Jainism and Karnataka Culture

Author(s): S R Sharma
Publisher: Karnataka Historical Research Society Dharwar
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/011062/1

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GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
ARCHEOLOGICAL LIBRARY
ACCESSION NO. 7365
CALL No. 294.4095454/Sha
D.G.A. 79

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for
favour of Review & Exchange

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Harnatak Historical Research Society, Dharwar
Silver Jubilee Publication Series: No. I
..
top Jainism and Karnataka Culture
By
S. R. SHARMA, M. A. Professor of History, Willingdon College, Sangli
294.40.954 54
Sha FOREWORD BY
7365
FOREWORD BY
A. B. LATTHE, Esq., M.A., LL.B., M.L A., Finance Minister to The Govt. of Bombay
(1937-39)
shuu.
DHARWAR
194)

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Published by
N. S. KAMALAPUR, B.A., LL.B. Secretary, Karnatak Historical Research Society, Dharway
CE:VIRAL ARCTAEO) GAS
LIBRARY. NEW 2.11. Acu. No. 7365... Data....... 23.8.56 Call No. 294.4095454./Share
COPYRIGHT RESERVED BY THE AUTHOR
Price in India Rs. 5)
Printed by K. R. Bhise, KARNATAK PRINTING WORKS
DHARWAR

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
PUBLISHERS' NOTE
FOREWORD
PREFACE.
DETAILED CONTENTS
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
ABBREVIATIONS
I.
ERRATA
JAINISM AND KARNATAK CULTURE Pp. 1-213
INTRODUCTION
HISTORICAL SURVEY
GENERAL CONTENTS
V.
.
VI.
II.
III. IDEALISM AND REALISM
IV. KARNATAK CULTURE
APPENDICES.
INDEX
Page.
iv
<
vii
ix
xi
xviii
xviii
xix
CONTRIBUTIONS: LITERATURE, ART & ARCHITECTURE 64
128
178
184
206
I

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
The Karnataka Historical Research Society hereby expresses deep gratitude for the liberal grant made by the Kannada Culture Committee, to meet the cost of this publication.

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PUBLISHER'S NOTE
The Karnatak Historical Research Society, which was founded in 1914, proposes shortly to celebrate its Silver Jubilee. It has been resolved that the publica. tion of authoritative books on Karnatak History should be one of the principal features of the celebrations. 'Jainism and Karnatak Culture' is the first publication in the series.
The Society is thankful to the author, Prof. S. R. Sharma, for having readily made the treatise available for inclusion in the Silver Jubilee Celebration Series. The Society is indebted to Principal A. C. Farran, M.A., I.E.S. and members of the Kannada Culture Committee, whose sympathies alone could enable the Society to publish this work without financial worry.
The Society expresses its sense of gratitude to A. B. Latthe, Esqr., M. A., LL. B., M. L. A., Late Finance Minister to the Government of Bombay, for having kindly written a lucid foreword to this work.
The Society trusts that the scheme of the Silver Jubilee Publications will appeal to the Society's sympathisers and the general public and persuade them to extend their sympathetic and active aid in this work.
K. H.R. SOCIETY
DHARWAR 5th February 40
D. P. KARMARKAR,
Organising Secretary Silver Jubilee Publications

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FOREWORD
In commemoration of its Silver Jubilee, the Karnataka Historical Research Society has planned the publication of a series of which the first volume is now being issued to the public. This volume constitutes a review of the Karnataka history of Jainism, particularly in its relationship with the culture of the Province. As shown by the writer, for over a thousand years from the first century of the Christian era onwards, Jainism flourished in all parts of the Karnataka and while being itself influenced in several ways, Jainism has left an indelible mark on the growth of the Karnataka Society. The volume deals with the changes Jainism accepted in its history in this Province as well as the many ways in which it affected the thought and life of its people. The author has no prejudices or prepossessions which a writer who professes a faith finds difficult to avoid in discussing the past achievements of that faith. The knowledge of such a writeris sometimes found to be defective owing to lack of experience and intimate contact. But his advantage is that he can bring an open mind to his study of the history of the faith and that is a great advantage indeed. The author of the volume has estowed considerable labour on his study of his subject which is characterised by impartiality and breadth of mind.

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vii J AINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE
The author's study into the modifications of the original Jain principles owing to the reactions of the environments in which they had to grow in the Karnataka is of special interest to the followers of the Jain faith. It shows why Jainism disintegrated after a vigorous life of over ten centuries in this part of the country. To put it in a nutshell, the author's view is that the conditions prevailing in the Karnataka in the later days affected the purity of the Jain principles in fundamental ways. The caste system which subdivides the Jains into small, isolated blocks and weakens their faith as an instrument of growth, is an accretion gathered by Jainism during its stay in Karnataka. This largely led to the decay of Jainism in this Province. Incidentally, the author's views on the causes of the decay and downfall of Jainism here show unmistakably the vital defects in the body of ideas and customs which have in recent times kept Karnataka at a very low rung in the ladder of progress.
The utility of this volume leads one to hope that similar studies in the various forces which operated in Karnataka after the sun of Jainism had set would follow this, the first volume of the series. The author has set a fine example in dispassionate and yet appreciative study of his subject which I hope those who come after him will do well to follow.
BELGAUM L 16th January 1940)
A. B. Latthe
.

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PREFACE The main substance of the present work form parted of the thesis entitled “Jainism in South India" which was approved by the University of Bombay for conferring on me the degree of Master of Arts, in 1928. I am thankful to the University for their kind permission to publish my work in this revised form. Portions in the original dealing with Jainism in South India outside Karnataka have been omitted in the present publication. Likewise, I have considerably revised the chapters incorporated herein both for correcting errors as well as for recasting them so as to suit the changed title. The result has been an all but complete overhauling of the original thesis on account of its new orientation. Though I cannot claim that even now it is impeccable I am hopeful that I have considerably improved upon the original work. Having been otherwise engaged since the thesis was presented to the University, twelve years ago, I sincerely regret I could not find time for a more searching scrutiny. But such as it is, I offer the present work for what it may be worth.
I am indebted to the Karnatak Historical Research Society of Dharwar for the inclusion of this publication in their valuable series. My obligations to Professor A. N. Upadhye! M.A., D. Lit., Professor R. S. Mugali, M.A., B.T., Mr. Ugran Mangesh Rao, Mr. K. P. Jain and Mr. D. P. Karmarkar, M.A., LL.B.

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JANISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE
for their very valuable criticisms and suggestions for the improvement of the work are greater than I could express in adequate words. My gratefulness to Rev. H. Heras, S. J., under whom I worked for my original thesis is no less great and sincere.
The views I have expressed are my own. Some of them might appear to be too contentious for dogmatic assertion. Likewise, too, some of my authorities may not be acceptable to all. But I can earnestly plead that I have written without sectarian bias and utilised all the sources available to me to the best of my critical faculty. If my work succeeds in stimulating efforts to supersede it I shall be content.
WILLINGDON COLLEGE, ,
ry, 1940
S. R. SHARMA

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DETAILED CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION Paucity of works on the subject--Limitations and scopeScheme of present work.
Pp. 1-3
I. HISTORICAL SURVEY
ANTIQUITY Distinction between Patrons and Converts-Bhadrabāhu and Candragupta tradition examinedEvidences of continuity of Jainism after Candragupta, under Aśoka and SampratiSchism between Svetāmbara and Digambara-Pațțāvalis importance of Kundakunda.
Pp. 4-9 THE KADAMBAS AND THE GANGAS Kadamba Kakutsthavarma's grant to Śrutakirti-Mrgeśavarma's grant at Vaijayanti included both Svetāmbaras and Digambaras-Ravisena's grant at Palāsikā or Hälsi mentions many interesting details--Festival of Jinendra-Bhānuvarma's devotion to Jainism--Harivarma's grant to the Kūrcakas.
Pp. 9-14
JAINA GOLDEN AGE UNDER THE GANGAS Foundation of Gangavādi under the Jaina teacher Simhanandi --Evidence both in literary tradition and in inscriptions Kudlür Plates of Mārasimha throw ample light on the religion of the Gangas-The significance of Harivarma's Brāhmanical grants Durvinita disciple of Pujyapāda--Under Mushkara Jainism becomes "state religion", (?) Patronage under successive rulers evidenced by frants–Būtuga called GangaGångeya a great religious disputant Mārasimha every inch a great king dies by Sallékhana-Cãundarāya sets up the

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xii
JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE colossus on Indra-Bețța at Belgoļa—A scion of his family erects another colossus in Kanara-Testimony in inscriptions as to the fame of Gangas as promoters of Jainism. Pp. 14-20
PATRONAGE OF JAINISM UNDER THE CALUKYAS
Calukya patronage of Jainism is of peculiar interest, because their personal faith was Hinduism-Pulakési II the greatest of the Dynasty-Jayasimha I the earliest illustration–Raņarāga's grant to Sankha-jinālaya at Puligere (Lakşmeswar )-Grants also by Pulakesi I and Kirtivarma I-Aihole grant of Pulakesi II the most famous-Temple later converted to Saiva useJayasimha II's preceptor Niravadya Pandita (pupil or Pūjyapāda ) - Patronage continued under Vijayāditya and Vikramāditya-Overthrow of Kirtivarma II by Rāştrakūtas-- Vimalāditya's grant to Jainas-Arikesari patron of Pampa author of Jaina Bhārata-Temporary withdrawal of patronage owing to political rivalry with the Rāştrakūtas–Birth of Vira-Saivism--A wave of anti-Jaina feeling over the whole peninsula-Still Jainism holds its own until the murder of Bijjaļa Kalacūri–Patronage under Eastern Cālukya king Amma II–His interesting Kalacumbārru grant considered at length.
Pp. 21-29 RĀŞTRAKŪTAS AND THE KAĻAÇORIS:
A PERIOD OF CONFLICTS Răştrakūtas, Cālukyas, Kaļacūris, and again Câlukya Period of political revolutions with a strong under-current of religious movements--Somadeva's Yaśastilaka Campu reflects spirit of the time-Amoghavarşa I greatest Jaina ruler of Rāsțrakūța dynasty-A period of great literary activity among Jainas–Brāhmanic revival under Krşņa II builder of Kailās temple at Ellora—Kșsņa III married a Ganga princess-Renewed patronage of Jainism-Indra In dies by Sallékhana. Pp. 29-34
Kakka II the last of Râştrakūțas overthrown by Taila II Cālukya-Under Someswara IV the Kaļacūri revolution and

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CONTENTS
xiji
interregnum-A short account of Basava and his missionBijjala's patronage of Jainism-Ekāntada Rāmayya-Conversions to Saivism-Kaļacūri Jaina vestiges within Doulatābād fort.
Pp. 34-38 JAINISM UNDER THE HOYSAĻA, VIJAYANAGARA AND
MYSORE RULERS
Mysore, the cradle of Jainism in the South becomes its last refuge as well – Hoysaļa patronage until the conversion of Bitti-deva by Rāmānuja-Earlier monarchs--Vinayāditya “the right arm of the Calukyas "--Bitti-deva's elder brother a worshipper of "Isa"-Truth and legend about Bitti-deva's conversion-Persecutions ?-Bițți-deva's queen Sāntaladevi and general Gangarāja remain staunch supporters of Jainism Vişnuvardhana's toleration typical of the times—Narasimha IVira Ballāla II continues patronage of Jainism-Pratāpacakravarti Viramanmatha-deva's grant to Jainas the last of the dynasty.
Pp. 39-43
II
Traditions of toleration carried on by Vijayanagara rulers Grant under Harihara I-Interesting settlement of dispute between Bhavyas and Bhaktas by Bukkarāya 1-Bima-devi queen of Devarāya I disciple of Jaina teacher--Irugapa general of Harihara II a great supporter of Jainism--Grants under Bukkaraya II and Devaraya II_Virūpākşa's and Kṛṣṇadevarāya's grants to the Jainas.
Pp. 43-46
III
Present ruling family of Mysore continue patronage of Jainas -Cámaraja Wodeyar's services recorded in Belgoļa inscriptions—Cikkadevarāya and Krşņådevarāya 1-Construction of Belgoļa tank-Viśālākṣa Pandita Jaina teacher of Cikkadevarāya-Patronage of letters-Present Mahārāja sticks to the tradition.
Pp. 47–48

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xiv.
JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE
JAINISM UNDER MINOR RULERS
Feudatories occasionally referred to in previous chaptersThe Silāhāras-Gandarāditya's patronage of Jainism-Rattas of Saundatti-Jaina temples at Koņūr converted to Saiva useRaţța inscriptions examined-Kārtiviryadeva's grant to Subhacandra-Rulers of Kanara-Inscriptions in the Hosa Basti Mūļbidrê-Gersoppă a centre of Jaina power—Interesting details in Müdabidre inscriptions—Kārkal, Bārkūr and Bhatkal
Buchanan's testimony_Naiks of Ikkeri and Bednore responsible for final fall of Jainism on West Coast-Della Valle's testimony : Internal feuds.
Pp. 48-63
II. CONTRIBUTIONS: LITERATURE, ART
AND ARCHITECTURE
JAINA WRITERS OF KARNĀTAKA Introductory: Classification according to language-Prākst and Sanskst on the one hand, and Vernacular on the otherKundakunda the earliest Jaina writer of the South-His place of honour among Southern Jainas-Works all in PråkstIllustrative extracts-Umāswāmi's Tattvārthādhigama Sutra finds numerous commentators-Samantabhadra's Gandhahasti Mahābhāsya—Tradition and fact about SamantabhadraAptu-Mimāmsā his epoch-making work-A great religious controvercialist--Extracts from his Ratnakarandaka-Pūjyapāda and Akalanka-Former called Jinendra-Buddhi for his wisdom
Jinendra Vyakaraña a great grammar-Akalanka's history Son of śubhatunga (Krishna I Rāşțrakūta ? ) - A great logician Naiyāyika-Amoghavarşa I Rāştrakūta as patron of letters-Jinasena and Guņabhadra's Purāņa-Vernacular examples - Pampa's Rāmāyaṇa extracts quoted-Japa takes the place of ethical conduct in the case of Råvaņa-HarivamsaPurāna and Pampa-Bhārata-Jaina versions of Hindu epicsSamples of poetic beauty nin Mahā-Purāna—Somadeva a prodigy of learning - His Yaśastilaka-campu a remarkable

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CONTENTS
Xv
work-Nitiväkyämṛta modelled on Arthaśāstra-Somadeva's proverbial statements Kannada poets-Kaviparamêşți earliest-Literary extracts from Inscriptions-Kavirājamārga by Amoghavarșa? Evidence of numerous writers-Ganga contributions to literature—Cāmunḍarāya's Purāṇa-Nāgavarma's Prosody remains the standard in Kannada to this dayClassified list of other writers with dates and distinctive features -Works on Purāṇa, Grammar, Prosody, Glossaries, Medicine, Mathematics, Astrology etc.-Works on Religion and EthicsOther examples: Kanti earliest Jaina poetess-Earliest known Kannada Novel: Lilavati by Nemicandra-Sabdamani-darpana far ahead of Telugu or Tamil grammars.
Pp. 64-102
JAINA ART IN KARNATAKA
Jaina Iconography-Colossi the most distinctive contribution -Manasara on Jaina images and temples-Belgola, Kārkaļ, and Yeṇur Statues unrivalled throughout India as detached works-Parallels in Bamiyan and Japan-Gommața peculiar to Southern Jainism-Engineering skill in the erection of the colossi-Testimony of tradition and Tuļuva folk-songs-condition of artisans-technique of Digambara and Śvetāmbara images-Free-standing pillars another peculiarity of Jaina artDifferent from Hindu lamp-pillars-Jaina decorative sculpturePillared chambers-Dr. Coomarswamy's criticism of Fergusson's classification--classical divisions Nagara, Vesara, Draviḍa -Unique features of Jaina architecture in Kanara-Himalayan influence ?-Typical instances of other styles-The Caturmukha or four-faced Bastis-Materials used-Details of internal sculptures-Wood-carving-Jaina Caves-Comparative paucity due to importance attached to lay community-Indra-sabhā and Jagannatha-sabhā at Ellora-Other caves in the Deccan and the South-Jaina paintings a rarity-Nothing to compare with Ajanta frescoes-A few remnants-Illustrations in MSSExamples in the Saraswati Bhavana Bombay-Artistic value of inscriptions, e. g. Copper-plates of Marasimha-Jaina taste in selection of picturesque sites for temple-building. 102-127

