing Sallekhana noted in SB No. 1. The other inscriptions of Sravana Belgola which record such deaths are Nos. 11,64-66, 117, 118, 126-129, 159, 389 and 477 and eighty others. The earliest goes back to the 7th century A. D. These include both men and women, mostly monks and puns: 64 males and 16 females. Out of these 48 of the former and 11 of the latter died between the 7th and 8th centuries. Samadhi and Sanyasana are the synonyms of Sallekhana used in the epigraphs. According to the Dharmamita by Asadhara, "Firm faith in Jainism, observance of Anu-guna- and siksa-vratas, and sallekhana according to rules at the time of death-these complete the duties of a householder." But Sallekhana was not to be performed without the guru's permission, as evidenced by Samantabhadra.10 It was to be performed only in cases where ordinary death was felt imminent, as upasarga dubhidhe jarasi rujAyAM ca niHpratIkAre / dharmAya tanuvimocanamAhuH sallekhanAmAryAH // 1 // Even then, it was to be done according to rule sallekhanAyAM bhavyainiyamenaprayatnataH kartavyo'ta Aha:aMtaHkriyAdhikaraNaM tapaH phalaM sakaladarzinaH mukte| tasmAyAvadvibhavaM samAdhimaraNe pratitamyam // 2 // 9 Of. Ep. Car. II Introd., pp. 69-70. 10 Ibid., p. 83 2. 4.

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JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE After pacifying all, with a pure mind sneha vairaM saMgaM parigrahaM cApahAya shuddhmnaaH| svajanaM parijanamapi ca dhAtvA kSamayetpriyavacanaiH // 3 // sokaM bhayamavasAdaM kledaM kAlubhyamaratimapi hitvaa| satvotsAhamudIrya ca manaH prasAcaM shrutairmRtaiH||4|| AhAraM parihApya kramazaH snigdhaM vivardhayetpAnaM / snigdhaM ca hApayitvA kharapAnaM pUrayekramazaH // 5 // kharapAnahApanAmapi kRtvA kRtvopavAsamapi zaktayA / paJcanamaskAramanAstatuM tyajetsarva yatlena // 6 // The mind was not to be ruffled or agitated with either desire for life or for death and all the hopes and fears connected therewith-Deither memories of friendly attachments nor anxiety for heavenly bliss. This is the rule expounded by the Jinendras : jIvitamaraNAzaMse bhaya mitra smRti nidAna naamaanH| sallekhanAticaraH paJcajinadaiH samAdiSTAH // 7 // To those who follow these precepts the highest happiness is promised: evaM vidhairaticArarahitAM sallekhanAM anutiSThan kIdRzaM phalamAmotyAhaH nizreyasamabhyudayaM nistAraM dustaraM sukhAMcunidhim / ni:pirati panidharmA savai khairanAlIDhaH // 8 // janmajarAmayamaraNaiH zokairduHkhairbhayaizca parimuktam / nirvANazukhasukhaM niHzreyasamiSyate nityam // 9 // One instance of Sallekhana performed in this classical fashion by Maladhari-deva, is thus described in an inscription : " At the tirtha of Dhavala-sarasa (Belgola) he (Maladharideva ) striving at ripeness which was blessed by renunciation, full of joy, with firm mind, (and ) exercising (his body) in the (five) methods (of kayotsarga 18 abandoned (bis) unstable body in order to produce, as it were, the complete destruction of (cupid) who springs from the body."18 11 Rainakarandaka-8'rava kacara v., M. D. J, G. XXIV, pp. 89-99. 13 Cf. Jacobi, Death and Disposal of the Dead, E. R. E. IV, pp. 484-85. 13 Cf. Ep. Oar. II Pp, 108-07.

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D. BIBLIOGRAPHY A. Sources i. Archaeological ANNUAL REPORTS of the Mysore Archaeological Dept. 1921-1925. BARNETT. Nilgunda Plates of Vikramaditya VI, Epigraphia Indica XII. BURGESS. Archaeological Survey of Western India, Report of the First Season's Operations in the Belgaum and Kaladgi Districts.--India Museum, London, 1884. Report on the Elura Cave Temples and the Brahmanical and Jaina Caves in Western India.--Trubner, London, 1883. BURGESS AND COUSENS. Revised Lists of Antiquarian Remains in the Bombay Presidency VIII.-Bombay, 1897. ELLIOT, SIR WALTER. Coins of South India.-Trubner London, 1886. FLEET, J. F. Sanskst and Old Canarese Inscriptions in the Indian Antiquary Vols. VI, VII, VIII, X, XI and XVIII. Inscriptions of the Early Gupta Kings, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum III.--Calcutta, 1838. Spurious Sudi Plates, Epigraphia Indica III. Some Rastrakuta Records; Kalacumbarru Grant of Amma II, Ibid. VII. Sanskst and Old Canarese Inscriptions Relating to the Ratta Chieftains of Saundatti and Belgaum: Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society X.-London, 1875.

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196 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE HULTZSCH, E. Inscriptions of Asoka, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum I.-New Edition, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1925. South Indian Inscriptions Vols. I, II and III (parts i-ii ), -Govt. Press, Madras, 1890-1920. Jaina Colossi in South India, Epigraphia Indica VII. HULTZSCH, E. Maliya pundi Grant of Ammaraja II, Epigra phia Indica IX. Tirumalai Rock Inscription of Rajendra-Cola I, Epigraphia Indica IX. KEILHORN, F. Udayendiram Plates of the Bana King Vikramaditya II, Epigraphia Indica, III. Talgunda Pillar inscription of Kakutsthavarma, Epigraphia Indica VIII. Madras Epigraphical Report 1916-17. MANGESA RAO, P. Inscriptions in the Hosa Basti of Mudbidre, Karnataka Sahitya Sammelana Report XII. Mangalore, 1927. NARASIMHACARYA, R. Sravana Belgola Inscriptions, Epigraphia Carnatica II.--Mysore Archaeological Series, Bangalore, 1923. Sasana-padya-manjari or Poetical Extracts from Inscrip tions.--Bangalore, 1923. PATHAK, K. B. An Old Kanarese Inscription at Terdal, Indian Antiquary XIV. RANGACARYA, V, Inscriptions of the Madras Presidency, Vols, I, II and III.-Govt. Press, Madras, 1919. RICE, LEWIS. Coorg Inscriptions--Epigraphia Carnatica I. Revised Edition. Inscriptions in the Epigraphia Carnatica Vols. III, IV, V, VII and VIII. . Two Kongu and Cera Grants, Indian Antiquary V. A Rastrakuta Grant from Mysore, Indian Antiquary XII.

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APPENDICES 197 ii. Literary BHANDARKAR, R. G. Report on the Search for Sanskft Manuscripts in the Bombay Presidency during the year 1883-84.---Bombay, 1887. CHAKRAVARTI, A. Panchastikayasara by Kundakunda carya, Sacred Books of the Jainas, III.-Arrah, 1920. GHOSAL, SARAT CHANDRA. Dravyasamgraha by Nemi candra, Sacred Books of the Jainas I.--Central Jaina Publishing House, Arrah, 1917. GURJAR, JANARDHANA MAHADEV. Manusmrti Pra. kyta Bhasantara Sahita.--Bombay, 1877. IYER, V. V. S. Kural. Madras. JACOBI, H. Acharanga Sutra and Kalpa Sutra, Sacred Books of the East XXII. Uttaradhyayana and Sutra-Kytanga, Sacred Books of the East XLV.-Clarenden Press, Oxford, 1895. JUGALKISHOR MUKHTAR. Ratnakarandaka-Sravakacara by Samantabhadracarya, Manekcandra Digambara Jaina Granthamala XXIV.-Karnatak Press, Bombay.. PANNALAL SONI. Bhavasamgraha by Devasena Suri, Manekcandra Digambara Jaina Granthamala XX. Karnatak Press, Bombay. Nitivakyamita by Somadeva Suri, ibid. XXII. PETERSON, P. Report of Operations in Search of Sanskrt Manuscripts in the Bombay Circles. II ( 1883-84), III (1884-86 ), and IV ( 1886-92 ). --Trubner, London, 1884, 1887 and 1894. POPE, REV. G. U. The Sacred Kurral of Tiruvalluvar, Allen & Co., London. The Naladiyar, The Tiruvacagam or Sacred Utterances. Oxford, 1893.

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198 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE RAJENDRALAL MITRA. Notices of Sanskrit Manuscripts VI.-Calcutta, 1882. RAMA PRASAD. Patanjali's Yoga Sutras, The Sacred Books of the Hindus..Panini Office, Allahabad, 1912. Sri Ailak Pannalal Digambara Jaina Saraswati Bhavana Annual Reports Containing Prasastis I to IV.--Bombay. WATTERS, THOMAS. On Yuan Chwang II, Oriental Trans lation Fund Series.-London, 1905. B. Literature Articles AJIT GHOSE. A Comparative Survey of Indian Painting. The Indian Historical Quarterly, II, June 1926. (Calcutta). BANERJI SASTRI. The Ajivikas, Journal of Behar and Orissa Research Society XII. BARUA. Ajivikas--What it Means, Annals of the Bhandarkar Institute VIII; Asoka's Religion, A Reply to Rev. H. Heras, Buddhist India I. BHANDARKAR, R. G. The Rastrakuta King Kessaraja and Elapura, Indian Antiquary XII. BUHLER. Notice of Bhandarkar's Second Report on Sansket MSS., Indian Antiquary XVIII. CHARPENTIER. Chapter VI on Jainism, The Cambridge History of India.--Cambridge, 1922. CHAKRAVARTI, P. C. Patanjali, The Indian Historical Quarterly II, March and June, 1926.-( Calcutta ). FLEET, J. F. Bhadrabahu, Chandragupta and Sravana Belgola, Indian Antiquary XXI. FRAZER. Dravidians ( South India ), Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Ed. Hastings.-Edinburgh, 1912.