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JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE
III. IDEALISM AND REALISM
JAINISM AS IT WAS Jainism when it was first introduced different from presentday Jainism in the South-Transformations in matters of practical detail rather than in theory and principle-Digambara and Svetambara division becomes explicit from the date of migration-Antiquity of Digambara doctrine-Practice of nudity from Mahāvira to Aryamahagiri-Jaina religion integral despite minor differences Fundamentals: Atheism combined with belief in soul, Ahimsa, Karma, Liberation through Asceticism-Well organised in Social life--God did not create this universe which is self-existing and eternal-But Jainism not materialistic-- Jaina Ideal according to Kundakundācārya The Three Jewels-High ethical standard-Hylozoitic theory of life- Ahimsa and Karma compared with contemporary faiths Jaina views in Tiruvalluvar's Kūra!--Non-observance of Caste by Jainas–Social Constitution designed to carry out Jaina Ideals--Yatis and Śrāvakas--Their respective duties and function in the economy of lifc-Comparison with Brāhmanism, etc.Digambara denial of Môkşa to woman in the light of contemporary thought-Substratum of Jaina Idealism.
Pp. 128-141 JAINISM AS IT CAME TO BE How religions imperceptibly change--Prof. Lüder's testimony re Chinese Buddhism-Atheism vanishes in practice Jina functions for Brahma-Jaina piety not unlike Brāhmanical Bhakti-Evidences in inscriptions and literature-Jainism as explained to Buchanan-Ahimsa in theory and practiceOrigin of Castes-Subdivisions among the Digambaras-Sangha, Gana, Gaccha, Vali-Testimony of inscriptions-Brāhmaṇa, Kșatriya, Vaişya, Caturtha and Pancama-Anomalies and curiosities of caste- Jaina Rāmānuja, etc. --Origin of Pancama Jaina class-Caste-feeling remained after conversion-Catholics of Kanara--Sacred thread among the Southern Jainas Digam

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xvii
CONTENTS bara Jaina nuns–Testimony of Belgoļa inscriptions Other evidences-Southern pontificates—Too many divisions restricting social intercourse lead to social decay. Pp. 142~-168
CONCLUSION Misconceptions regarding Jaina history—No Jaina period according to Smith-Hasty conclusions based on inadequate information-Fergusson on materials of study and prospects of result-Extent of Influence : From commencement of Christian era to 12th century A. D. prominent in South India-On the West Coast up to 17th century- Almost all dynasties large and small under Jaina influence during this period—No district without Jaina vestiges—Influence on masses indicated by grants-Transformation in Southern Jainism due largely to mass-influence-Causes of Disintegration: Internal and External
-Internally progressive conformity with Hindu practices and beliefs-Division and subdivision into castes and subcastesExternally rise of Saivism, Vaişņavism, Lingāyatism-Mahommedan invasion--Persecutions : Dr. Krişnaswāmi Aiyangār's denial of their truth-Evidences to the contrary-Festivals commemorating persecutions- Jaina temples and cities destroyed by Saivas-Ahimsa : No instance of retaliation by Jainas-Hence Ahimsa their greatest contribution-Metamorphosis of South Indian character-Vegetarianism and docility
-Ahimsa not responsible for failure-Jaina warriors and kings not deterred from fighting for justice-Baicappa ascends to heaven by the destruction of many Konkaộigas--Pessimism : general charge on all Indian religions--Mrs. Sinclair Stevenson's remarks- Jaina achievments in Art, Literature, etc. adequate , answer since pessimism is not creative- Dr. Thomas on similar estimates of Buddhism-Comparison with Christian asceticismJaina view of Soul as that which tends upward till it reaches the top of the universe-Man the master of his destiny - The lowest of creatures has slav&tion-Failure in one life but prospects of self-improvement in future existences-Jaina Ideal of Life according to Sri Kundakundācārya. Pp. 169-177

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xviii
JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE
IV. KARNĀTAKA CULTURE Reciprocal affects between Jainism and Karnațak Culture Definition of Karnāțaką Culture -Summary of effects.
Pp. 178-183 V. APPENDICES A. Genealogies
Pp. 184—186 B. Documents
Pp, 186—190 C. Notes
Pp. 191-194 D. Bibliography
Pp. 195-205 INDEX
Pp. 206-213
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 1. Bahubalin or Gommata : Śravaņa Be!go!a (Frontispiece ). 2. Śravaņa Beļgoļa : View of Vindhyagiri and Kalyāni
opposite-P. 6 3. Aibole Temple with Pulakesin II's Jaina
Grant ("A" in Fig.)--converted into Saiva. „ 22 4. Jaina City of Gersoppa and Caturmukha
Basti-Destroyed in 1610 A. D. (groundplan).
55 5. Jaina Colossus at Kärkal
103 6. Yeņūr Gommața under Pavilion 7. Main entrance to Tribhuvana Tilaka
Jainālaya. 8. Peculiar type of Jaina Architecture in S.
Kanara: Tribhuvana-tilaka-Jinālaya at Mūdbidre.
103
IIO
112

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9. Pillar-carving of Baira-devi Mandapa Mūḍ
bidre
CONTENTS
10. Pancanari-Turaga: Wood-carving Mudbidrê II. Navanari-Kunjara: Wood-carving
12. Indra seated on Elephant-Indra-Sabha : Ellora.
A. S. of W. I. Ep. Car.
Ep. Ind.
Ind. Ant.
1. H. Q.
JBBRAS.
13. Carved Pillar in Jaina Cave Ellora.
14. Candragiri and Dhavala-Sarovara.
15. South India showing places of interest in Jaina History (Map.).
J. R. A. S.
M. D. J. G.
33
SB.
S. B. E.
S. B. J.
opposite P. 113
116
33
Indian Antiquary.
Indian Historical Quarterly.
""
xix
33
117
120
121
126
170
ABBREVIATIONS
Archaeological Survey of Western India. Epigraphia Carnatica.
Epigraphia Indica.
J. B. and O. R. S. Journal of Behar and Orissa Research
Society.
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.
Manekçandra Digambara Jaina Granthamālā.
Śravana Belgola.
Sacred Books of the East.
Sacred Books of the Jainas.
Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.

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-
ம்
'
-
* -
1
--
பட்
ரார்
BAHUBALIN or GOMMATA : SRAVANA BELGOLA
(Frontispiece )

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INTRODUCTION
Both Jainism and Karnāțaku Culture are among the least studied aspects of South Indian History. I am not aware of more than a couple of published works on each of these themes. Since the publication of Studies in South Indian Jainism by Messrs. Ramaswami Ayyangar and Sheshagiri Rao, in 1922, there has appeared only one other book dealing with Mediaeval Jainism (with special reference to the Vijayanagara Empire) by Dr. B. A. Saletore, published very recently (1938). Likewise, I have come across only two works on Karnāțaka Culture, namely, Popular Culture in Karnataka by Mr. Masti Venkatesa Iyengar (1937) and Karnātaka Sanskrti (in Kannada) by Mr. N. S. Devudu (1935). Valuable as these contributions are, they have not rendered any further work along similar lines superfluous. Nor is it presumed in the present essay that its subject is capable of being easily exhausted. This is therefore to be judged only as one more effort to study a rich theme from a fresh angle of approach.
It is well to make it clear at the outset that this is neither a complete study of Jainism in Karnāțaka nor a complete study of Karnāțaka Culture, but merely an Introductory Essay attempting to assess the bearing of the former upon the latter and vice versa, with particular reference to a few outstanding aspects. For this purpose it is desirable to survey the History of Karnāțaka from the point of view of the role of Jainism, on the one hand, and the evolution of Karnāțaka Culture, on the other. This has been partly attempted in Section One. The Historical Survey' contained therein does not, therefore, touch upon other problems of either Jaina or Kartāțaka History. The chronology of successive rulers of the various dynasties and their political relations and doings, for instance, have not been dealt with beyond the bounds of strict relevance. A knowledge of the

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JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE
political history of Karnāțaka in particular, and of South India in general, is consequently presumed. On the other hand, the exact influence of Jainism over rulers and people alike has been sought to be assessed, by a closer scrutiny of epigraphical and other references than appears to have been done by some proJaina scholars A sentimental writer of Jaina history is prone to the very insidious temptation of exaggerating, may be unconsciously, the value of his evidence. I have made a deliberate effort to avoid such lapses. Similarly, no attempt has been made to push the antiquity of Jainism in Karnataka beyond the limits acceptable to modern ( scientific ) scholarship. The dynastic histories of the Kadambas, Gangas, Caļukyas, Rāştrakūtas, Hoysaļas, and others, though at times contemporaneous or over-lapping from a strictly chronological view point, have been here treated in isolated succession. It is hoped that this will be more conducive to clearness of impression ( as to the rôle of Jainism in each family taken as a whole ) than the more usual and correct method of dealing with each epoch in all its complexity.
In the second and third Sections a systematic attempt has been made to carefuly determine the unmistakable contributions of the Jainas to Kannada Literature, Art, and Architecture. Though it is not necessary here to anticipate the conclusions arrived at there, it may be pointed out that something more than a mere enumeration of works has been aimed at.
In Section Three, entitled 'Idealism and Realism,' I have attempted to show how Jainism, a faith of North Indian origin, came to be transformed in its South Indian environment in Karnataka. Though such a study might reveal considerable divergence between the theory and practices of Jainism, it is not to be forgotten that all other religions, like Buddhism, Brāhmanism, Islam, and Christianity, have also been subject to such metamorphosis under similar circumstances. What is sought is, therefore, not to disparage Jainism in Karnāțaka, but only to estimate its exact character as determined by the local
:
.

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3
conditions and non-Jaina influences in the country of its domicile. I know that orthodox Jainas are not inclined to approve of (some of them even resent) these conclusions. But modern research can only accept facts objectively ascertained and not sentimentally selected. How får my data are reliable and my inferences logical is for my unbiased readers to judge. In the concluding chapter I have summarised all the significant points in the essay and tried finally to evaluate the essential elements of Karnāṭaka Culture and the place of Jainism therein.
INTRODUCTION

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I. HISTORICAL SURVEY
ANTIQUITY The purpose of this Survey is to determine the place of Jainism in the History of Karnāțaka with a view to ultimately assess its influence on Karnāțaka Culture. To achieve this object it is necessary to find evidence of the introduction and spread of Jainism in Karnāțaka, without overlooking the religious atmosphere of each successive epoch. The religious history of India is different from that of most other countries. Here, it is well to bear in mind that the 'conversion of a ruler to any creed does not necessarily imply the wholesale conversion of all or even most of his subjects. Nor does patronage of the followers, protagonists, or institutions of any faith indicate conversion in the technical sense. Hence it is very essential to distinguish between Patrons or sympathisers and Converts or actual followers. Most of the sectarian histories give an exaggerated picture of the importance and influence of their creeds on account of their failure to recognise this difference.
Another point on which modern scholarship and sentimental orthodoxy have disagreed is that of the antiquity of the introduction of Jainism into the South. Though the Jainas may assert that Mahāvīra himself had travelled through South India (presumably making converts), and that there were Jainas in the South already when Bhadrabāhu migrated to the South from Bihar, under circumstances presently to be discussed, conclusive evidence to bear out these beliefs is lacking. In the absence of such evidence we must be content to go only as far as the epigraphs allow us, and to farther.
The earliest of the Jaina lithic records yet available to us has been assigned by experts, on palæographic grounds, to the close of the sixth century A. D." This is the inscription (SB, 1 ) on

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the rock, variously named as Candragiri, Kațavapra, and Kalbappu, at Śravaņa Belgoļa in Mysore.' In it we are told that:
Bhadrabāhu-svāmin-of lineage rendered illustrious by a succession of great men who came in regular descent from the venerable supreme rși Gautama-gañadhara, his immediate disciple Lohārya, Jambhu, Vişnudeva, A parājita, Govardhana, Bhadrabāhu, Viśākha, Proşţila, Krttikāıya, Jayanāma, Siddartha, Buddhila and other teachers-who was acquainted with the true nature of the eightfold great omens, and was a seer of the past, present, and the future, having learnt from an omen and foretold in Ujjaini a calamity lasting for a period of twelve years, the entire samgha ( or community ) set out from the North to the South, and reached by degrees a country....filled with happy people,.... gold, .... and herds of buffaloes, goats, and sheep.
*Then separating himself from the Samgha an Ācārya, Prabhācandra by name,...desiring to accomplish Samādhi the goal of penance associated with right conduct, on this high-peaked mountain-Kațavapra, bade farewell to and dismissed the Sangha in its entirety, and in company with a single disciple, mortifying his body on the wide expanse of the cold rocks, accomplished ( Samādhi ).
* And, in course of time, seven hundred Rșis or Saints ( similarly ) accomplished ( Samädhi ).'? The value and implications of this epigraph have been discussed at considerable length by the late Mr. R. Narasimhachar, in the Epigraphia Carnatica. Hence it will be superfluous to reconsider the question here. The conclusion of the late Dr. V. A. Smith, regarding the plausibility of the persistent tradition about Candragupta Maurya having accompanied
1 2 3
E. C. II, p. 71. Ibid. Tr. pp 1-2. E. C. II, Introd., pp. 36-40

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JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE
Bhadrabahu (the last of the Jaina Śrutakevalins) to Mysore and died there by Sallekhana, may be accepted without any more ado. Though at first Smith was inclined to reject the Bhadrabahu-Candragupta tradition as "imaginary history,' "after much consideration," he admitted "the main facts as affirmed by tradition" to have "solid foundation in fact."4 "In short," he writes, "the Jaina tradition holds the field, and no alternative account exists." "
There are numerous mementos of Bhadrabahu and Candragupta at Sravana Belgola, even apart from references to their migration to the South contained in literary works such as the Brhat-Kathākāśa by Hariśeņa (931 A. D.), and others of a still later date. For instance, there are the hill of Candragiri, with its cave of Bhadrabahu, and the Candragupta-basti on the façade of which are carved ninety scenes from the lives of Bhadrabāhu and Candragupta. Among the numerous inscriptions commemorating these munis (such as SB. 40, 67, 258, and Sr. 147-148) one is of particular importance, viz. SB. 31 ( c. 650 A. D.) as it speaks of a Jaina guru, Šāntiśa, as having restored the Jaina faith, which had become weak, to its flourishing condition as it was under Bhadrabahu and Candragupta." This presumes a period of vigorous prosperity, followed by a period of lapse, and again a period of rise about the first half of the seventh century A. D.
6
But the history of this period cannot be construed in exact terms in the absence of lithic or other records of a reliable character. The existence of the Aśoka inscriptions at Molakálmuru in Mysore, belonging to the last years of Aśoka, makes it of course certain that the Maurya empire extended so far. In the Kalsi Rock Edict XIII Aśoka declares : There is no country where these (two) classes (viz.) Brāhmaṇas and Śramanas, do
"
•
4 Early History of India ( revised ed.), p. 154.
5 Ox. Hist. of India, p. 76. For a succinct statement of the arguments in support of this view read Rice, Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, pp. 3-9.
6 For details see Rice, loc. cit., pp. 9-14.

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2
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.S
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sh
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25
26
mit
''
4.
tik
1
IDEAL
Sravana Belgola : View of Vindhyagiri and Kalyani (Vide page 6)

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HISTORICAL SURVEY
not exist, except among the Yonas.”? By inference, we may presume that Śramaņas existed also in the Karnāțaka part of Aśoka's empire. As Dr. Bhandarkar has pointed out, Asoka uses the term Samgha while speaking of the Buddhists alone, and Gramaņa while referring to the Jainas as well. Kundakundācārya, the earliest of the Digambara Jaina writers of South India, applies the term śramaņas to members of his own sect. Thus it is quite plausible that Jainism continued in the South after Candragupta down to the days of Asoka.
Samprati, the grandson of Asoka, is generally accepted to have been a Jaina, being converted to the Svetāmbara creed by Subastin. He appears to have sent Jaina missionaries of his persuasion into South India. 10 Though we do not know how far they penetrated into the Karnāțaka, this is the first reference we have to the Svetāmbaras in the South. After Suhastin, the saint Kālakācārya (c. Ist cent B. C.)" is said to have gone to the King of Pentha (?) in the Deccan to invite him to attend his discourses at Pajjusana. May this have been Hāla of the Satavahana dynasty (who is believed to have been a Jaina") ruling from Paithan ( Pratiștānapura )? The early existence of Svetāmbara Jainas in North Deccan is also indicated by references to Padaliptācārya's visit to Mänyakheta (Maļkhed in the Nizam's Dominions). The Samyaktva-saptati of Haribhadrasuri relates that the people of Mānyakheta would not allow Padaliptācārya (c. Ist cent B. C.) to leave them and go elsewhere; it also says that in all the neighbourhood there existed Jaina Samghas noted for their good qualities.' But as it also adds, that just as the King Ugra (?) held him (Padaliptācārya) in high esteem, so others did not care a straw
7 Haltszch. As'oka Inscriptions, p. 47 (J). 8 Bhandarkar, As'oka, pp. 168-72.
9 Smith, Os. Hist., p. 117, n 1.' Pravacanasira; Bhandarfur, Report on San. M8., 1883-84, pp. 97-100. 10 Ibid, p 135. 11 I, A, XI, pp. 247, 251; C. H. I, p. 167–68. 12 Glassnapp, Der Jainisnus, p. 53.