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APPENDICES 199 GOVINDA PAI, M. Jaina References in the Dhammapada, The Indian Historical Quarterly III Septeniber 1927. ( Calcutta ). GRIERSON. Vernacular Literature, Imperial Gazetteer of India II.--New Edition, Oxford, 1908. HERAS, REV. H. Asoka's Dharma and Religion, The Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society XVII April 1927. (Bangalore ). HOERNLE. Two Pattavalis of the Saraswati Gaccha of the * Digambara Jainas, Indian Antiquary XX; Three Further Pattavalis of the Digambaras, ibid. XXI. JACOBI, H. Death and Disposal of the Dead (Jain); Demons and Spirits ( Jaio ); and Jain Cosmography, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics IV, Ed. Hastings; Jainism, ibid. VII.-Edinburgh, 1911 and 1914. JAGADISA AYYAR. Periyapuranam, The Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society XIII. -New Series, Bangalore. JAINA GAZETTE, THE. Various Articles in Vols. XVIII, XX, XXII and XXIII.-Madras. JAINA HITAISHI. Articles in Vols, X and XII.--Bombay. JOLLY, J. Introduction, The Arthasastra of Kautilya, The Punjab Sanskrt Series.-Lahore, 1923. KAMTA PRASAD JAIN. The Jaina References in the Buddhist Literature, The Indian Historical Quarterly II, December 1926, ( Calcutta ). KANAKASABHAI PILLAI, V. Tamil Historical Texts, Indian Antiquary XVIII. KETKAR, S. V. Article on Jainism, Marathi Lasunakosa XIII. Poona, 1925. KLATT. Extracts From the Historical Records of the Jainas, Indian Antiquary XI.

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.. 200 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE KUPPUSWAMI SASTRI. Problems of Identity, Journal of Oriental Research I.-Madras, 1927. LAZARUS, Rev. J. Tamil Proverbs, Tamilian Antiquary II. Trichinopoly, 1913. MUZUMDAR. Embassy of Kaikhosru to Pulakesi II, Journal of Indian History I. NARIMAN, G. K. The Indian Daily Mail Annual 1926, (Bombay). PATHAK, K. B. Pujyapada and the Authorship of Jinendra Vyakarana, Indian Antiquary XII; and Jain sakatayana Contemporary with Amoghavarsa I, ibid, XLIII. PURNALINGAM PILLAI. Sage Pavanandhi, Critic and Teacher, Tamilian Antiquary. Trichinopoly, 1913. SRIKANTAYYA. The Hoysala Empire, The Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society VII. - New Series, Bangalore. SRINIVASACHARI, C. S. The Ancient Tamils and the Nagas, The Indian Historical Quarterly III September, 1927. ( Calcutta ). SUBRAHMANIAM, T. N, The Kalabhras, The Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society XII.-New Series, Bangalore. SUBRAMANYA AIYAR, K. V. Origin and Decline of Buddhism and Jainism in South India, Indian Antiquary XL. SUNDERAM PILLAI. The Age of Tirunanasambandha. Indian Antiquary XXV. WALHOUSE. Archaeological Notes, Indian Antiquary V. WALTER ELLIOT. Hindu Inscriptions, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society IV.-London, 1837. WURTH. Basava Puraga and Cenna Basava Purana, Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. VIII.

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APPENDICES 201 2. Works ALTEKAR, A. S., The Rastrakutas and Their Times, Oriental Book Agency, Poona, 1934. ARAVAMUTHAN, T. G. The Kaveri, Maukharis and The Sangam Age.--Madras, 1925. BARODIA, U. D. History and Literature of Jainism. Bombay, 1909. BARTH. The Religions of India. BELVALKAR & RANADE. History of Indian Philosophy II.-Poona, 1927. BHANDARKAR, D. R. Asoka.- Calcutta, 1925. BHANDARKAR, R. G. Early History of the Dekkan. Bombay, 1895. BOMBAY GAZETTEERS. Vol. XXI (Belgaum ); Vol. XXII ( Dharwar ). BUCHANAN. A Journey from Madras through the Countries of Mysore, Canara and Malabar. I-III, London, 1807. BUHLER. The Indian Sect of the Jainas, Tr. by Burgess with an Outline of Jaina Mythology.-London, 1903. BURGESS. Digambara Jaina Iconography. Bombay, 1904. CALDWELL, REV. R. A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or South Indian Family of Languages.--Second Edition, Trubner, London, 1875. CHARPENTIER, J. E. Buddhism and Christianity: A Parallel and a Contrast.-Hodder and Stoughton, London, 1923. COOMARASWAMY, A. K. History of Indian and Indonesian Art.--Edward Goldston, London, 1927 ; Introduction to Indian Art, Madras, 1923. CUNNINGHAM. Ancient Geography, Edited by Surendranatha Sastri, Calcutta, 1924. MO1643-26

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202 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE ,, ,,1906. DEVUDU, N. S. Karnataka Culture ( Kanarese ), Bangalore, 1935. ELMORE, W. T, Dravidian Gods in the Hindu Pantheon, Christian Literature Society, Madras, 1925. FERGUSSON. History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, Vols. I and II-Revised by Burgess, London, 1910. FERGUSSON & BURGESS. The Cave Temples of India. Trubner, London, 1880. FRANCIS, W. Gazetteer of the Anantapura District, Madras, 1905. , ,, Bellary ,, ,, 1904. Madura ,, Vizagapatam ,, ,,1907. FLEET, J. F. Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts of the Bombay Presidency.-Bombay, 1882. GUIDE TO AJANTA FRESCOES. Govt. Press, Hyderabad ( Deccan ) 1924. HAVELL, E. B. Ancient Mediaeval Architecture of India John Murray, London, 1915. HAYAVADANA RAO. Mysore Gazetteer, Mysore, 1930. HELMUTH V. GLASENAPP. Der Jainismus: Eine Indische Erlosungsreligion. Berlin, 1925. HEMINGWAY, F. R. Gazetteer of the Godavari District, Madras, 1907. HERAS, REV. H. The Aravidu Dynasty of Vijayanagara, Vol. I. Madras, 1927. HIRALAL. A Catalogue of Sanskst and Prakst Manuscripts in?C. P. and Berar. --Nagpur, 1926. HOPKINS, E. W. The Religions of India.-London, 1896. IYENGAR, M. V. Popular Culture in Karnataka, Bangalore, 1937

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APPENDICES 203 JAINI, J. L. Outlines of Jainism.--Cambridge, 1916. JHAVERI, H. L. The First Principles of the Jaina Philosophy. London, 1910. JNANESWAR PANDIT. Bettavardhana athava Vishnu vardhana Charitre. Bangalore, 1892. JOUVEAN-DUBREUIL, G. The Pallavas; Ancient History of the Deccan-Tr. Swaminatha Diksitar- Pondicherry 1917 and 1920. KANAKASABHAI PILLAI. The Tamils Eighteen Hundred - . Years Ago.-Higgin Botham, Madras, 1904. KRISNA RAO, M. V. The Gangas of Talkad-B. G. Paul and Co., Madras, 1936. KRISNASWAMI AIYANGAR, S. Ancient India-- Luzac, London, 1911; Some Contributions of South India to Indian Culture. Calcutta, 1923. LATTHE, A. B. Introduction to Jainism.--Bombay, 1905. LOGAN, W. Manual of the Malabar District.- Madras, 1906. LONGHURST, A. H. Hampi Ruins Described and Illustra ted.-Calcutta, 1925. MACDONELL, A. A. India's Past : A Survey of Her Litera ture, Religions, Languages and Antiquities.-Oxford, 1927. MAZUMDAR, B. C. Orissa in the Making.--Calcutta, 1925. MEHTA. Studies in Indian Painting.--Bombay, 1927. MORAES, G. M. The Kadamba Kula, Bombay, 1931. NARASIMHACHARYA, R. Karnataka Kavicaritre 1. Revised Edition, Bangalore, 1925. NATHURAM PREMI. Vidwadratnamala I.--Bombay, 1912. PADMANABHA MENON. History of Kerala I.-Ernakulam, 1924. PATE, H. R. Gazetteer of the Tinnevelly District. --Madras, 1917.

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204 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA ULTURE PIETRO DELLA VALLE. The Travels of Pietro della Valle, A Noble Roman, into the East Indies.- London, 1665. RADHAKUMUD MUKERJI. Indian Shipping.- London, 1912; Men and Thoughts in Ancient India, - Macmillan, 1924. RAMASWAMI AYYANGAR & SHESAGIRI RAO. Studies * in South Indian Jainism. Madras, 1922. RHYS DAVIDS Buddhism.-S. P. C. K., London, 1920 ; Buddhist India, The Story of the Nations.-Sixth Impres sion, London, 1926. a RICE, E. P. "Kanarese Literature, The Heritage of India Series --Second Edition, Calcutta, 1921. RICE, LEWIS. Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions.-- Constable and Co. London, 1909; Mysore and Coorg I, Bangalore 1877; Mysore Gazetteer I. RUSSEL, BERTRAND. The Problem of China.- London, 1922. SALETORE, B. A. Mediaeval Jainism, Karnatak Publishing House, Bombay, 1938. SHESA IYENGAR, T. R. Dravidian India I. Madras, 1925. SLATER, GILBERT. The Dravidian Element in Indian Culture. London, 1924. SMITH, V. A. A History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon, Oxford, 1911; The Oxford History of India, Oxford, 1923; The Early History of India, Fourth Edition, Revised by S. M. Edwardes, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1924. SRINIVASA AIYANGAR, M. Tamil Studies, First Series. Govt. Press, Madras, 1914. SR INIVASA AYYANGAR, P. T. The Age in India. Madras, 1926.