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JAINISM AND KARNĀTAKA CULTURE
for him," it is evident that not all the people of Mänyakheța were Svetāmbara Jainas. As late as 1440 A. D. there was a Jaina teacher named Mahade who converted the Digambaras of Deogiri (Daulatābād ) into Svetāmbaras and conferred titles on learned ladies as well. Thus it would appear that in the northern parts of ancient Karnāțaka the Svetāmbaras were fairly strong; while within Karnāțaka proper the Digambaras predominated, as we shall observe later.
When exactly and under what circumstances the schism between the Digambaras and Svetämbaras took place is not strictly relevant to discuss in our present context. But it may be noted that the Bhadrabāhu migration either caused or accentuated the differences between the two since the Pattāvalies or genealogical lists of the two sects are fairly in agreement up to Bhadrabāhu I. and diverge greatly after him. However, we find no trace of the work of the Jaina gurus who followed Bhadrabāhu ), beyond the mention of their names in the succession lists, until we come to Kundakunda, Umāsvāti and Samantabhadra.15 Kundakunda being also called Elācārya 16 has led some writers to identify him with various persons bearing the latter name. Though no finality may be claimed for any opinion regarding this problem, it is interesting to note in this connexion that Dr. Saletore emphatically states: "All these considerations lead us to the conclusion that Kondakunda must have been a Kannadiga, hailing from the village of Konakonala in the neighbourhood of Guntakal."!* If this could he established beyond challenge the conclusion would be of utmost importance
13 My. Arch. Report, 1923, pp. 10-11; Samyaktva-saptati vv. 96 & 158 ; I, A. XI, p. 251.
14 My. arch. Report 1924, pp. 13-14. 15 I. A. XI, pp. 245 ff ; Ibid. XXI, pp. 57 ff: E.C II, SB. 254. 16 Sorah Indian Inscriptions, I. pp 157-7 11. 6–7.
17 Jaina Gazette, XVIII, pp. 8-16. Saletore, Mediaeval Jainism, pp. 225-98, 233-40.
18 Ibid. p. 228. See the Stevana Belgola list of Pontifs in Alysore Gazetteer, I, p. 287.

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HISTORICAL SURVEY
for our theme. The value of Kundakunda's work will be assessed in a later chapter. He is placed about the first century B. C. by some scholars.19 Professor A. N. Upadhye places him at the beginning of the Christian Era.20
KADAMBAS AND GANGAS The next contemporary epigraphical foothold that we possess," in following the history of Jainism in Karnāțaka is a grant made by the Kadamba Kakutsthavarma, when he was Yuvarāja, to the General Śrutakirti:** The gift consisted of a field called • Bodhavara-kşetra' 'which was in the village of Khețagrāma which belongs to the holy Arhats;' and the record concludes with Reverence to Rşabha !" Yet, in the light of other grants of the same prince we cannot conclude that the donor was an "avowed Jaina," as some have sought to make out of Kakutsthavarma.” The circumstances under which the gift was made appear to be that Śrutakīrti, who was a Jaina, saved the life of Kakutsthavarma and thus earned the grant: Possibly, therefore, out of sheer gratitude, he only used Jaina invocations for the satisfaction of the donee. Kakutsthavarma also made similar grants to Brāhmaṇs,” but he never repeated in them his
reverence to Rşabha !' Had he been himself an “avowed Jaina ” he would surely have done so. In this connection the following observations of Prof. Moræas on the religion of the Kadambas may very well be borne in mind. These kings nevertheless were of a very tolerant disposition, and allowed other religions to flourish in their kingdom side by side with
19 I, A. XXI, p. 74; Hiralal, Catalogue of MSS. in C.P. d Berar, Introd. p. vii ft.
20 Pravacanasāra, Introd p. 22.
91 The foundation of the Ganga kingdom under Jains auspices will be dealt with later. Though the event is supposed to have taken place earlier, its earliest extant opigraphic reterence belongs to the 7th cent. A. D.
29 Fleet, Sanskrit and Old Canarese Inscriptions, I. A. VI. p. 24. 23 Dr. B. A. Saletore, Mediaeval Jaimion, p. 30.
24 E. O. VII, i, BK 176; E, C. VIII, pp. 28-36. JEO-2528-2

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Saivism. This toleration is evidenced by the numerous grants they made to the Jainas, 25 which led Dr. J. F. Fleet, Mr. K. B. Pathak and others to suppose that the Kadambas were of the Jaina persuasion." The error was however corrected by Dr. Fleet in the second edition of his Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts,?? which he published after the discovery of the inscription of śāntivarma at Talgunda. That the religion of the Kadambas was Brahmanism and not Jainism is also established beyond doubt by an inscription of the same dynasty found in the Kadur Taluka. Here Vişnuvarma, the donor of the grant is described as the “protector of the excellent Brahman faith.” 2* Further we know from the epigraphical records that some of the kings performed the aśvamedha sacrifice.99 The later inscriptions say that the kings of this dynasty celebrated in all eighteen horse sacrifices. As this is a purely Brāhman rite, it affords further proof that these kings were not Jainas.' $1 Nevertheless, that, under the liberal patronage of the Kadambas, Jainism must have prospered in Karnāțaka is evident from the various grants referred to below. It is evident that despite their personal beliefs, some of the Kadamba rulers came to be very closely associated with the Jainas. For instance, Mrgesavarma, a grandson of Kakutsthavarma 'gave to the divine supreme Arhats' fields at Vaijayanti' for the purpose of the glory of sweeping ( the temple ) and anointing ( the idol with ghee) and performing worship etc. entirely free from taxation." The grant also mentions, " This charter has been written by the very pious Dāmakirti, the Bhojaka." Another grant by the same monarch bears 'the seal of Jinendra' and is important
25 Fleet, op. cit. pp. 25, 27, 29-32. 26 Ibid, VII, pp. 35-6. 38. 27 Fleet, Kanarese Dynasties, p. 286. 28 E. C. VI, Kd, 162. 29 E. C., SK 178. Fleet, St & 0. C. 1., 1. A. VII, p. 35. 30 E.C. XI, Mk, 41 ; Dy. 32, 31 Kadamba Kula, pp. 249-56 82 Fleet, S. and 0. C. Inscriptions, Ind. Ant. VII, pp. 36-7.

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II
as showing Mrgeśavarma's impartiality towards both the sects of Jainas, viz., the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras. He is said to have divided the village of Kālavanga into three parts and distributed them among representatives of the two sects. The first he gave “to the Great God Jinendra, the holy Arhat, and it was called 'the Hall of the Arhat'"; the second was given “ for the enjoyment of the sect of eminent ascetics of Svetapatha which was intent on practising the true religion declared by the Arhat ;” and that the third was given “to the sect of eminent ascetics called the Nirgranthas."88 The words italicised would seem to indicate that the king or the scribe belonged to the Svetāmbara persuasion. But apart from this they confirm our belief as to the existence of Svetāmbaras in the Deccan from very early times, as mentioned earlier. However, it is not to be forgotten that Msgesha also made a grant “to the holy Arhats for the purpose of supporting the Kürcakas of naked religious mendicants." The grants of Ravivarma and Bhānuvarma, both sons of Mrgeśavarma, manifest this growing influence of Jainism yet more clearly.
That of Ravisena at Palāsika, or Hälsi in the Belgaum District, is both interesting and important from a historical point of view. Besides recounting the grant of Kakutsthavarma to Ravikirti and Śrutakīrti, it also states that King śāntivarma (son of Kakutstha ) and his son the pious Mrgeśa,” gave the grant to the mother of Dāmakirti, "for the sake of piety and according to the direction of his father.” 35 Incidentally it tells us that Śrutakirti was “the Bhoja priest, the best among men, who was the receptacle of sacred learning, who was possessed of the qualities of performing sacrifices etc.” That he was identical with the general who was the recepient of Kakutsthavarma's grant is indicated by the expression that he “ enjoyed the village of Kheta,” which is the same as
33 Ibid., Ind, Ant. VII, p. 38. 34 Ibid., Ind, Ant. VI, p. 25. 83 Ibid., p. 27.

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Badhovara-Kśetra, mentioned above. This would seem to indicate that the General Srutakirti belonged to the priestly class or combined in himself the offices of the high-priest with that of a military commander. Dāmakirti's son Jayakirti is described as " the door-keeper whose family had been well established in the world owing to the Ācārya called Bandhuśena." 37 But more than anything else this grant of Ravivarma is valuable for its revelation of the royal faith and the inculcation of its practice upon all his countrymen and citizens. It states :
"The lord Ravi established the ordinance at the mighty city of Palasika that the glory of Jinendra ( the festival of ) which lasts for eight days, should be celebrated regularly every year on the full-moon of (the month ) Kärtika from the revenues of that (village ); that ascetics should be supported during the four months of the rainy season; that the learned men, the chief of whom was Kumāradatta, whose intellects had been wearied by ( excessive study of) many scriptures and collections of precepts; who were renowned in the world; who abounded in good penances; and whose sect was his auhority for what he did ; -should according to justice enjoy all the material substance of that greatness; and that the worship of Jinendra should be Perpetually performed by the pious countrymen and citizens.
“Wheresoever the worship of Jinendra is kept up there is increase of the country, and the cities are free from fear, and the lords of those countries acquire strength!
Reverence, reverence !” 38 Another grant of Ravivarma 'to the God Jinendra' describes him as the 'the mighty king, the sun of the sky of the mighty family of the Kadambas.' He is also stated in the same grant
!
86 Ibid., Bhojaka or Bhoja is explained by Fleet meaning " officiating priest,” Ibid., p. 25.
37 Ibid., p. 27. 38 Ibid.

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to have uprooted Canḍadunda the lord of Kanchi and established himself at Palasika. Ravivarma's grand-father Śāntivarma has also been described as the master of the entire Karnața region. '40 These serve to indicate the political status of these Early Kadambas of Halsi or Palasika. Hence their personal allegiance to the Jaina faith must have had considerable influence in spreading the religion among the masses as well. The motive that incited him (Ravivarma)," says the grant, was to increase his religious merit." " Similarly, his brother Bhanuvarma's devotion to Jainism is also attested by a grant: "By him, desirous of prosperity, this land was given to the Jainas, in order that the ceremony of ablutions might always be performed without fail on the days of the full-moon.' It was, as usual, given "free from the gleaningtax and all other burdens ;" and was assigned by the Bhojaka Pandara. "The worshipper of the Supreme Arhat, who had acquired the favour of the feet of the glorious king Bhanuvarma." "
""
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HISTORICAL SURVEY
Last but not the least, Kadamba Harivarma's grant speaks of "the sect of Virasenācārya of the Kūrcakas of the village of Vasantavāṭika in the district of Suddikundara," to whose leader Candrakṣānta the grant was made "for providing annually at the great eight days' sacrifice the perpetual anointing with clarified butter, for the temple of the Arhat, which Mṛgesa, son of the general Simha of the lineage of Bharadwāja, had caused to be built at Palasika." Whatever was to remain over after this, the grant adds, was to be devoted to the purpose of feeding the whole sect." Harivarma also made another grant to the Jainas "at the request of Bhanuśakti of the family of Sendrakas." Speaking of the donor it says,
"the
39 Ibid., p 30.
40 Cf. Dubreuil, Ancient Deccan, pp. 74-5.
41 Fleet, S. and O. C. Inscriptions, Ind. Ant. VI, p 30.
42 Ibid., p 29.
3
43 Ibid, p 31.

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excellence of whose body and intellect had been produced by the great religious merit acquired by good actions performed in a previous state of existence.” He gave the village of Marade " for the holy people and the performance of rites of the temple which wasthe property of the sect of śramaņas called the Aharisti and the authority of which was superintended by the Ācārya Dharmanandi.” And, in conclusion, the grant declares, "The reward of them who preserve bridges and repair them when broken is declared to be twice as great as (the reward of) the original builders of them."" Even when the Kadambas became formally Brāhmanical again, as they did later on, we find that they continued to patronise Jainism as attested by a grant of “Deva son of Krşņa who celebrated horse sacrifices. *5 In the opinion of Fleet this was not later than the 10th cent. A.D.*6 The land was given to the sect of Yāpaniyas,7 at Triparvata in the village of Siddhakedāra “through a desire for the rewards of his own meritorious act.""48
JAINA GOLDEN AGE UNDER THE GANGAS The Gangas of Mysore were for a long time the political rivals and enemies of the Kadambas. "A still more distinguished dynasty," says Smith, "was that of the Gangas, who ruled over the greater part of Mysore, from the 2nd to the 11th century, and played an important part in the incessant mediaeval wars." 4But more than anything else, we are interested in their consistent patronage of Jainism, which might be truly said to have attained its Golden Age under the
44 Ibid., p. 32. 45 Ibid., p. 34. 46 Ibid., p. 33.
47 The Yapaniyas, Kūrcakag, Nirgranthas etc. were naked Jaina sects. Cf. Ibid., p. 34 a 11. Also see Journal of the University of Bombay I, VI, May 1933.
48 Ibid., p. 34 49 Smith, The Oxford History of India, p. 199

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15
Gangas. The very foundation of their kingdom is attributed to the influence of the great Jaina teacher Simhanandi Ācārya as indicated by the Samayabhūsana, Gommata-Sāra and Kongudesa-Rājakkal, as well as by numerous Ganga inscriptions.50 " It is therefore no wonder," observes Mr. Ghosal, “that we shall find in Jaina works verses to the effect that Ganga kings worshipped the feet of Simhanandi, or that a dynasty which owed its origin to the help of a Jaina Ācārya should be staunch to the Jaina religion.” He also adds, "numerous inscriptions dating from the 4th to the 12 cent. A.D. testify to the building of the Jaina temples, consecration of Jaina images of worship, hollowing out of caves for Jaina ascetics and grants to Jaina Ācāryas by the rulers of the Ganga dynasty.” 51 Rice considered them to be the principal Jaina dynasty of the south. “With Nandagiri as the fort, Kuvalāla as their city, the 96,000 as their kingdom, victory as their companion in the battlefield, Jinendra as their God, the Jaina mata as their faith, Dādiga and Madhava ruled over the earth."59
To illustrate the above remarks we have only to subjoin a few examples. The Kudlur plates of Marasimha throw ample light upon the religion of the Ganga rulers. 68 of the very first among them, namely, Konguņivarma I, the record says, he "obtained great power by favour of the doctrine of Arhadbhattāraka,” and adds that " by favour of Simhanandyacārya he (obtained) strength of arm and valour."54 Rice thinks that there must have been a considerable Jaina element in the population of Mysore at the time over whom Simhanandi exerted his influence to gain their acceptance of the Ganga rule.
50 Cf. Rice, Mysore Gazetteer I, p. 310; E. O. II. Introd. pp. 46–7. Mysore Archaeological Report, 1921, p. 26.
51 Ghosal, Dravyasamgraha, B. B. J, I, Intord., pp. XIX-XX. 62 Rice, Mysore Gazetteer I, pp. 308, 810,
63 Cf. Mysore Archaeological Report 1922 p. 20 Read Krishna Rao, Tho Gangas of Talakad, pp 179-213.
54 Kudlur Plates of Mārasimha, Ibid., 1921 pp. 19, 26. 55 Rice, Mysore Gazetteer I, p. 311.

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""
Yet it is supposed on the authority of a few Brahmanical grants that the next few rulers reverted to the Brahmanical creed, 56 But the two grants upon which this inference is based are according to Rice both open to doubt." *7 The fact that Harivarma or any other made grants to the Brāhmaṇas is not sufficient to prove that there was any change in the royal faith. Avinīta who seems to have had for his preceptor the Jaina Acārya Vijayakīrti, made a grant to the Brāhmaṇas. Likewise, Konguņi II, son of Madhava II, also made a grant to the Brahmaņas.58 But from this to deduce that towards the end of the fifth century Sanskrit and Brāhmanical influences were gradually displacing old Kannada, and with it the power of the Jainas, its most eminent professors, and that by the time of Konguni II this Brahmanical influence was paramount in the state, seems quite unwarrantable. The curious differences in the string of descriptive phrases attached to each king," which Rice points to in these inscriptions, are not, in our opinion, to be set down merely as " errors on the part of the composer or transcribers." They are more fundamental and deliberate. The way the Brahmanical composers twist and clothe facts gives room for great suspicions. For instance, it is well known that the Hoysalas up to the time of Viṣṇuvardhana's defection were mostly Jainas. But the Arsikere grant of Vīra Ballāļa gives no clue as to this, although it gives a long descriptive genealogy of the donor's predecessors. On the other hand, it specially writes, "Victorious be the great Hoysala family which is like a bee in the lotus-like feet of Vişņu." 60
16
"
56 Cf. Krishna Rao, op. cit. pp. 29-34 Ramaswami Aiyangår, Studies in S. I. J. I, p. 116.
57 Rice, Mysore Gazetteer I, p. 812. "
58 Rice, Two Kongu or Chera Grants, Ind, Ant. V, pp. 133 ff; Sheshagiri Rao, Studies in S, I. J. II, p. 88; Mysore Archaeological Report, 1924, pp. 69, 80-81.
59 Rice, Two Kongu Chera Grants Ind. Ant. V, pp. 133–37. 60 Mysore Archaelogical Report 1923, p. 35.