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APPENDICES 205 STEVENSON, MRS. SINCLAIR. The Heart of Jainism. Oxford U. Press, 1915. STURROCK, J. South Canara I, Madras District Manual. Madras, 1894. SURYANARAIN ROW. The Never to be Forgotten Empire : Vijayanagara. Madras, 1915. THOMAS, E. J. The Life of Buddha : As Legend and History, London, 1927. THURSTON, E. Castes and Tribes of Southern India II.. Govt. Press, Madras, 1909. VAIDYA, C. V. History of Mediaeval Hindu India Vols. I and III. Poona, 1921. WARREN, H. Jainism.--Arrah, 1916.

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INDEX Abhinava Carukirti Panditacarya, 44, 57 Abhinava Pampa, 89 Ablur, 35 Acarunga Sutra, I29, I5I Addakali Gaccha, 28 Adi Pampa, 89 Adi Purana, 31, 32, 75, 82, 83 Abavamalla, 26, 95 Abimsa, 133-136, 148-151, 156, 173-174 Aihole, 114, 121, 173 Ajalars, 52 Ajanta, 21, 123 Ajitasena, 20 Akalarka, 30, 68; works of, 74-75 ; 149 Akalanka-Carita, 30 Alaktanagara, 22 Aliya-santana, 157 Amma II, 27, 28 Amoghavarsa, 17, 30, 31, 32, 64, 75, 91, 182 Arhadbalin, 151 Arhadbhattaraka, 15, 17 Arhanandi, 28 Arikesari, 24-25, 64, 86, 95 Arikirti, 30 Arya-Mahagiri, 130 Asoka, 697 Asvamedha, 10, 14 Atheism, 131 Avinita, 16, 17, 20,93 Badami, 21, 104, 122 Bahubali, 115, 116 Bahubali-Carita, 19 Bairadevi, 61, 62 Bairasu Wodeyars, 59, 60, 165 Baladeva, 36 Balatkaragana, 43, 65, 168 Ballalaraya, 40, IOI Bana, 85 Banajigas, 158 Banavase, 33, I0I Bangars, 51-52 Bankapura, 85 Barkur, 59, 61, 113, 173 Basava, 38, 173 Basava-Purana, 25, 35 Bastis, 112-115, 182 Bednur, 47, 61 Belgaum, 113, 117 Belgola, 5, 6, 19, 20, 21, 26, 33, 39, 40, 42, 44, 45, 47, 48, 59, 69, 74, 81, 91, 94, 103, 104, 110, 118, 123, 127, 143, 151, 155, 162, 166, 167 Belur, 41 Bhadrabahu, 4-6, 8, 123, 124, 129, 130, 171 Bhairava, 53, 54 Bhaktamara-stotra, 125 Bhaktas, 44 Bhakti Movement, 144-146 Bhallatakipura, 52 Bhandari Basti, 42

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INDEX 207 Bhanusakti, 13 Carukirti Panditadeva, 46, 47 Bhanuvarma, II, 13 Caturthas, 157, 168 Bharata, 104 Caundaraya, 17, 19, 20, 42, Bharavi, 92 48, 94, 125 Bhartshari, 85 Caundaraya Purana, 19, 64 Bhatkal, 52, 59, 61 Cautars, 51, I16 Bhattadeva, 28 Chandombudhi, 94 Bhattakalanka, 91 Cikkadevaraya, 47 Bhavasangraha, 163 Colas, 25, 26, 39, 40, 69, 170 Bhavyas, 44 Cudamani, 90 *Bhojaka, IO, I1, 13 Dadiga, 15 Bhoja II, 48 Damakirti, 10, 11, 12 Bijjala, 27, 29, 34, 35 Dandin, go Bimadevi, 44 Darsana-sara-samgraha (on Bittideva, 40, 41, 167 disabilities of women ), 139 Bogars, 157, 159, 168 Daulatabad, 38 Brahmanical influence, 16 Desinga, 25-26 Brhat-Katha-Kosa, 6 Devagana, 23 Buddhism, 148-9 n. Devanardi, 72, 73 Buddhist asceticism, 139 Devaraja Wodeyar, 45 Bukkaraya, 44-45 Devaraya, 44, 45-6, 56, 92 Butuga, 17, 93 Deva-samgha, 30 Dharmanandi, 14 Calukyas, 21-29, 39, 64, 86, Dhavala, 167 95, 122, 170 Digambaras, 30, 66, 67, 69, Camraja Wodeyar, 47 73, 83, 109, 118, 119, 122, Candragiri, 5, 6, 104 124, 125, 129, 130, 131, 151, Candragupta, 5, 6, 123, 128, 161, 163, 165, 167 129 Dravida-Samgha, 73 Candraprabha, 49 Dravya-Samgraha, 20 Cangalvas, 60, 170 Durgasakti, 22 Canna Basava, 38, 173 Durvinita, 17, 73, 97 Canna Basava Purana, 26, 38 Ekantada Ramayya, 35, 37 Carvaka, 132 Carukirti Panaitacarya, 166, Ekantamata, 18, 149 167 Elacarya, 8, 65