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17
Madhava II, father of Konguņi II, is claimed to have been a Jaina and made grants to the Digambaras.61 Konguņi II's successor Avinīta, patronised both Brāhmaṇas and Jainas alike.89 After him, Durvinīta is described as the disciple of the famous Jaina teacher and writer Pūjyapada. Under his son, Muşkara or Mukhara, Jainism is said to have become the “state religion.68" (?) In the eighth century Śri Purusa's grants mention the names of several Jaina gurus ; and Sivamāra, son of Śrī Puruşa, built a Jaina temple according to the earliest of the Ganga inscriptions.84 Rācamalla I, grandson of Sri Puruşa (through Raņavikrama, brother of Sivamāra ) excavated a Jaina cave in Wandewash Tāluk (N. Arcot District ) according to a Kannada inscription found at the place.66 His son Ereganga is described as having a "mind resembling a bee at the pair of lotus feet of the adorable Arbat-bhattāraka ; "66 and his son Rācamalla II, in his turn, made a grant to a Jaina priest for the Satyavākya Jinālaya in 888 A. D. He is described as "a devout Jaina who kept at a distance all the stain of the Kali Age.” He married Candrobalabba, daughter of Amoghavarșa Râştrakūța, who was one of the greatest patrons of Jainism, as we shall later on see. 07 Then we come upon the most glorious representatives of the Jaina faith : Mārasimha Ganga and Cãundaraya, Mārasimha's and his successor Rācamalla IV's minister and general.
Būtuga, the father of Mārasimha, has been called GangaGangeya or the Ganga among the Gangas. The Kudlur Plates 61 Sheshagiri Rao, Studies in S. 1. J. II pp. 87-88. cf. Krishna Rso, op.
cit; pp. 31-2.
See n. 32 above Ind. Ant. V. p 140, 68 Krishna Rao, loc. cit. pp. 41.45 Rāmaswami Aiyangår, Studies in
8.1,J. I, p110. 84 Of. Ep. Car. II, Introd. p. 43. Krishna Rao, loc cit. pp 58-9 65 Rangācharya, Inscriptions of the Mad as Presidency I, NA 710-A;
Madras Epigraphical Report 1889, No. 91. 66 Kudlar Plates of Mārasimha, Mysore Archaeological Report 1921
p. 20, 67 Ibid. p. 31. Rice Coorg Inscriptions, Ep. Car. I, 2. JKC-2528-8
S.
02

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18 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE of Mārasimha, already referred to, state that "this king cleft open the frontal globes of the lordly elephants of the Ekāntamata with the thunderbolts the arguments based on the scriptures." His son Marula, brother of Mārasimha, too, is referred to in the pet phrase "his mind resembling a bee at the lotus-feet of Jina."60 But the doyen of the family was Mārasimha Ganga. He was a monarch in every sense of the term, and is described in the inscriptions with many a sonorous title like, “SatyavākyaKonguņivarma-Dharmamahārājādhirāja, Ganga-cûdāmaņi, Caladuttaranga, Māndalikatrinetra, Ganga-Vidyadhara, Gangakandarpa, Ganga-vajra and Ganga-simha." All these indicate the respect he commanded in his own life-time as well as his position in the whole dynasty; and he seems to have fully deserved all these appellations. His grant to the Samkhabasadi at Lakşmeswar (near Dhārwār ) speaks of him as one “who was a very jewelled pitcher wherewith to perpetually besprinkle Jinendra;"*0 and in the Kudlūr Plates he is "a bee in the lotus-feet of Jina, who washed out all taints with the water of the daily bath of Jina, who was devoted to the gurus, who was an expert in grammar, logic, philosophy and literature, who was skilful in the management of horses and elephants, and whose good government was the theme of praise of the four castes and orders regulated by his remarkable intellect matured by the investigation of all the Itihāsas and Purāņas.” 71 Such a highly cultured prince, crowned his life with the highest sacrifice a Jaina could offer to his faith, viz. death by Sallekhana or slow starvation. The inscription that records this great event also states that he performed the anointing ceremony of the Rāştrakūta King, Indra III, thereby indicating his political power.Te Hence, it was no morbid
88 Käalur Plates of Mārasimha, Mysore Archaeological Report 1921
p. 22 69 Cf. Ep. Car. II, Introd. pp. 44-7. 70 Fleet, Ind Ant, VII, V. p. 108. 71 Mysore Archaeological Report, 1921, pp. 22-3, 72 Ep. Car. II, SB 59.

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19
sentimentalist who exhibited this classic example of singular devotion to his faith, and fully evoked the admiration of his contemporaries. The result is seen in the erection of the great statue of Gommata by his general Caundarāya at Sravana Belgoļa, which is in itself a monument to the zeal of the Jainas during that great age.
Gommata is only the popular name for Bahubali, son of the first Tirthankara, and in the Bahubali-carita we find the following śloka which speaks of Rajamalla or Răcamalla IV, the son and successor of Mārasimha, as the promoter of the Jaina faith :
श्रीदेशीयगणाधिपूर्णमृगभृत् श्रीसिंहन दिनति श्रीपादांबुजयुग्ममत्तमधुपः सम्यक्त्वचूडामाणिः। श्रीमज्जैनमताब्धिवर्धनसुधा सूतिर्महीमंडले
रेजे श्रीगुणभूषणो बुधनुतः श्रीराजमल्लो नृपः॥" This passage is important also as confirming Simhanandi's connection with the Ganga dynasty. The great Ācārya had admonished its early founders with the words, “ If you fail in what you promise, if you dissent from the Jina-Śāsana, if you are addicted to spirits or flesh, if you associate with the base, if you give not to the needy, if you flee in battle,--your race will go to ruin."14 We have seen with what great devotion and consistency this high idealism was kept up in the family for generations. It affected even the officers working under the Ganga rulers; and a supreme example of this is found in Cãundarāya who, together with Gangarāja, the minister of Vişnuvardhana, and Hulļa, the minister of Narasimha Hoysaļa,
-is mentioned as forming the triumvirate of pre-eminent promoters of the Jaina faith.75 Câundarāya's name is associated with the Cāundarāya-basadi or the Jaina temple built by him at Śravaņa Belgoļa ; with the Caundarāya-purāņa which is a
73 Bähubali caritra, V. 6; Cf. Ghosal, Dravyasampraha, S. B. J. I,
Introd., p. xix. 74 Bice, Mysore Gazetteer I, p. 310... 75 Ep. Car. II, SB 345 ; of. ibid, introd. P. 34,

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popular epitome of the lives of the twenty-four Tīrthankaras; and above all else with the colossus of Gommata on Indrabetta, also at Śravaņa Belgola. His preceptor Nemicandra wrote a classical work on Jaina doctrine, viz. the Dravya-Samgraha, besides numerous others. These will be dealt with later, in the chapter on Jaina literature. Suffice it to note here that in a very old illuminated manuscript of Trilokasāra, composed by Nemicandra, there is a picture representing Cāundarāya with several courtiers hearing the tenets of Jainism as expounded by that great teacher.76 Cāunda's son had for his preceptor the Jaina Ācārya Ajitaśeņa. As late as 1604 A. D., Timmarāja, a descendant of Cãundarāya emulated his great example by erecting the third great Jaina colossus at Yeņūr in South Kanara." The legacy of the Ganga patronage of Jainism is also indicated by the proud name of Gangarāja, already mentioned, even when their political hegemony had passed on to the Hoysaļas. Gangarāja was a scion of the same illustrious family.
Thus the Age of the Gangas was a memorable one in the history of Jainism in Karnāțaka. Its echo is found in several inscriptions which testify to its greatness and general prosperity." In one it is stated that Gopanandi caused the Jaina faith to flourish once again “as it did at the time of the Gangas."79 Another speaks of the “illustrious Gangas."80 There are also numerous references to their rewards to heroes who bravely fought against cattle-raiders. But their greatest claim to remembrance is in the words of an inscription of Avinīta Ganga : “ Able for the protection of the castes and religious orders which prevailed in the South, the friend of all;" which was equally applicable to all the members of the dynasty,85
76 Ghosal, Dravyasamgraha, S.B.J. I, facsimile facing introd. p xxxix. 77 Cf. Ep. Car. II, introd. pp. 19. 20,- 45-6. 78 Ibid., 8B 15). 79 Ibid., SB 69. 80 Ep. Car. II, 8B 71. 81 Mysore Archaeological Repott, 1923, pp. E3, 73-4; Ibid., 1922, p. 10 82 Biom, Two Konga or Chers Grants, Ind. Ant. V, p. 140.

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PATRONAGE OF JAINISM UNDER THE CALUKYAS The history of Jainism under the Calukyas is of more than ordinary interest, because these rulers are generally known to have been a wholly Hindu dynasty. But, as a matter of fact, they were like most Hindu rulers tolerant of all other creeds, except in a few cases towards the end of their powerful hegemony over the South. By far the most famous monarch of this family was undoubtedly Pulakesi II, the great contemporary of the great king Harşavardhana of Kanauj. It was during his reign that Hiuen Tsang, the Chinese pilgrim, visited South India and found Baddhism a generally decadent religion as compared with its more popular rival in the South, Jainism. Bhandarkar has noted that while Jainism came into prominence under the Early Calukyas of Bädāmi, there is absolutely no reference to the patronage of Buddhism in any of the Calukya inscriptions.83 The figure of the king in one of the Buddhist frescoes of Ajanta, hitherto considered as representing Pulakesi II, is now supposed, by some at least, to be but another representation from the Jātaka stories yet to be identified.84 On the other hand, we get many glimpses of the Jaina religion in the inscriptions of the Calukyas, which reveal their patronage of that faith.85
A Jaina inscription at Śravaņa Belgoļa speaks of the Jaina teacher Guņacandra as a worshipper at the feet of Mallikāmoda Santīsa at Balipura.86 Mallikāmoda being a title of Jayasimha I of the Calukya dynasty, it is reasonably supposed that the Belgoļa inscription represents him.? If this supposition is true then we have here our first reference to the patronage of Jainism under the Early Calukyas. This is greatly supported by the
83 Bhandarkar, Early History of the Dekkan, p. 59: 84 Mazumdar, Embassy of Kaikhosru to Pulakesi II J.I.H, IL Pp. 29 ft;
Guide to Ajanta Frescoes, I (i). 85 Vaidya, Medieval Hindu India I, pp. 273.74 ; Ibid. III. P 409. 86 Ep. Car, II, SB 69. 87 Barnett, Nilganda Plates of Vikramáditya VI, Ep. Ind. XII, p. 163,
p. 37 1.42.

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fact that the same inscription also speaks of another Jaina celebrity, Vasucandra, as having attained fame as 'BālaSaraswati' at the Calukya capital. Likewise, another epigraph states that Vādiraja, also a Jaina teacher, was honoured by Jayasimha I at whose capital he too won his celebrity.88
Raņarāga, son of Jayasimha, and his son Pulakesi I, both appear to have kept up this tradition of patronage of the Jainas. Under the former, Durgāśakti, evidently a Jaina, made a grant to the Samkha Jinalaya at Puligere (LakşméŚwar ).* The latter endowed a Jaina temple at Ālaktanagara; and the inscription recording this fact states: “The lord Satyāśraya in his piety bestowed a field (and) a charter worthy of that shrine of Jina." His successor was Kirtivarma I; and according to the earliest extant Old Kannada inscription at Dhārwar he too made grants to the Jainas: “Having preferred their request to the supreme lord, (Kirtivarma) gave (a grant) to the temple of Jinendra for the purpose of providing the oblation and unbroken rice, and perfumes, and flowers, etc." Similarly, another Sanskrit inscription states, “By him, the illustrious one, when requested to augment (the endowments to ) the dānaśāla etc. of the Jinālaya which.... Gāmunda had caused to be built, there was given a field, etc."99 But of all the Calukya inscriptions that of Pulakesi II at Aiboļe is the most famous. In it, Ravikirti, the Jaina poet who composed the inscription, says, "This stone temple of Jinendra which is the abode of glory was caused to be constructed by the learned Ravikirti, who had acquired the greatest favour of that same Satyāśraya whose commands were restrained (only ) by the ( limits of) the three oceans. The accomplished Ravikirti himself is the composer of this eulogy, and the person who caused the temple to
88 Cf p Car. II, Introd., p. 41. 89 Fleet, S. and O, C. Inscriptions, Ind. Ant. VII, p. 110. 90 Ibid. p. 215; Cf. Dynasties of the Kanarose Districts, p. 20. 91 Fleet, Ind, Ant. XI, p 7. 92 Ibid.

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Aihole Temple with Jaina Grant converted to Saiva (Vide page 22)

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be built." There is also a Jaina cave towards the eastern end of the South face of the Mêguti temple where this inscription is found; and Fleet observes that was has been the case with most of the Jaina temples of these parts, it seems to have been afterwards adopted to the purposes of Linga worship."94 This conversion to Saiva use was the outcome of the Hindu revivalist movement, which, as in the case of the Tamils, was growing strong as years rolled on. We witness the same Hindu reaction in the territory ruled over by the Calukyas as well. Still, the Calukyas for a long time appear to have continued their patronage of Jainism, no less than that of other creeds, thereby justifying the proud title of Satyāśraya or 'Anchor of Truth, borne by several among them.
Jayasimha II is thus stated to have even had for his spiritual preceptor a Jaina teacher named Niravadya Pandita. And an inscription of Vijayāditya tells us that this king made a grant to Udayadeya Pandita, or Niravadya Pandita who was the housepupil of Sri Pūjyapāda and belonged to the Devagaņa division of the Mūlasamgha. Commenting on this passage Dr. Bhandarkar observes, “ If the Pūjyapāda who was the preceptor of Niravadya Pandita was the famous grammarian of that name, he must have flourished sometime before 618 Śaka, the date of Vinayāditya's death, i.e. about 600 Saka or 678 A.D. All that is known about Pūjyapāda and his relations to other Digambara writers is not inconsistent with this date."97 Vijayāditya's son Vikramaditya II, also repaired a Jaina temple and gave a grant to the Jaina Ācārya Vijayadeva Pandita : “Having embellished the Sankhatirtha Jinālaya of Pulikara and repaired the white Jinālaya at the request of the merchant Bāhubali, which was made for the purpose of increasing the worship of Jina,
93 Aibole Inscription of Palakesi II, Ibid. VIII, p. 245. • 94 Ibid., p. 237. 95 Bhandarkar , Early History of the Dekkan, p. 59; Bom. Gaz.. I ii, p. 191, 96 Floet, S. and 0.0. Inscriptions, Inc. Ant. VII, P. 112, 97 Bbändärkar, Karly History of the Dekan, P. 59.

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Vikramaditya gave the grant to "Śri Vijayadeva Panditācārya who belonged to the sect of Devagaña of Mūlasamgha, the disciple of Rāmadevācārya who performed the most austere penances, who was the house-pupil of Jayadeva Pandita."98 But it is strange that this Jaina grant contains an invocation to Vişnu, in obvious deference, of course, to the family god and symbol of the Calukyas. It says, “ Victorious is the boar-like form that was manifested of Vişņu which agitated the ocean and which had the earth resting on the tip of his uplifted righthand tusk.”99
Under Vikramaditya's successor, Kirtivarma II, the Calukyas were defeated and dispossessed by the Rāştrakūtas. In the obscurity that surrounds the succeeding career of the Calukyas we still find them consistent in their attitude towards the Jainas. For, from a Rāştrakūța inscription of Govinda III we learn that Vimalāditya Calukya, son of Yaśovarman and grandson of Balavarman, made a grant to a Jaina temple in order to ward off the evil influence of Saturn. It is also stated that this was done at the instance of the donor's uncle Cākirāja of the Ganga family.100 We have already indicated the hold that Jainism had over the Gangas, and this inscription reveals the influence they must have exercised over neighbouring princes in the matter of religious belief. Who exactly were these Calukya princes it is not easy to determine. Bhandarkar and Rice thought that they must have belonged to an independent branch of the main family of Calukyas.101 The former also mentions, in this connection, that another branch of Calukyas ruled from Jola named by Pampa in bis Jaina Bhārata ; Arikesari appears to have been the patron of the poet.104 Mr. E. P. Rice observes that Pampa was " apparently also a general
98 Float, S. and 0. 0. Inscriptions, Ind. Ant. VII, p. 111. 99 Ibid., p. 110, 100 Rico, A Rästrakūta Grant from Mysore, Ind. Ant. XII, p. 18. 101 Ibid. p. 12 ; Bhandarkar, Jarly History of the Dekkan, p. 79. 102 Ibid. pp. 79 80

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25
"
or minister under Arikesari, who was a descendant of the early Calukya Kings, but at this time was a tributory of the Rāṣṭrakūtas." He further adds, Arikesari's court was at Puligere (Lakṣmeswar), and it is in the especially excellent Kanarese of this capital that the poet claims to write." The date of the Jaina or Pampa Bhārata is given as 941 A.D.108
The Raṣṭrakūța domination lasted for a little over two centuries, from 754-974 A. D. 104 They too were, some of them, great patrons of Jainism, as we shall see in the next chapter. But for the sake of continuity of our treatment of the Calukyas and their relationship with Jainism, it is better that we trace the history of the family to its very close. It is rather difficult to account for the sudden revolution in the religious policy of the Calukyas when their power was again restored by Tailapa II about 974 A.D. It is alleged that the Cālukya rulers beginning with Tailapa II persecuted the Jainas.105 But it was possible that this was due more to political causes rather than to religious. Day by day the Saiva opposition to Jainism was growing strong in the country. The Raṣṭrakūtas were undoubtedly patrons of Jainism. Hence, as in the case of the Colas about the time of Sundara Pandya's conversion, it was easy to mix up religion with politics; and Śaivism, in its dynamic condition, was a ready handmaid for the politically ambitious and revolutionary Calukyas. The story is an exact replica of that told about the conversion of the Pandya king. It is related of Jayasimha III, grandson of Tailapa, that he was converted to the Vira-Saiva creed owing to the influence of his wife Suggaladevi. Thenceforth he is supposed to have persecuted the Jainas. The Basava Purana states that Hottalakere or Pottalakere contained as many as seven hundred basadis or Jaina temples and 20,000 Jaina ascetics. Devara-Dasimayya the guru of Suggaladevi, wife of Desinga, despoiled the Śrāvakas and induced Desinga to
103 Rice (E. P.), Kanarese Literature, p. 30.
104 Smith, Early History of India, p. 39,
105 Cf. Vaidya, Mediaeval Hindu India, 1, p. 409,
JXC-2528-4

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adopt the Saiva or Lingayat religion. The same story is also repeated in a slightly varied form in the Chenna Basava Purāņa as well. Fleet thinks that Desinga is a corruption for Jayasimha .and identifies the monarch with Jayasimha III Cālukya.'06 Our belief as to the political character of these alleged persecutions, so far as the Cālukyas themselves were concerned, is further supported by the fact that in championing the cause of Saivism they were acting contrary to the traditions of their own ancient family. For, the Cālukyas from the beginning belonged to the Vaişpava and not the Saiva sect of Hinduim. They had a boarcrest which they "acquired through the favour of the divine Nårāyaṇa."107 Moreover, like the later Colas, the later rulers of this Cālukya family renewed their patronage of Jainism when they were well established. It is stated in an inscription at Sravana Belgola that the Jaina teacher Swami won the title of " Sabda-Caturmukha" at the hands of King Ahavamalla who is identified with Cālukya Someswara 1.108 However, when the same prince made a grant to the Jainas, it seems, he had to make a special appeal to the villagers, showing thereby that Jainism must have by this time become unpopular among the masses. 103
The anti-Jaina movement had spread like wild-fire in the entire peninsula. The Colas, its champions in the South, had grown so strong that they appear to have over-run the Cālukya territory under Someswara I. It is stated that they destroyed the Jaina temples at Puligere or Lakşmeswar, built by Permadi Ganga. The inscription relates, “The excellent temples which Permādi Ganga had constructed, the outcaste Pondi Cola destroyed and descended to adhogati (hell)." * Under Some
106 Floot, Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, Do 44 n. 2. 107 Floot, Kalachumbārra Grant of Amma II, Ep. Ind. VII, p. 189:
Cf. S. and 0.C loscriptions, Ind. Ant, X, p. 57; VII, p. 110;
100 illustration, Smith, she Oxford History of India, P. 201. 108 Ep. Car, II, SB 67; cf. Fábid, Introd., p. 48.
• Eliot, Hindu logoriptions, J.R.A.S. IV, P. 14.

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113
śwara II a Jaina feudatory of his reconstructed these temples.110 Evidently Jainism had not been worsted. It gathered up all its strength and made a final stand under Bijjala Kalacuri whose career we shall trace in the next chapter. But something must be said about another branch of the Calukyas which ruled from Vengi, on the East Coast, before we take final leave of them. They are usually known as the Eastern Calukyas, as distinguished from the Western Calukyas of Kalyāņi. That some at least among them shared the tolerant attitude of the Câlukya family as a whole becomes evident from the following extract from the Epigraphical Report of Madras :
"Viṣnuvardhana III of the Eastern Călukya dynasty made a grant in S. 684 which registers evidently the renewal of an earlier grant of the village Musinikunda in Tonka N(a)ta-v(a) di-vishaya to the (Jaina) teacher Kalibhadracārya. The Queen of the King Kubja-Viṣṇuvardhana I influenced the grant of a village to a Jaina basti at Bijavādā. Amma II has made grants to Jaina temples patronised the grant of a Jaina Śrāvaki by lending his title to a charitable Jaina feeding house called SarvalokāśrayaJina-Bhavana endowed by her."'""
"e
From the Kalachumbarra grant of Amma II, the Jaina śrāvaki named in the above passage appears to have been a courtesan. Her name was Cameka. She is described as "a favourite mistress of the King"; an ornament of the Paṭṭavardhikā lineage in the retinue of the Calukyas "; a sun to the waterlilies the faces of courtesans who agitates herself in acquiring fame as radiant as that of a moon to bring to full-tide the waters of the Jaina religion"; and is said to have been "endowed with charity and tenderness and good character, and is beautiful and is a desciple who delights in the teachings of the learned people".
110 lbid. p. 13; Fleet, Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p, 48; Bom, Gaz, I ii. p, 443,
111 Cited by Sheshagiri Rao, Studies in &, IJ, II, pp. 20-25,
112 Fleet, Kalachumbarru Grant of Amma II, Ep. Ind, VII p. 182 & n, 4.

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The grant was "caused to be given" by her to Arhanandi, " for the purposes of the renowned dining hall of the holy and famous Jaina temple called Sarvalokāśraya--Jaina-Bhavana, whereby she has acquired a reputation praised by learned people." !! The sect of Jainas to which she belonged is stated to be "the Addakali-gachch, which has established its renowned fame in the Valahari-gana, and the minds of the members of which have their desires bent on granting excellent food to ascetics of the four castes.” 11 Further, interesting details revealed by the grant are the names of the gurus like Sakalacandrasiddhānta, Ayyapoti etc., and the composer of the poetical portions of it is said to be Kavicakravarti. The writer of the grant was Bhattadeva, and the Ajñāpati or Superintendent was the Kattakādhiếa.25 The reward that Bhattadeva got for his work is mentioned as land requiring as seed nine puttis of twelve tumus (each), and two bullocks. 116 But more important than anything else is the statement that Vijayāditya (Amma II) "who was most kind to Brāhmaṇas ", made the grant to the Jainas.'17 The Maliya pundi Grant of Ammarāja II is another evidence in confirmation of his charities to the Jainas. It significantly opens with an invocation to Jinendra.'18 Then, giving the whole genealogy of the king, proceeds: “The Mahārājādhirāja Parameśvara, the very pious Ammaraja (II) thus commands all ryots, headed by the Rāshtrakūtas, inhabiting the district (visaya ) Kamma-nādu.” The grant was made to Durgarāja, "whose sword always (served) only for the protection of the fortune of Cālukyas, and whose renowned family (served) for the support of the excellent great country mandala ) called Vengi," for the “very charming excellent temple of Jina (Jinālaya)
113 Ibid., 191, vv. 14-15. 114 lbid. v, 13. 115 Cf. Holtzsch, Malayapundi Grant of Ammerāja II, Ep. Ind. IX. p. 50. 116 Fleet, Kalachumbarru Grant of Amma II, inid. VII, pp. 186,191-92. 117 Ibid., P 191–92, v. 20. L 72-73, 118 Holtzaoh, Maliyapundi Grant of Ammarāja II. Ibid IX, p 50. v. 1.
LL 1-3.

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founded by him, an abode of merit, and marked with the auspicious name of Kaṭakabharaṇa. The temple was superintended by Śrimandiradeva, disciple of Diväkara who belonged to the "pure and worthy Nandi-gachcha of the Yapaniya-Saṁgha.” The grant was the outcome of a request from Kaṭakarāja " for the cost of repairs of breaks and cracks, offerings, worship etc., and of an alms-house (sattra),.... with exemption from all taxes, with libations of water.119 Thus we see, that the Calukyas, of whatever branch or age, were consistently patrons of Jainism, the only exceptions being Taila II and his immediate successors, who acted under stress of political expediency rather than avowed religious bias.
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RASTRAKUTAS120 AND THE KALACURIS :
A PERIOD OF SHARP CONFLICTS
The Age of the Rāṣṭrakūtas (754-974 A. D.) was a period of great activity among the Jainas of the Deccan and the Kannada country. This was immediately followed by a Saiva reaction under Taila II and his immediate successors of the Calukya dynasty, noticed in the last chapter. From Someswara I, as we saw above, there was a revival in the patronage of Jainism by the Calukyas. Under Someswara IV, Cālukya power was temporarily brought to an end by the revolution created by Bijjala of the Kalacuri family. The last named was an enthusiastic supporter of the Jaina faith, but the power established by him did not last for more than two decades after his usurpation (1162-1183 A.D.). The fall of the Kalacuris was the final blow given to Jainism in the Deccan. The struggle had commenced much earlier and we get a lively picture of it in the
131
119 lbid., p. 56 vv. 16-20 and L. 53.
120 The Raṣṭrākūṭas of Malkhed having been a Kannada dynasty has been established by Dr. Altekar in the Rāṣṭrakūṭas and Their Times, pp. 21-25.
121 Smith, Early History of India, p. 395.

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JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE Yaśastilaka-campu written by Somadeva about 959 A.D.149 This religious conflict, in the words of Peterson, " drew towards it the attention and well nigh absorbed the intellectual energies of all thinking men." 123
Amoghavarşa I was by far the greatest royal patron of Jainism in the Rāştrakūța dynasty. But he was by no means alone. His father Govinda III had made a grant to the Jaina teacher Arikirti, desciple of Vijayakirti, for removing the evil influence of Saturn from Vimalāditya of the Cālukya family noticed in the last chapter." His brother Kamba, too, appears to have given a village to the Jaina teacher Vardhamāna.195 And Jinasena's Harivamsa-purāna makes it evident that it was composed under Śrivallabha, father of Govinda III.186 The Harivamsa is one of the earliest Jaina versions of the Mahā. bhārata.17 According to the Kathākośa of the Digambaras, Akalanka was the son of King Subhatunga whose capital was Manyakheta.* This was a title of Krşņa I, and Mänyakheta was the capital of the Rāştrakūtas. But this is a mere tradition and the identity of the persons is by no means easy to establish. However, in the light of our knowledge of the galaxy of great writers who lived about this time, the tradition is not without its value. The Akalanka-carita or the traditional biography of Akalanka states that he was the son of Puruşottama, minister of Subhatunga; and an inscription at Śravana Belgoļa also alludes to Akalanka's challenge to the pandits at the court of Subhatunga. He is supposed to have belonged to the DevaSamgha of Mānyakheta.From all these it becomes clear that Akalanka must have had some intimate connection with the
122 Peterson, Report on San. M88 IV, p. 33, 123 Ibid. 124 Rice, A Rāstrakūta Grant from Mysore, Ind. Ante XII, p. 18. 125 Cf. Ep. Car. II, Introd., p. 47. 126 Peterson, Report on San, MSS IV, pp. 107-77; Rājendralal Mitra,
Notices of San. MSS VI: pp. 74-79, 127 Mainly deals with the Jalta version of the Krsna legend. 128 Peterson, Report on Sun, MSS IV, p. 79. 129 Nāthuram Prami, Vidvadratnamälä I, pp. 23-4, Also E. C II (p. ).

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Rāştrakūta king so persistently named; and it is possible that he lived at the court of Kșşņa I in the eighth century A. D. as suggested by Mr. Hiralal.180
In the opening verses of the Ganitasarasamgraha by Mahāvīrācārya it is stated that it was written under Amoghavarşa I (c. 815 A. D.). It is supposed that the author might have been one of the court poets. 181 The Jayadhavala-tikā, one of the rarest Jaina works, was composed by Virasenācārya at about the same time. Its concluding portion is attributed to Jinasena who also commenced the Adipurāņa under Amoghavarşa I. 189 The author calls himself the Parama-guru or chief preceptor of Amoghavarşa; and the Uttara-purāna, the sequel to the Adi-purāņa, confirms the fact by stating,
यस्य प्रांशुनखांशुजाकविसरदारान्तराविर्भवत्पादांभोजरजापिशंग मुकुटप्रत्यग्ररत्नयुतिः। संस्मर्ता स्वममोघवर्षनृपतिः पूतोऽहमवेत्यलम्
स श्रीमान् जिनसेनपूज्यभगवत्पादो जगन्मंगलम् ॥ Amoghavarşa prostrated himself before Jinasena and thought himself purified thereby. 18 In his Pārsvābhyudaya Jinasena blesses his royal pupil and wishes that he might reign long.184 But more interesting than anything else is the composition of the Ratnamālikā.or more fully Praśnottara-Ratnamālikā attributed to Amoghavarşa's own authorship.185 It is the 'gem-chaplet of questions and answers'.on Jaina ethics; and Guņabhadra, the co-pupil of Amoghavarşa relates :
130 Hiralal, Cat. of M88 ia C. P. and Berar, Introd., pp. xxvi-viil;
Peterson, Report on San. MSS IV, p. 79. Cf. B. O, R. I., XIII, ii.
D. 164 : snd Nyāya-kumadacandra, Introd., p. 105 (Bombay 1988 ). 131 Bhandārkar, Bon, Graz, I ii, pp. 200-201 ; Hiralal, Cat. of MSS, in
C, P. and Borår, Introd, p. XXIV. 139 Ibid., p. XXIII. 133 Nathuram Promi, Vidvadratnamála I, p. 79; Bhandarkar, .Bom, Gas,
I ii, p. 407; Pathak, JBBRAS XVIII, p. 224. 134 Bhandarkar, Early Hoitory of tho Dekkan, p. 88 n 3. 186 Ibid., p. 69: Bom. Gas I i, pp. 200-201.
cf. Altekar, op. cit., p. 89.

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JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE fantasia T THOSHTI
रचितामोघवर्षण सुधियां सदलंकृतिः॥ It means, the wise Amoghavarșa in his wisdom composed this Ratnamālika having renounced his kingdom ; 186 and Dr. Bhandārkar observes that this event is easily believable as, otherwise, the dates of the Saundatti inscription of Krsnarāja II ( Saka 797) and the Kanheri Inscription of Amoghavarşa I (Saka 799) become irreconcilable. The latter grant must have been made about two years after Amoghavarşa's abdication. He adds, “Of all the Rästrakūtas, Amoghavarsa was the greatest patron of Jainism; and that he himself adopted the Jaina faith seems true." 137 Dr. Altekar, however has since shown how Amoghavarşa did not altogether renounce Hinduism.187 a.
Under these circumstances, it seems surprising that the son and immediate successor of Amoghavarşa should have been an ardent devotee of the Saiva faith. 138 But it is not altogether strange, in India, where, for the most part, people have enjoyed the plenitude of religious freedom. The Kailāsa temple at Ellora is a monument to Saiva zeal no less than the bold conceptions of the Hindu architect. Yet its breadth of outlook and atmosphere of toleration is visible both in the sculptures on its walls and in the existence, side by side, of Buddhist, Brāhmanical and Jaina caves and shrines in wonderful proximity. Still, in the fierce glow of the contemporary struggle between Jainism and Brāhmanism, Kșşņa's enthusiasm for the Saivas must have been looked upon with suspicion by the Jainas. Hence, we find that Guņabhadra completed his Uttarapurāņa, the sequel to the Adipurāņa of Jinasena, not at the Rāshrakūta capital, where it had been commenced under Amoghavarşa 'I, but at Bankāpura the head quaters of
136 Nathuram Promi, Vidvadratnamālā I. p. 80; of. Bhandarkar, Report
on San MSS. 1883-84, Notes p. 121, ii, 1, 18. 137 Bom, Gaz I 88, p. 2 1. 137a Alteker, op cit., p. 88. .. 138 Bbandărkar, The Räshrakūta King Krisboarāja and Elapura Ind, Ant
XII, p 229; Early History of the Dekkan, p. 64 0 2.