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208 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE Ellora, 32, 113, 119-122, 126 Harivarma, 13, 16 Ereganga, 17, 39, 40 Harsavardhana, 21 Ereyappa, 93, 94 Hastimalla, 126 Fa Hian, 70 Hemacandra, 72 Hiuen Tsang, 21, 70 Ganagitti temple, 45, 163 Hollayya, 37 Gandaraditya, 48 Hombad, 168 Ganganatha, 41 Hombas, 168 Gangaraja, 41, 42, 161 Honavar, 52 Gangas, 9, 14-20, 24, 33, 64, Hottage (Pustakagaccha ), 60 92, 148, 170 ^ Hottalakere (Pottalakere), 25 Gangawali, 41 Hoysalas, 16, 20, 34, 38, 39, Ganita-Sara-Sangraha, 31 43, IOI Ganti, Srimati, 162, 163 Hulla, 19 Gaudas, 157-58 Hylozoitic theory, 133 Genealogies, 184-86 Gersoppa, 52, 53, 55, 60, 61, Iconography, 102 115, 118 Ikkeri, 47, 61, 62, 170 Gommata, 19, 20, 48, 81, 103, Indrabetta, 20, 41 104, 122, 165 Indranandi, 33 Gopanandi, 20 Indrasabha, 120 Govinda III, 24, 30 Indra III, 18; IV, 33, 34, 170 Grammarians, 87 Irugapa, 45, 64 Gsdhra-pincha, 65 Jagadeva, 47 Gunabhadra, 31, 32, 64, 84, Jagannatha-group (Ellora ), 85, 90 120 Gunacandra, 21 Jaina Architecture, 110 ff. Gunavarma, 94 Art, 102-127 Guruvayyana-Kere, 114 Caste-marks, 150-162 Hala, 7 Caves, 119, 121-23 Halebid, 41 Darsana, 44 Hampi, 45, 126 Disintegration, 171 Haribhadra-suri, 69 Heterodoxy, 155 Haribara I, 43; II, 45, 55, 65 Influence, 170 Harivansa-Purana, 30, 81, 82 Literature, 64-102

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INDEX 209 Nuns, 163 Paintings, 123-24 Pessimism, 174-77 Pillars, 109-10, 113 Pontiffs, 165-68 Ramanujas, 158 Restrictions, 168 Sacred-thread, 161-2 Schism, 8 Social divisions, 151 ff. Social organisation, 137 ff. Sub-sections, 156-59 Views compared with others, 140-41 Jainendra, 72, 73 Jakiyabbe, 164 Jayadhavala, 167 Tika, 31, 83 Jayasimha, 21, 22; II 23, 73; III, 25, 26 Jina as Creator, 143 Jinadatta, 59, 60, 165 Jinasena, 19, 64, 75, 83, 85, 90 Jinasenacarya on creation 131 Jvalamalini-stotra, 34 Kadambas, 9-14, 101, 170 Kailas, 119 Kakutsthavarma, 9, 10, II Kalacuri, 27, 29, 34-38, 170, 173 Kalakacarya, 7, 124 Kalidasa, 85 Kalkuda, 105-108 Kalpa-sutra, 124, 130 Kalyani, 27, 47, 48 Kanara Catholics, 160; Jainas, 157 Kanci, 13, 70, 74 Kannada writers, 89-102 Kanti, 101 Kappali Sangameshwara, 36 Kareya sect, 49 Karhataka, 70 Karkala, 52, 59, 60, 61, 103 105, 114, 165, 166 Karnataka culture, 178-183 * Jainas, 167-68 Kartiviryadeva, 51, 143 Katha-Kosa, 30 Kavicakravarti, 28 Kaviparamesthi, 90 Kavirajamarga, 91, 92 Khicari of beliefs, 147 Kirtivarma I, 22; Kirtivarma II, 24 Kogali, 43 Kokka II, 34 Kolhapur, 48, 167, 168 Konguni II, 16, 17 Kongunivarma, 15 Konur, 49 Kopana, 41 Krsna I, 30, 31 ; II, 32, 33; III, 33, 86 Kssnadeva, 49 Krsnadevaraya, 46, 47, 48 Klsnaraja, 94, 95 Krsnaraja Odeyar, 129 Krsnaraya, 52 Ksatriya Jaidas, 158 Kubja-Visnuvardhana, 27