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33 Lokāditya, a Jaina feudatory of Krşņa II. It is said of Lokāditya that he ruled the province of Vanavāsa (Banavāse, Dhārwār District) “and encouraged the spread of Jainism.189 Like him there were other minor rulers and merchants who patronised the Jainas even when their over-lord Krşņa II was known for his Saiva learnings. Pșthvirāma's grant to the Jaina temple at Saundatti in the year of Krşņa II's accession to the throne ( Saka 797 ),140 and an inscription ( of Saka 824) in the Jaina temple at Mulgunda (Dharwār District) make this perfectly certain.141
There was once again a reaction under Kșşņa III of whose patronage of Jainism there are some evidences. He married a Ganga princess, who came from a Jaina family, and her son Indra IV only showed the influence of heredity when he died by the traditional Jaina vow of Sallekhana.1421 This event is recorded in an inscription at Sravana Belgola and appears to have taken place in its sacred atmosphere sanctified by memories of numerous sacrifices.142 Puşpadanta's Mahāpurāņa describes the poet as lying in a garden at Mânyakheta, when he was picked up and honoured by the King Subhatunga and his minister who induced him to live at the palace. His famous Yaśodhara Kāvya and Nāga-Kumāra-Carita appear to have been composed at the request of the King's son Nanna, probably identical with Indra IV. It is also an interesting commentary on the times to note that Puşpadanta was himself a Saiva to begin with, but became a Jaina owing to the influence of a Jaina ascetic. Subhatunga referred to by him is identical with Kțşņa III.148 Similarly, another Jaina writer, Indranandi by name, also appears to have
D
139 Bhandārkar, Report on San, M88. 1883-84, pp. 120-21; Nāthuram
Premi, Vidvadratnamulā I, p. 20. 140 of. Bhandārkar, Early History of the Dekkan, p. 69. JABRAS X,
p. 192. 141 Ibid., p. 19.'. 142 Ep. Car. II, 8. B. 133, cf. Ibid. Introd. pp. 47-8. 142a Altekar, op. cit. Introd. pp. 47-8. 148 Hiralál, Cat. of M88. in C. P. and Borar, Introd. pp. xlliiork. JRC-2528-5

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34 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE composed his svālāmālini-stotra at Mānyakheta when Krşņa III was ruling, in Saka 861. But more interesting than anything else composed by the Jainas, under Kțşņa III, is the Yaśastilakacampu written by Somadeva already referred to. Once again, in the words of Peterson, “It represents a lively picture of India at a time when the Buddhist, Jaina and Brāhmanical religions were still engaged in a contest that drew towards it the attention and well nigh absorbed the intellectual energies of all thinking men." 144 After Krşņa came Indra IV whose death by Sallekhana has already been referred to. The inscription recording this also alludes to Indra's skill in playing polo.145 It was in all respects an age rich in culture and the contributions of Jainism to it will be more fully dealt with later.
The last of the Rāşțrakūțas was Kokka II who was overthrown by Taila II of the Calukya family in 973 A. D. We have traced the subsequent history of the Calukyas down to Someswara IV, under whom Bijjaļa established the Kalacũri Interregnum about 1162 A. D. Within twenty years of this the Cālukyas were once again restored to power, but they could not continue enjoying it for long. After 1190 A. D. they sank into the position of petty chiess, most of their possessions passing into the hands of new dynasties, the Yādavas of Devagiri and the Hoysaļas of Dwarasamudra. The brief period during which the Kalacūris occupied the Cālukya throne was marked by the rise of the Virashaiva or Lingayat movement, perhaps the fiercest attack ever delivered on Jainism as well as Brāhmanism.146
The religious condition of the country at this time is noteworthy. In the words of Elliot, “most of the princes (under Someswara IV) seem to have been votaries of Śiva......But
144 Potoroon, Report on Saú, MSS. IV. p. 33. 145 Ep, Car. II, SB. 133; Cf. ibid. Introd,, pp. 47-8. 146 Smith, The Oxford History of India, pp. 202-3; Early History of
Indis, p. 396,

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at the same time the most perfect toleration seems to have been extended to all other creeds. Both the Jaina and the Buddha faiths were openly professed, the former to a great extent,— a considerable portion of the inscriptions recording grants to temples of that persuasion." He continues, These varieties of faith and this general toleration, are the more remarkable from the spirit of religious hatred and persecution which was soon after aroused.147 According to Fleet, Jainism was a popular sect under Bijjala when Basava established the Lingayat form of Saivism.148 And alone among the patrons of Jainism in South India, the Kalacuri grants have a sitting Tirthankara with his usual attendants, etc.149 But, in keeping with the tradition of most Indian rulers, and consistently with the principles of his own Jaina religion, Bijjala appears to have favoured the Vira-Śaivas, at whose hands he was soon to meet with a violent death. In a contest between the Lingayats and Jainas at Ablur (near Dharwar), in the year Saka 1089, Bijjala gave a decision in favour of the former and even rewarded their leader Ekāntada Ramayya." 150 Bijjala's successor, Someswara, similarly made a grant to a Brāhmaṇa temple at Belgaum.151
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152
""
The traditional account of the life of Basava, the founder of Vira-Saivism or Lingāyatism is given in Bhima-Kavi's BasavaPurāna. Having heard from Nārada that Śaivism was on a decline on the earth, Šiva resolved upon sending Nandi his vehicle to the mortals to reform and reclaim them to the true religion they had forsaken. Nandi incarnated himself as
147 Elliot, Hindu Inscription. J. R. A. S. IV (1836), pp. 18-19. 148 Fleet, Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts. p. 60
149 Elliot, Hindu Inscriptions J. R. A. S. IV, p. 12. 150 Ibid, p, 17, Krishnaswamy Aiyangar, Contribution, p. 253. 151 Cf. Bhandarkar, Early History of the Dekkan, p. 95.
152 An English rendering of the Basava Purana is published by Rev. G. Würth, J. B. Br. B. A. S. Vol. VIII. pp. 65-98 and of the Canna Basava Purāna at pp. 98-222 of the same Volume,

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Basava, born of Madirāja and his wife Madalambikå at Ingaleswara Bagewadi ( now in Bijapur district ). Śiva himself had initiated him when he was in his mother's womb. Though born in a Brāhmin family Basava refused to be invested with a sacred thread, on the ground that he had already been intitiated into the Vira-Saiva dikṣā. He then left his home with his sister Nāgalāmbikā and was looked after by Saiva devotees of the place. Baladeva, Basava's maternal uncle and treasurer ( Bhandari ) at the Court of Bijja!a in Kalyāņa, who had come for the ceremony, was struck by the singular wisdom and piety of Basava and gave him his daughter Gangādevi in marriage.159 After this Basava went to Kappaļi Sangameswara where, as he was devoutly praying, Sangameswara revealed himself to him and said, "We have heard of thy devotion. Persevere in the steady observance of the true religion, consider those that wear the symbol of Śiva as Śiva incarnate.. Though they abuse and beat thee, prostrate thyself before them. Treat as friends even thy enemies, if they are Vira-śaivas. Punish them who abuse the followers of Siva.. Thou shalt not desire another man's wife, nor his property. The organs of sense shall not obey the lusts of the heart. Know that the Jangama is I. ” 164
Sometime after, Baladeva died and Bijjaļa, was advised that Basava would be a worthy successor, appointed him in Baladeva's place. When he was in Bijjala's Court, a scroll is said to have fallen from the sky, which no one in Bijjaļa's Court was able to decipher. Basava deciphered it and said that it contained a message that a large treasure would be found underneath Bijjaļa's throne. The treasure was accordingly found, and thereon Bijjaļa bestowed great honours on Basava.155
While in office Basava greatly honoured the Jangamas who came to Kalyāņa in great numbers. Bijja!a received informa
153 Basava Purāna, Sandhis 1-3; Würth, Basava Purana op.cit, pp. 66.67 154 Basava Purana Sandhi 4 Verges 61-67, Worth, op. cit. p. 68. 155 Basava Purāna Sandhi 5-; Würth, op. cit. p. 60.

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tion that Basava was wasting the Royal treasury to feed the Jangamas and he scolded Basava. But after a while they were reconciled to each other. 156 The Viraśaiva faith steadily gained ground and the Brāhmin and Jaina faiths suffered. Meanwbile. an incident happened which ultimately led to Bijjala's death. Madhuvayya a Brāhmin convert to Virasaivism gave his daughter in marriage to the son of Hollayya who was an untouchable by birth. Bijja!a was furious and he had the eyes of both pulled out. One Jagadeva killed the king at the instance of Basava who in the meanwhile had gone to Sangameswara where, with a large number of Saivas he was absorbed in Sangamanāth. 157 The Basava Purāņa says:
"As the whirlwind arises from the earth and is lost in it. “As the fourth is produced in the churned milk and sub
sides in to it, "As the forked lightening has its origin on the sky and
retires into it; "So Basava rose out of the guru, grew by his assistance
"And at last was united to him in everlasting rest.” The mantle of leadership then descended upon Canna Basava; but the capital (Kalyāņi) having become too hot for the Lingayats, they had to “pursue their religion out of the reach of the Royal arms." 158
Dr. Krishnaswami Aiyangar has observed that early epigraphical evidence lends support to another origin of Virasaivism (i.e. Lingāyatism ), viz., under a Brāhmaṇa named Ekảntada Ramayya.169 In fact, the Āblür inscription is the only lithic reference we have with regard to the leader of the Lingāyat move
156 Würth, Basava Purana, pp. 77-78. 157 Basava Purāsa 6let Sandhi; Würth Basara Purana op. cit., pp. 96-97. 158 Krishnaswami Aiyangar. Contributions pp. 248-49. 160 [bid, pp. 254-257.

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ment; and the Brahmeswara temple at Āblür is said to contain sculptures representing Ramayya in the act of performing a miracle." It is possible,” says Dr. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, " that Rāmayya preceded the two Basayas hy a short period as Bijjaļa is referred to in the record, not as a ruler, but only as a governor or Mahāmandaleswara.” 160 The Canna Basava Purana gives an account of the miracles performed by this Ekāntada Ramayya.
It is not necessary to trace the course of the Vira-Saiva movement here in detail. It is evident that in the period under review the rise of Vira-Saivism was largely responsible for the decline of Jainism. By it the trading and agricultural classes who were the backbone of Jainism were converted to ViraŚaivism, and Jaina idols were replaced by Saiva ones. 161 The best days of the Jainas in the Deccan were over. 162 It only remains for us to trace the last phase of Jainism under the Hoysaļas and the languishing sequel of its long history. Even the South was not immune from the iconoclastic zeal of the Moslems who followed in the wake of the Yādavas of Devagiri. There is in the fort of Doulatābād a mosque built by Aurangzeb out of the ruins of what appears to have been originally a Jaina temple. The images of Tirthankaras carelessly built into the sides of neighbouring walls bear out this supposition. Since the Kalacūris were the last dynasty in the Deccan of whose patronage of Jainism we have any evidence, it is natural to conclude that these vestiges are a survival of their age.
160 Bbāndārkar, Bom. Goz. I ii, p. 483 n 1. 161 Krishnaswami Aiyangar; Contributions, p. 256. 162 Bhändārkar, Early History of the Dekkan, p. 96. 163 Cf. Ramaswamy. Aiyangar, Studies in South Indian Jainism, 1, p. 118.

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JAINISM UNDER THE HOYSALA VIJAYANAGAR AND MYSORE RULERS
Hemmed in on all sides by the rising tide of re-awakned Hinduism, Jainism sought its last refuge in the cradle of its childhood, viz., Mysore. Hear for a time it found the patronage of the Hoysalas, but only for a time. The entry of Rāmānuja, as an axile from the Saiva domination in the Coļa kingdom, brought in its wake the conversion of Bițțideya to Vaişņavism. Tbenceforward the most famous of the Hoysaļa family, Bittideva came to be known as Vişnuvardhana or “the promoter of the Vaişņava doctrine.” The story of his conversion from Jainism is a very fascinating one. But we must start with his predecessors in order to have a connected view of Jainism under the patronage of the Hoysaļas.
The Hoysaļas were an indigenous family of rulers in Mysore. They rose to power and prominence by taking advantage of the political rivalry between their Southern and Northern neighbours, viz., the Coļas and the Cālukyas.166 The traditional account of their ascendancy is to be found in an inscription at Śravaņa Belgoļa. 166 It is significant to note that Vinayāditya, the first historical ruler of this dynasty, had for his preceptor the Jaina teacher Såntideva. 167 Epigraphic evidence points to Vinayaditya's construction of many tanks, temples, and villages.168 He appears to have been a feudatory under Vikramaditya VI of the Cālukya dynasty. His son and successor Ereyanga is described as “the right arm of the Cālukyas; "
165 Cf. Krishnaswāmi Aiyangar Ancient India, pp. 80, 266. The extonsion
of Cola dominion over Mysore is still testified to by Coļana-halli'
or 'the village of Chola 'near Sravana Belgola. 166 Ep. Car, II, SB 13: Road Saletore, Med. Jainism, pp. 62-73. 167 Fleet, Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 65; Ep. Car. 11
Introd, p. 49 188 Ibid, NB 143,

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40
JAINISM AND KARNTAKA CULTURE “Yama incarnate;" and "destroyer of the city of Dhārā belonging to the Mālava King." The epigraphs which speak of him thus also tell us of his having put to flight the fierce Choļa army and ruined Kaļinga.169 When due allowance is made for all exaggerations, these inscriptions truly indicate the dynamic power of the Hoysaļas at this time; and their power meant also power of the Jaina religion patronised by them.
Bițțideva was the son of Ereyanga. He came to the throne about 1109 A. D. His exploits, power, and influence are indicated by several inscriptions at Belgoļa.170 But the outstanding event of his reign was his conversion by Rāmānuja. At the time of this apostle's visit, the actual ruler of Mysore appears to have been Bițțideva's brother who is spoken of as a worshipper of Isa.' It does not seem likely that it is a reference to Śiva; for Isa' is a common suffix to Jaina names like Jineśa, Säntisa etc. and simply means Lord. Bittideva was himself an ardent follower of the Jaina creed. Buchanan states that, like his ancestors Ballaļa Rāya (Vişnuvardhana) was a worshipper of Jina, and adds that at his capital were seven hundred temples dedicated to that God.171 The story of Bițțideva's conversion is not unlike others of its kind. As in the case of Sambandar's conversion of Sundara Pandya, Rāmānuja is here supposed to have worked a miracle. Bițțideva's daughter was possessed with the devil. His Jaina Ācāryas and Pandits were unable to do anything. Rāmānuja succeeded where his rivals had failed. The result was Bițțideva's change of faith. Jaina tradition however, represents this as the outcome of the machinations of courtesans sent by Rāmānuja.172 After this it is alleged, as usual, that the new convert under the instigation of Rāmānuja persecuted the Jainas who are said to have been ground in oil-mills. Dr. Krishnaswāmi Aiyangar explains this as meaning
169 Ibid., SB, 327, 345 and 349. 170 Ibid., SB. 132, 143, 327, 346, 349 and 384. 171 Buchapap; Travels II ch. vii, p. 80. 179 Vishnuvardhana Caritre, pp. 6-9.

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41
" the oil mills of logic."175 The inscriptions also indicate that Vişnuvardhana could not have persecuted his erstwhile coreligionists. A few facts will easily bear out this observation.
In the first place, the coversion of Bittdeva did not lead to the conversion of his queen even. śāntaļadevi continued to make grants to the Jainas with the royal permission, even after this event. 171 Secondly, Gangarāja, his minister and general, considered as one of the three pre-eminent promoters of Jainism in the South, continued to enjoy the favour of Vişnuvardhana. He endowed and repaired Jaina temples and protected priests and images. He built an enclosure round the colossus on Indra-Bețța, which probably needed such protection from the attacks of sectarian fanatics. Says an inscription at Belûr, “Whatever else might be said, the myriads of ruined Jaina temples restored and built again, and the many ways in which his unbounded gifts were made, caused the Gangavādi 96,000 to shine like Kopaņa through Ganganātha.176 And more than anything else, seven years after Rāmanuja had left Mysore (i.e. in 1125 A.D.) Vişnuvardhana himself made a grant to the noted Jaina controversialist Śri-Bāla Tärkikacakravarti.176 Similarly, when Gangarāja died, and his son erected to his memory the Drohagharațța Jinālaya at Halébid, Vişnuvardhana signified his respect towards it saying, "By the merit of the consecration of this God (Pārsvanātha ) I have obtained both a victory and the brith of a son, and have been filled with joy.” Thereupon he give to the God the name of Vijaya-Pārsva and to his son Vijaya-Narasimha-Deva. The former showed his deference to Jainism and the latter his adherence to the new creed of Vaişņvism.'77
173 Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Ancient India, pp. 207-08 ; cf. Buchanan
Travels, II ch. vii, pp. 80-81. 174 Ep. Car II, SB 73 and 75. 175 Ibid., V, Belür 124; IV Ng. 32; II SB 940; cf. ibid. Introd, p. 59, 16 Of. Krishnaswami Aiyangår, Ancient India, p. 939, 177 Ep. Car. V, Belur 124, JK02528-8

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This was certainly an age of great toleration, at any rate among the enlightened people. The example of Vişnuvardhana was followed by many others. His queen Santaladevi, while still adhering to her laina faith, granted to 220 Brāhmaṇas a village near Hassan which she had received from her hasband. 178 The great Saiva temple at Halébid, built by Kêtamalla, a rich Saiva merchant, was dedicated to the tolerent king and called after him, — Vişnuvardhana Hoysalêśwara Temple, whicb, literally translated would mean: “The Siva temple of the Hoysaļa promoter of Vaişņvism." 178 This is enough testimony to the spirit of the age, Vişnuvardhana, likewise, appears to have made a grant to Mārbala Tirtha, which Dr. Krishnaswami Aiyangar thinks is "apparently a Saiva shrine on the Chāmunda hill.” 180
The tradition was carried on by his successors as well. Narasimha I made a grant to the Bhavya-Cūņāmaņi Basti at Belgo!a.181 His minister Hulla ( who has been bracketed with Canndarāya and Gangarāja as the greatest promoter of Jainism) erected an epitaph to the Jaina Acarya Devakīrti, besides building several bastis.182 The Bhandāri Basti at Belgo!a, in which I met a nude Digambara sådhu by name Vţşabhasena in 1927, is attributed to Narasimha's treasurer. Under Vira Ballāļa II, grandson of Vişnuvardhana, the kingdom was organised "upon a footing of peace and prosperity;" and the king assumed for the first time the titles of independent royalty. In 1176 A.D. a Jaina temple was built by a Jaina merchant who called it Vira Ballala Jinālaya, in honour of the king, and Vira Ballala granted it a village.188 About twenty years later, in 1195 A.D., Nāgadeva, minister and Pattaņa-swāmi of Balļāla
178 Cf. Ibid, II Introd., p. 7. 179 of. Krisboaswāmi Aiyangār, Ancient India, p. 238. 180 Ibid., p. 239. 181 Ep. Car. II, S. B. 348, 349; cf. Ibid. Introd., p. 26. 183 Ibid., 8. B. 63. 64 and 345 ; cf. Ibid. Introdi, pp. 46, 78, 188 Mysore Arohaeological Report. 1923, pp 89-40.

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II, built the Nagara Jinālaya as a disciple of Nayakirti. Ballāla, the king, made a grant to this temple, built at his own capital, Dwārasamudra," for feeding Jaina ascetics and carrying on the eight-fold worship of the temple.” dis son, the prince (Narasimha II), the inscription states, “was very much pleased to see the eight-fold worship and the free distribution of gifts to the ascetics."186 Narasimha III is said to have had for his guru a Jaina teacher named Rājā-guru or the Royal Chaplain.185 The last instance of a Hoysaļa grant to the Jainas that we yet know is that of Pratāp-cakravarti Viramanmathadeva ( 1257-71 A.D.) in the Canna Pārśva Basadi at Kogali in the Bellary District. 188 Thus, to the end of their days the Hoysaļa kings, whatever their religion, continued to patronise the Jainas.
The same tradition of toleration continued under the rulers of Vijayanagara as well. “The national movement ( against Muhammedan inroads) which gave rise to Vijayanagara," observes Dr. Krishnaswāmi Aiyangar," was comprehensive and embraced a defence of all that was Hindu against Mussalman - including Jainism which received protection and patronage. The sovereigns of this family, although each one had his own persuasion, adopted religious compromise as their civil policy.” 187 An inscription at Bellary records the consecration of an image of śāntinātha -Jinêswara, under Harihara I, by some Jaina merchants, and on the pedestal of this image is found the name of Maghanandi, disciple of Amarakirti Ācārya, of Kundakundanvaya, Saraswati-gachcha, and Balatkāra-gaña of Mūlasamgha.188 But the most interesting of all the Vijayanagara inscriptions
184 Ibid.. 1926, pp 50-2, 185 Of. Srikantayya, Hoysala Empire, Jour. of the Myth. Soc. VII, p. 098. 186 Rangāobārya, Inscriptions of the Madras presidency 1, By 192. 187 Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Contributions pp. 298-99. 188 Rangłohárya, Insoriptions of the Madras Presidency 1, by 488.

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alluding to the Jainas is that of Bukka I, dated about 1368 A.D. It reads:
“During the time of Sri Vīra Bukkarāya, dispute having arisen between the Jainas and the Bhaktas (Vaişņavas ), the blessed people (the Jainas) of all the nādus.... having made petition to Bukkarāya...... about the injustice done by the Bhaktas,-the King, taking the hand of the Jainas and placing it in the hand of the Sri Vaisnavas of the eighteen nādus, including ācāryas of the places......and declaring (at the same time) that there was no difference between the Vaişņava-darśana ( or faith) and the Jainadarśana, (decreed as follows:-) 'This Jaina-darśana is as before entitled to the five great musical instruments and the kalasa (or vase). If loss or abvancement should be caused to the Jaina-darśana through the Bhaktas, the Vaisnavas will kindly deem it as loss or advancement to their (own darśana).188 The Śri Vaişnavas will kindly to this effect set up a śāsana in all the bastis of the kingdom. For as long as the sun and moon endure, the Vaisnavas will continue to protect the Jaina-darśana. The Vaisnavas and
Jainas are one (body): they must not be viewed as different". 190 The details given of the administration of this unique edict seem to show that Bukka was even partial to the Bhavyas, as the Jainas were called, and threw the burden of their protection upon his own co-religionists, the Bhaktas or Sri Vaişnavas.'»I Later on, this attitude of protection towards the Jainas would seem to have advanced the Jainas even a step further. For, according to another inscription at Srvaņa Beļgoļa, Bima-devi the queen of Devarāya I of Vijayanagara, appears to have been a disciple of the Jaina teacher Abhinava-Cārukirti-Panditācārya, and she set up an image of Sāntinātha in the Mangayi Basti at
189 Cf. Girnår Rock Edict XII (H) of Asoka, po 18 8. 20 above. 190 Ep. Car. II, 8B 344, Traps. pp. 146-47. 191 Of. Heras, The Aravidu Dynasty of Vijayanagar I, p. 589;
Longhurst, Humpi Ruins Discribed and Illustrated. pp. 25-6

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Belgola.1" Likewise, Irugapa, the trusted general of Harihara II being a staunch Jaina, erected and endowed Jaina temples even at the royal capital. An inscription on tie lamp-pillar of the Gāņagitti temple (Oil-woman's Temple) lat Hampi (suburb of Vijayanagara), beginning with an invocation to Jina and Jinaśāsana, states that Irugapa (son of Harihara's dandanāyaka Caica or Caica pa ) who adhered to the doctrine of the Jaina teacher Simhanandi built the stone temple of Kunthu-Jinanātha at Vijayanagara. It is also stated that this Irugapa or Irugadandésa or daņdanātha (General) composed the Jaina lexicon Nänārtha-ratnamālā.143 Another inscription at Conjeevaram speaks of Irugapa, son of Dandanāyaka Vaicaya (Baicapa or Caica pa ? ), as liaving made a grant to a Jaina temple " for the benefit of Bukkarāya (II) son of Harihara (II)."197 His sons too seem to have carried on the same policy of promoting the Jaina cause. 195
Of Bukkarāya (II) himself, there is another inscription in the Gurugaļa Basti at Mudbidre ( in South Kanara District ) which records his grant to that Jaina temple.196 Under Devaraya II, perhaps the greatest ruler of the Sangama dynasty of Vijayanagara, similar grants were made to the Jaina temples in the same district. One of them alludes to one kolaga of paddy, given to a Jaina temple at Basrür, on every bullock-load coming into the town ; 187 and another under the same ruler speaks of a gift to Abhinava Cīrukīrti Panditācārya for the construction of the Tribhuvana Cūļāmaņi Caityālaya ( on 29th January 1430 A. D.) when Devarāja Wodêya of Nāgamangala was ruling over Mangaļūra-rājya.'98 The Vijayanagara inscription of Devaraya
192 Ep. Car. II, SB 337. 193 Hultzsch, S.J.I. I, pp. 156 ff. 194 Ep. Ind. VII, pp. 115-16. 195 Ibid. VIII, p. 22; cf. Heras, Aravidu Dynasty of Vijayanagar I p. 539. 196 Rapgāchārya, Inscriptions of the Madras Presidency II, SK 116. 197 Ibid., BR 27. 198 Mangesha Rao, Murlabidaréya Hosa Basadiya S'Hta-acisanagalu,
Twelth Karnātaka gähitya Sammelan Roport, 1997, p. 15%

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II, makes it clear beyond doubt that this prince, although he is described as the tree of heaven to the Brāhmaṇas "199 because of his liberality to them, undoubtedly patronised the Jainas as well. It says, "in order that his fame and merit might last as long as the moon and the stars, caused a temple (caityälaya) of stone to be built to the Arhat Pārsvanātha, who rules over the empire of all knowledge, and who well knew how to proclaim the doctrine of Syādvādavidyā, in a street of the Pān-supāri Bazār (Kramukaparnāpana) at his (the king's ) residence in Vijayanagara, that was situated in the midst of (the country called ) Kamāța-deśa, which was protected by his orders. "200
Under Virūpākṣa, son of Devarāya II, 201 eight Settigārs or merchants, made a grant to the Jaina temple at Bidire for the daily worship, anointment, etc., of Candroga Pārsva Tirthankara Candraprabhāswāmi and for the gift of Šāstras, under the direction of Carukirti Pandita Deva, when Vittarasa was ruling over Bärkūra-rajya.204 Kșşnadevarāya ( 1509–1529 A.D.) by far the greatest of all the rulers of Vijayanagara, well known for his Brāhmanical charities, also endowed the Trailokyanātba Jinalaya in the Cingleput District. 20s And lastly, that even lesser members of the Vijayanagara ruling families followed the example of the rulers is indicated by an inscription in the Bellary District which mentions Rāmarājayya's grant to a Jaina temple at Kurugodu for the merit of his father Mallarāja Wodeya. Hence, it is natural to conclude that under the rulers of Vijayanagara, as well, Jainism continued to be a protected religion, although its best days were past when Vişnuvardhana Hoysaļa became a convert to the creed of Rāmānuja.
199 Hultzsch, S.I.I., I. p. 166. 200 Ibid., p. 164. 201 See Suryanārain Row, Vijayanagar, ch. XVI, pp.331-43. 202 Mangesha Row, op. cit. p. 157. 203 Rangáchārya, Inscriptions of the Madras Presidency I, p. 375;
Madras Ep. Rep., 1901, 188. 204 Bangācharya, op. cit. I, By 113; Madras Ep. Rep., 1904, 63.

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III
A like attitude towards the Jainas has been maintained by the present ruling family of Mysore as y ell. We shall, therefore, conclude this chapter with a few exaínples of their attention towards them. Two inscriptions at Sravana Belgoļa speak of Cămarāja Wodeyar's services to the Jainas: therein it is stated that he released Sravaņa Belgo!a from its mortgage to some Jaina merchants and also prohibited the further alienation of its lands. This was certainly a great service to a waning religion, as Jainism was at this time. Lingāyatism had spread far and wide, and a local chief, Jagadeva by name, evidently a Lingayat, had driven out Cárukirti Panditācārya from Belgoļa ; but Cámarāja graciously restored him to his original position and dispossessed Jagadeva of his principality. Thus Câmarāja justified one of his titles proudly borne by him, viz., that he was "Emperor of the Six Dharmas,” just as the Cālukyas had done in order to justify their title of Satyāśraya.
The next instance we know of is that of Cikkadevaraya and Krşņadevarāya I. They seem to have undertaken and completed, respectively, the reconstruction of the pond of Kalyāni— the Dhayaļa Sarovara of Belgoļa - which had given its name for all time to the first colony of Jainas in Karnāțaka. It stands today as it stood at the time of Krşņadevarāya ( photograph on the opposite page ). Under Cikkadevarāya the whole of Mysore excepting the Malnād portions, had been brought under the sway of the Wodeyars: An abortive attempt was made by the Nāyakas of Ikkéri and Bednýr to restore the dominion of Vijayanagara, only to end in failure. But what is of greater interest to us is that in the consolidation of his kingdom Cikkadevarāya seems to have been greatly assisted by his Jaina teacher Vişālākşa Pandita of Yalandūr.208 Cikkaņņa Pandita, a Jaina writer, composed his Vaidya-Nigantusāra or lexicon on
205 Ep. Car. II, SB 250, 852; cf. Ibid. Introd., p. 65. 206 Krishnaswami Aiyangār, Ancient India, pp. 84, 296-97,

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JAINISM AND KARNĀTAKA CULTURE medicine under the same ruler.207 Krşņadevarāya himself visited Belgola and is said to have been so much impressed with the beauty of the colossus there that he granted many villages for its upkeep and erected an alms-house near the pond Kalyāņi, in memory of his visit. 708 Devacandra, another Jaina writer, composed his Rājāvali-kathê (of which Mr. E. P. Rice writes, “ It has been of great assistance as a guide to the history of Jaina literature ") under the inspiration of a princess of this royal family, about 1838 A.D;109 and the present ruler of Mysore only acted up to these traditions when he lately attended the anointing ceremony of the colossus of Gommața erected by Cāundarāya, the minister and general of Mārasimha and Rācamalla Ganga.
JAINISM UNDER MINOR RULERS Among the minor rulers of the Western districts of Karnataka there were many patrons of Jainism like the Silāhāras of Kolhāpur and the Rațțas of Saundatti (near Belgaum ). Somadeva, who lived at the court of Bhoja II of the Silāhära dynasty, says that he composed his sabdārņava-candrikā (lit. moon-light to the ocean of words ), in Saka 1127, in the Tribhuvana-Tilaka-Jinālaya built by Gandarāditya. 910 The colophon of the work reads :
स्वस्ति श्री कोल्लापुरवा जुरिकामहास्थाने युधिष्ठिरावतार महामंडलेश्वर गंडरादित्येव निर्मापित त्रिभुवनतिलक जिनालये श्रीमत् परमेष्टि श्रीनेमिनाथ
श्रीपादपवाराधित बलेन वादीभवज्रांकुश श्रीविशाल कीर्तिदेव वैतस्यतः etc. . It is clear, therefore, that Gandarāditya as well as Bhoja or Vira Bhojadeva II were both patrons of Jainism. Vijayāditya of the same family also appears to have made a grant to a Jaina temple in Sam. 1065 or 1143 A. D. 21
207 Mysore Archaeological Report, 1921, p. 33. 208 Ep. Car. II, SB 249; Of Ibid. Introp., p. 66. 209 Rice (E.P.), Kanarese Literature, p. 93. 210 Rom. Gaz. I ii, p. 549; cf. Ibid., p. 255. 211 Cf. Hirālāl, Catalogue of MSS. in C. P. and Berar, Introd., p. xxxii. 213 Cf. Ep. Ind. III, pp. 207-9, 11.

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Of the Ratta kings we have more elaborate references. They were feudatories of the Rāştrakūțas of Mānyakhêta, whose patronage of Jainism we have already miticed. Hultzsch has pointed out that "Rațța was the real and practical form and Rāşțrakūța was the ornamental or stately form, of the familyname." #16 These Rațțas ( 1050-96 A. D.) appear to have come to power through the influence of a Jaina named Pșthvīrāma, a disciple in the Kārêya sect of the Jainas founded by Mailapatirtha ; an inscription at Kalbhāvi speaks of this Kāréya sect in the lineage of Maila pa 915. There are also some temples at Koạūr, which have now been converted to Saiva use, but which popular tradition represents as built by Jaina saints as a place in which to perform their penances. “Any visitor to Końūr who wishes to see them,” says Fleet, "should still ask for the 'small stone houses of the Jaina rșis which are in the jungle.' They were probably originally Jaina shrines. Konūr seems in fact to have been in old times a place of importance among the Jainas, and the post of the hereditary head-man of the village is still held by a Jaina family, in conjunction with a Lingāyat family.” 116
One of the titles of the Ratta king Candraprabhā was "who is the cause of the diffusion of the sacred writings of Jina " .117 Krsnarājadeva "the glory of the race of Râştrakūtas" also made a grant to a Jaina temple. 38 It concludes with the words "he who confiscates land that has been given, whether by himself or by another is born for 60,000 years as a worm in ordure. May prosperity ever attend him who, joyfully reading this, preserves it, and joy, pleasure, perfect happiness, health and fortune; but if any one reads it with the evil resolve of destroying it, may he go to the awful abode of misery for as long as the
214 Hulzsch, Ibid. VII, pp. 217, 219-20. 215 Ind. Ant. XVIII, p. 313; cf. Bom. Gez. I ii, p. 550. 216 Fleet, Ratta Inscriptions, JBBRAS X, p. 182. 917 Ibid., p. 192. 218 Ibid., pp. 199-200. JKC—2528 7

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sun and moon may last. Those who destroy this (Grant) (sin as much) as those who destroy cats or Brāhmaṇas or bulls or cows at the conjunction of the Gangăsăgara and the Yamuna, or at the sacred shrines of Varanasi or Gaye. The Jinālaya of the brave Pêrmādi '.118
Another Rațța inscription reads: "Other Kings are addicted to the forbidden recreations of gaming, hunting, eating flesh, associating with courtesans,....mixing with low people, stealing and unfair ram-fighting and cock-fighting; but even apart from that are they like you, O King Rājā! devoted to the worship of Jina and to giving gifts to world-renowned saints ? " Then it states: 'King Rājā....whose head is ever purified by the fragrant waters of the rites of the Jaina religion, who ever relates the legends of religion, a very moon to the ocean of nectar of the doctrines of Jina,-caused to be erected at Kalpole, a temple of Jina, wonderful to behold, the diadem of the earth, having three pinnacles that are unequalled so that Brahma, Vişņu and Siva were charmed with it and said “The Jaina religion is a spotless religion.” He also erected a place of retreat for the high-minded devotees of the god śāntinātha (Jina ) adorned with golden pinnacles and arched portals, fashioned like a sea-monster, and pillars of honour, and give it to Subhacandra-Bhattāraka-deva, who was considered his own preceptor'. 120
The spiritual lineage of Subhacandra is traced from the celebrated original sect of Kundakunda, which is the abode of victory. In it there became famous Maladhāri, the best of sages, the conqueror of passion, the glory of the race of spiritual preceptors, of pure deeds, endowed with good qualities, free from sloth, having kings prostrate before the lotuses which are his feet. His nails were as an amulet to counter-act the deadly venom of the poisonous serpent lust, the letters of his name were as a charm to drive away the fierce demon ignorance, the scarf
219 Ibid., p. 203. 220 Ibid., p. 235,