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210 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE ... Kudlur, 15, 17, 18, 64, 93, 126 Manakabbe, 163 Kundakundacarya, 7, 8, 9, 50, Manasara, 102 65, 66, 67, 132, 133, 136, Mangalore, 57, 61 137, 149 Mangalura-rajya, 45 Kundakundanvaya, 43, 155 Mangaraja, 73 Kundakunda's works, 65-66 Mangarasa, 55 Kurcakas, II, 13 Manusmyti, 134, 140 Kuvalala, 15 Manyakheta, 7, 8, 30, 33, 34, Laksmeswar (Puligere ), 18, 49, 74, 94 Marasimha, 15, 17, 18, 19, 48, 22, 25, 26 Lalitakirti, 166 64, 93, 126, 170 Laxmidevi, 54 Meguti temple, 23 Libraries of Jaina Mss. 186-190 Metamorphoses in religions, Lilavati, 101 142 Lingayat, 26, 35, 49, 61, 90 Moksa, 67, 71, 83 Mrgesavarma, 10, II Lingayatism, 47, 171 Literature of the Jainas 64-102 Mudbidre, 51, 52, 55, 56, 57, 109, 112, 116, 127, 166, 167 Linguistic works, 97-98; Religious works, 99-100; Mukti, 164 Scientific works, 98-99 Mulars, 52 Lokaditya, 33 Mulasamgha, 23, 43, 155 Mulgunda, 33 Madhava, 15, 17, 93 Munivamsabhyudaya, 80 Madalambika, 36 Muskara (Mukhara), 17 Madiraja, 36 Madhurayya, 37 Nagacandra, 77 Magha, 85 Nagadeva, 42 Maghanandi, 149 Nagakumara-carita, 33 Mahabharata, 30, 81, 89 Nagaladevi, 54 Mahapurana, 33, 82, 84 Nagara (Nagira), 52, 55, Mahavira, 4, 76, 128, 129, 139 Nagavarma, 94, 95, 182 Mahendravarma Pallava, 171 Nemicandra, 20, 101 Maladbari, 50, 51, 66 Nanartha-ratnamala, 45,64 Mallikamoda Santisa, 21 Nandi-gaccha, 29 Malva, 70 Narasiraha Hoysala, 19, 167

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INDEX 211 Pravacanasara, 65, 66 Pujyapada, 17, 23, 68, 72, 73 Pulakesin, 21, 22, 64 Pulikara, 23 Punnatagana, 82 Puranas, 96 Narasimha I, 42; II, 43; III, 43 Nasik, 122 Nayakirti, 43 Nayasena, 182 Niravadya Pandita, 23, 73 Nirgranthas, II, 131, 136 Nirvana, 67, 138, 177 Nitivakyamrta, 87 Nopatunga, 182 Padaliptacarya, 7 Padmanardi, 65 Padmapurana, 76 Palasika ( Halsi ), II, 12, 13 Pallavas, 70 Pampa Bharata, 24, 64, 81, 95, 125 Pampa Ramayana, 77 Pancama Jainas 157, 159, 161 Pancastikayasara, 65, 66, 132 Panaitadevi, 54 Panini, 73 Pansoge ( Hansoge ), 60 Parsvabhyudaya, 31, 84, 85 Pataliputra, 70, 128, 130 Patanjali, 68 Patlavalis, 8, 65, 69 Pattipombucadripura (Humca ), 60 Permali Ganga, 26, 50, 126 Persecutions, 171-173 Perumaladeva, 56 Ponna, 95 Prabhacandra, 5, 68, 75 Prasnottara-malika, 64 Racamalla, 17, 48, 64, 93 Rajavalikathe, 48 Ramacarita, 76 Ramanuja, 39, 40, 41, 46, 51, . 170 Ramayana, 76, 81,90 Rasavikrama. 17 Ranna, 95 Rastrakutas, 24, 25, 28, 29-34 49, 64, 75, 83, 86, 91, 94, 95 170 Ratnamalika, 31, 32 Rattas, 48, 49, 50, 51, 111, 143, 170 Ravikirti, 22,64 Ravisena, II Ravivarma, II, 12, 13 Sabda-caturmukha, 26 Sabda-mani-darpana, 101 Sabdarnava-candrika, 48 Sadasivaraya, 56 Saivas, 23, 25, 26, 32, 33, 38, 39, 42, 62, 70 Saivism, 10, 171 Sakatayana, 75 Sallekhana, 6, 18, 33, 34, 71, 164, 165, 170, 182, 191 ff. Salvamalla, 52, 53, 64 .

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212 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE Samadhi, 5, 162-165 Samadhi-marana, 182. Samantabhadra, 8, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72 Sambandar, 40 Samprati, 7 Samyaktva-saptati, 7 Sangitapura, 56 Santideva, 39 santaladevi, 41, 42, 170 santisa, 6 santivarma, 10 Sanyasana, 163, 164 Saraswati-gaccha, 43 Sarvalokasraya Jina Bhavana, Sri Vaisnavas, 44 Srivardhadeva, 90, 91 Srutakevalis, 6, 130 Srutakirti, 9, 11 Srutasagara, 68 Sthulabhadra, 130 Subhacandra, 50, 132 subhatunga, 30, 33, 74 Suggaladevi, 25 Suhastin, 7 Sundara Pandya, 25, 40, 171 Sutrakrtanga, 139 Svetambaras, 7, 8, 11, 66, 67, 69, 72, 104, 109, 124, 129. 130, 131, 138, 139, 151 Syadvada, 70, 181, 191-92 Syadvada-vidya, 46 . 27, 28 Satpahuda, 66 Satprabhrta-tika, 66 Saundatti, 33, 48, III Savants, 52 Schism among Jainas, 66 Sena-gana, 82 Sendrakas, 13 Settis, 57-59 setvals, 157 Siddhakedara, 14 Silaharas, 48, 170 Simhanandi, 15, 45, 148 Sivamara, 17 Sivappa Naik, 61, 170 Somadeva, 48, 85, 86, 87, 88, 162. Someswara, 26-27, 29, 34 Sramanas, 6-7, 14, 154 Sri Purusa, 17 Taila II, 25, 29, 34, Takka, 70 Talgunda, 10 Tamil Jainas, 157 Tarkika-cakravarti, 41 Timmaraja, 20 Tirthankara, 67 Tiruvalluvar, 135 Trilokasara, 20, 125, Tuluva, 52, 55, 61, 165, 170 Udayadeva Pandita, 23 Umasvati, 8, 67, 68, 73 Uragapura (Uraiyoor), 69 Uttaradhyayana-sutra, 135-136 Uttara-purana, 31, 32, 85

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INDEX : 213 Vadighangala Bhatta, 93, 94, Ibi Vadiraja, 22 Vaidya-nigantu-sara, 47 Vaijayanti, 10 Vaisnavas, 26, 44 Vaisnavism, 39, 41, 42, 171 Vakragriva, 65 Valaharigana, 28 Vasucandra (Bala-Saraswati), 22 Vengi, 27, 28 Venkatappa Naik, 61, 62 Venupura, 53, 56, Venur, 166 Vidisa (Bhilsa), 70 Vidyananda, 68, 75 Vijayadeva Pandita, 23, 24 Vijayaditya, 23, 48 Vijayakirti, 16, 30 Vijayanagara, 43-46, 47, 51, 56, 64, 65, 92, 163, 166 Vikramaditya II, 23, 24; VI, 39 Vimalacandra, 70 Vimaladitya, 24, 30 Vinayaditya, 23, 39 Vinayasena, 85 Vira Ballala, 16, 42, 43 Vira-gallu, 55 Vira Manmathadeva, 43 Vira Pandya, 59, 60, 165 * Vira Saiva, 34, 38 Virasena, 53, 83 Virasenacarya, 13, 31 Virupaksa, 46 Visnuvardhana, 16, 19, 40, 41, 42, 46, 51, 170, 171 Visnuvarma, IO Visvakarma, 126 Vtsabhasena, 42, 167 Vyavahara-naya, 162 Wodeyars, 51, 108, 113, 166 Yadavas, 34, 38 Yaksavarma, 75 Yapaniyas, 14, 29 Yasastilaka-campu, 30, 34, 85, 133-34 Yasodhara-Kavya, 33 Yenur, 20, 103, 109

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OTHER WORKS BY Prof. S. R. SHARMA, M.A. Mughal Empire in India: A systematic and thorough study based on source materials. 44 Apart from the fact that this book is one of the best on the subject, it is further distinguished by a new method of treatment which the author has adopted; the historical events are narrated, as far as possible, in the very words of eye-witnesses, contemporary historians and chroniclers......... The book is on the whole very carefully written and well documented and will prove of use and interest not only to the advanced student but also to the general reader. "The Times of India. "......has the happy gift of presenting his subject methodically, lucidly, yet critically."-Indian Culture. The Crescent in India: A systematic study of Muslim History from the 8th to the 18th century. "...enhances his reputation as a brilliant writer."-The Servant of India. A Brief Survey of Human History: Specially intended for Indian readers. Comprises a complete survey of civilisation, Eastern as well as Western. "The author's knowledge of his subject is both intensive and comprehensive, and his method of presentation and style are singularly attractive, "The Hindustan Review. Publishers: KARNATAK PUBLISHING HOUSE, BOMBAY.

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4. * * *

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CATALOGUED. 294. u arins Jain latereture a Isaya. Karnataka Santa L a allmal Hola

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. D.G.A. 80. CENTRAL AROHA DOLOGICAL LIBRARY NEW DELHI. www. Borrowerle Record.... Catalogue Nog94.4/Sha' 7365 Author Sharna, .A. mit Jalalba arnataka cultor Borrower A Date of Iosue Date of Boten