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of his body was as a medicine to ward off sickness from his family; how shall we describe the might of the superhuman powers and the penances of Maladhāri dera, the best of sages ! 221
Similarly, Kārtiviryadêva of the same Rațța family made a grant to Subhacandra who is also described as the high-priest of the Province. The purpose of the grant was to provide food, wholesome medicine and instruction in the sacred scriptures for the holy men living there, as well as for repairs, etc. The inscription is in Old Kannada, and state that it was composed by Pārsva 'from whom flowed forth charming words and meanings and rhetorical figures, causing hairs to stand up with joy to learned men with delightful sentiments'. This epigraph is interesting also for many other details it gives. For instance, it is mentioned that the grant was made in the presence of twelve headmen of villages, the chief of whom was Sindagāvunda of the Kaladgi party of that place, with oblations of water, as a grant to be respected by all ; it also speaks of guilds, markets, flower gardens, etc. Finally, it closes, “The dust of the earth may be counted, and the drops of rain; but the reward of preserving an act of piety cannot be estimated even by the Creator. Reverence to the Arhat !” 131
Further South, along the West Coast, in South Kanara and the adjacent districts, we have interesting testimony of the influence of Jainism over a number of petty rājās and chieftains. Some of the inscriptions within this area have already been referred to under the Viyayanagara rulers. There are several others, for instance, in the Hosa Basti at Muļbidre, which throw a flood of light upon the last phase of Jaina power in Karnāțaka. After the conversion of Vişnuvardhana in Mysore by Ramanuja, the centre of Jaina influence was virtually shifted to Muļbidrê in South Kanara. There it enjoyed the patronage of rulers like the Wodeyars of Kärkal, the Caaters of Mudbidre, Bangars
221 Ibid., p. 236. 222 Ibid., pp. 227–39; cf. Bom. Gas. I ii, pp. 641.42,
7365

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of Nandavar, Ajalars of Aldangaḍi, Mulars of Bailangaḍi, and Săvantas of Mulki.12
The ancient name of South Kanara was Tuluva, which extended far beyond its present limits. An inscription in the Hosa Basti at Mudbidrê speaks of 'Sriman Mahamandalêśwara Jinadasa Sälvamalla Mahivallabha' as:
“ ತೌಳವದೇಶ ತಿಲಕಾಯಮಾನ ನಗರ ನಗರ ಸಿದ್ಧ ಸಿಂಹಾಸನಾಧಿಪತಿಯಾಗಿ ಸುವರ್ಣಪುರಿಯಿಂದ ಅಲಂಕೃತಮಾದ ಹೈವ ಕೊಂಕಣ ರಾಜ್ಯ ಮಂ ಪ್ರತಿಪಾಲಿ
ಸುತಿರ್ದ೦ '
'Salvamalla (Jinadāsa) who ruled over the kingdom of Tuluva comprising Haiva-Konkana adorned with the city of Suvarnapuri from his throne at Nagira which was as it were its tilaka.'"*"* Nagira or Nagara (?) is in Mysore above the ghats; and Suvarnapuri is easily identified with Honawar (lit. 'the golden city') in North Kanara. Haiva or Haiga was the ancient name for the Southern part of Konkan comprising the two districts of North and South Kanara.225 Gersoppa, Bhatkal and Karkal were the three great centres of Jaina power within this area, and all of them are referred to in the inscriptions, the first being called Bhallatakipura. That the influence of its rulers must have reached as far north as Goa is indicated by an inscription of 1529 A.D. which reads:
ಶಕ ವರ್ಷ ೧೪೫೧ನೆಯ ವಿರೋಧಿ ಸಂವತ್ಸರದ ಶ್ರಾವಣ ಬ. ೧೩ಯು ಆದಿತ್ಯವಾರ........ವಿಜಯನಗರದಲ್ಲಿ ಕೃಷ್ಣರಾಯರು.......ಗುರುರಾಯರು ಸಂಗೀತಪುರವನ್ನು ಆಳುತ್ತಿರುವಲ್ಲಿ........ಗೋವರಾಜ್ಯದ ದಕ್ಷಿಣ ಭಾಗದಲ್ಲಿ ಸಾಷಷ್ಟ ಗ್ರಾಮಕ್ಕೆ ಮುಖ್ಯವಾದ ಅಷ್ಟ ಗ್ರಾಮದೊಳಗೆ.........
In the Saka year 1451 Virodhikṛtu, Śrāvana, bright 13 Sunday....When Kṛṣṇaraya was ruling at Vijayanagara.... when Gururaya was ruling over Sangitapura....in Aṣṭagrāma,
223 Sturrock, South Canara I, p. 55.
224 Of. Mangesh Rao, Mudûbidareya Hosabasadiya S'ila-sʻāsanagaļu, Twelveth Karnataka Sahitya Sammelan Report, 1927, p. 158; Mad. Orient Lib. Local Records XXXII.
225 Sturrock, loc. cit., p. 2..

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the chief town of Sāsaștigrama, in the south of the Kingdom of Goa....26
The Gururāya of this record and the Sálvamalla of the previous one ( quoted above) came of a family of rulers who had their Capital at Gersoppa. The epithets ' ರತ್ನ ತ್ರಯಾರಾಧಕರುಂ' (worshippers of the Ratnatraya: Right faith, Right understanding and Right action), “ ಜಿನ ಧರ್ಮ ಧ್ವಜಸ್ಥಾಪನಾಚಾರ್ಯರುಂ' (Implanters of the fag of Jaina Dharma), and ' ಹಿರಣ್ಯ ಚೈತ್ಯಾಲಯ ಸ್ಥಾಪನಾಚಾರ್ಯರುಂ ರತ್ನ ಸುವರ್ಣರಜತ ಜಿನ ಬಿಂಬ ಪ್ರತಿಷ್ಠಾಪನಾಚಾರ್ಯರುಂ' (Builder of golden temples, consecrators of gold and silver images of Jina ) etc. applied to Sālvamalla indicate his enthusiasm for the Jaina faith. His ancestry is also described as consisting of those who obtained salvation by 'worshipping the feet of the Pancaparaméstins' or the five worshipful ones of the Jainas (ಕೃಮದಿ ರಾಜ್ಯಂಗೈದು ಪಂಚಪರಮೇಷ್ಠಿಗಳ ಚರಣ ಸ್ಮರಣದಿಂ ಪಂಚತ್ವ ಮನ್ನಿದಿ ಸದ್ದ ತಿಪಡೆದರ್')237 Concrete instances of the devotion to Jainism of these rulers are only too numerous.
For instance, Bhairava of the same family, being told by the blessed teacher Virasena, that such an act would tend to his prosperity in the future, got the third storey of the Tribhuvana. Cūdāmani-Basadi at the world famed Vêņupura, roofed with copper-plates. His family-priest is said to have been Panditácârya ( Virasena ?) and his family god Pārsvanātha :
• ಕುಲ ದೈವಂ ಪಾರ್ಶ್ವನಾಥಂ ಕುಲುಗುರುವನಿಪ ಪಂಡಿತಾಚಾರ್ಯವರ್ಯ೦.... ಧರೆಯೊಳಗಂ ಪ್ರಸಿದ್ದಿ ಪಡೆದೊಪ್ಪುವ ವೇಣುಪುರಾಂತರಾಳದೊಳ್.......ಧರ್ಮಮಂ ವಿರಚಿಸಲುತ್ತರೋತ್ತರ ಸಮೃದ್ಧಿಗೆ ಕಾರಣಮಪ್ಪುದೆಂದು ತಾಂ ವರಗುರು ವೀರಸೇನ ಮುನಿ ಹೇಳಲು ಕೇಳೆನು ಭೈರವೇಶ್ವರಂ.......ಎಂದಾ ಮುನಿನಾಥಂ ಭೈರವೇಂದ್ರಗೆ ಹೇಳಿ ಕೇಳು.......ವೇಣುಪುರದ ಭವ್ಯ ಜನಂಗಳಂ ಕರೆಸಿಯೊಡಂಬಡಿಸಿ, ಆ ತ್ರಿಭುವನ ಚೂಡಾಮಣಿ ಬಸದಿಯ ತೃತಿಯ ನಿಲಯಕ್ಕೆ ಚೈತ್ಯಗೇಹಾಗ್ರದೊಳ್ ಕರ ಚಲ್ಪಾಗಿರೆ ತಾಮ್ರದಿಂ ಪೊದರೆಯಂ ಮಾಡಿಸಿದಂ'
226 Mangesh Rao, op. cit., p. 160 ; M . Orient. Lib. Local Records
XXX-XXXI, Bhatkal, 320. 227 Inscription in the Bhairadevi Mana tapa of the Hosa Basti at Mudbidre
Mangesh Rao, op. cit., p. 158.

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JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE He also gave to the temple various kinds of silver plates, vessels, lamp-steads mtc., and his queen Nāgaladêvi, as well, erected the Mānastambha or pillar of honour before the Caityalaya :
1 ರಜತದ ತಾಣ ದೀವಿಗೆಗಳಂ.......ರಜತದ ಪರಿಪರಿಯ ಬಟ್ಟಲಂ ಗಿಂಡಿಯುಮಂ......ಭೈರವೇಶ್ವರನಿತ್ತಂ || > ಆತನ ಪಟ್ಟದರಸಿ ನಾಗಲದೇವಿ ( ಮಾನ
ಸ್ಥಂಬವನೊಲ್ಲು ಮಾಡಿಸಿದರೆ ಶ್ರೀ ಚೈತ್ಯಗೇಹಾಗ್ರದೊಳ್ ? Likewise, his two daughters, Laxmidêvi and Paņditādêvi, provided for the daily food and special gifts of two Jaina ascetics :
( ಜಿನ ಮುನೀಶ್ವರ ಯುಗ್ಯಕ್ಕೆ ನಿಚ್ಚದಾಹಾರ ವಿಶಿಷ್ಟ ದಾನ.......ನಡೆವಂತು ಮಾಡಿದರೆ 1998 Another epigraph in the Hosa Basti states :
ಜಯಾಭ್ಯುದಯ ಶಾಲಿವಾಹನ ಶಕ ವರುಶ ೧೩೮ ನೆಯ ವಿಶು ಸಂವತ್ಸರದ ಪುಕ್ಕ ಶು. ೧ ಬುಧವಾರ ಮೂಲಾ ನಕ್ಷತ್ರದಲ್ಲಿ ಶ್ರೀಮನ್ಮಹಾಮಂಡಲೇಶವ್ವರ ನಗಿರಿಯ ಹಿರಿಯ ಭೈರವದೇವ ಒಡೆಯರು ನಗಿರ ರಾಜ್ಯ ಮಂ ಪ್ರತಿಪಾಲಿಸುತ್ತಿದ್ದಲ್ಲಿ ತಮಗೆ ಸ್ಮಾಧಿ ಬಲೋತ್ಸರವಾದ್ದಲ್ಲಿ ತಮಗೆ ಪರಮಗತಿ ಸಾಧನವಾಗಿ ತನ್ನ ತ್ರಿಕರಣ ಶುದ್ದಿ ಯಿಂದ ಬಿದಿರೆಯ ತ್ರಿಭುವನ ಚೂಡಾಮಣಿಯೆಂಬ ಚೈತ್ಯಾಲಯದ ಶ್ರೀ ಚಂದ್ರನಾಥಸ್ವಾಮಿಗಳ ಪೂರ್ವಾನ ಕಾಲದ ದೇವಪೂಜೆಗೆ ನಡುವಣ ನೆಲೆಯ ೫ ಸುಪಾರ್ಶ್ವ ತೀರ್ಥಂಕರರ ಮಧ್ಯಾನಕಾಲದ ಪೂಜೆಗೆ ಮೇಗಣ ನೆಲೆಯ ಸಂಘ ಸಮುದಾಯದವರ ಮುಂದಿಟ್ಟು ಬರಿಸಿದ ಧರ್ಮಶಾಸನದ ಭಾಷಾಕ್ರಮನಂತೆಂದರೆ: ತಾವು ಅಳುತ್ತಾ ಇರ್ದ ಬಿಲ್ಲೆ ಸೆಯ ನಾಲ್ಕು ಕಡೆಯಿಂದ ಒಳಗಣ ಸಮಸ್ತ ವೃತ್ತಿಗೆ ಕಟ್ಟದ ಗೇಣಿಯಹನೆಯಲ್ಲು ಮುಡಿ ೧ಕ್ಕಂ ಹನೆ ಮೂವತ್ತರ ಲೆಕ್ಕದಲ್ಲು ಬತ್ತ ಮೂಡೆ ೧೦೦೦ ಸಾವಿರ ಮೂಡೆಯನ್ನು ವರ್ಷಂಪ್ರತಿ ನಡೆಸುವಂತಾಗಿ ಹಿರಣ್ಮದಕ ಧಾರಾಪೂರ್ವಕವಾಗಿ ಆಚಂದ್ರಾರ್ಕಸ್ಥಾಯಿಯಾಗಿ ಮಾಡಿದಂಥ ಧರ್ಮ ಶಾಸನಂ.399 This is more than of ordinary interest because of the simple faith it reflects which made Bhairava provide for the fore-noon and after-noon worship of the Jinālaya, that he might be cured of a growing malady and that the good act might be a means to the attainment of the highest (salvation ). It is dated in the Saka year 1374 or 1462 A. D. We have given these excerpts here, because, they are not available anywhere else for ready ಇRS Ibid., p. 166, 929 Ibid., p. 158. Ing: II -

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RUINS.
TO
O
RUINS.
RUINS.
I
JAINA CITY OF GERSOPPA.
AND CHATURMUKHA BASTI. . (Destroyed in 1610 A.D.)
$
SRS.
(Vide page 55 )

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55 reference, except in the report of Mr. Mangesh Rao, who copied them from a very old transcript entitled 'Ņudabidireya Šāsanagaļu' in the Oriental Library of Madras. To discuss their details, however interesting in themselves, would take us far beyond our immediate purpose. Gersoppa the Jaina capital is now in ruins, but contains monuments of unique value. A few relics from the place may be seen at the Indian Historical Research Institute, St. Xavier's College, Bombay. The estampages of some of the inscriptions there, although they are not quite distinct, indicate names like Mangarasa, and Harihara, which makes their age practically certain. One of them is from a Viragallu recording the death of a hero. In another the opening verse is clearly the usual invocation found in all Jaina inscriptions. It reads:
ಶ್ರೀ ಮತ್ಪರಮ ಗಂಭೀರಸ್ಮಾದ್ಯಾದಾಮೋಘಲಾಂಛನಂ |
ಜೀಯಾತ್ ತೈಲೋಕನಾಥಸ್ಯ ಶಾಸನಂ ಜಿನಶಾಸನಂ | May the sacred Jaina doctrine, the doctrine of the Lord of the worlds, be victorious; the supreme, profound syādvāda, the token of unfailing success'. The glory of Gersoppa as it was once is indicated by yet another inscription in the Muļbidre temple which speaks of it as having the beauty of the vermilion mark on the smiling lotus-like face of the woman Tuļuva country'. And the poet who composed the inscription asks :
ಇಂತಸವ ನಗರಿ ರಾಜ್ಯದ ಮಧ್ಯಪ್ರದೇಶದೋಳ್ ' ಬಳಸಿರ್ದೊಪ್ಪುವ ನಂದನಾವಳಿಗಳಿಂ ಕಾಖಾರ ನೀರೇಜದಿಂ ! ಕಳಭೌತೋಜ್ವಲ ಸಾಲಕೊತ್ತಲಗಳಿಂದಟ್ಟಾಲ ಜಾಲಂಗಳಿಂ | ವಿಲಸದೂಪುರದಿಂ ಸುಹಮ್ಮಚಯದಿಂ ಶ್ರೀ ಜೈನಗೇಹಂಗಂ ||
ಚಲುವಂ ತಾಳಿದ ಗೇರಸಪ್ಪ ನಗರಂ ಕೊಂಡಾಡಲಾರ್ಬಲ್ಲರೆ | 280 Who can describe the charm of the city of Gersoppa in the heart of the Kingdom of Nagira full of beautiful places, resplendent towers, Jaina houses (basadis ? ) etc. ?'
Yet, Gersoppa was only a political rather than a religious centre. But its intimate connections with South Kanara, the 980 Ibid., p. 168. Ins. II.

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real seat of Jaina influence, is revealed by the fact that all the above information has been garnered from inscriptions at Mudbidre to whose temples the Gersoppa rulers made grants. There is also, in the Madras Oriental Library, a copy of a grant made by Sälva Kṛṣṇadevarāya, who is said to have been ruling from Sangītapura (capital of Tulu Haiva-Konkaņa), in the Saka year 1481 Kālayugti month of Āsādha, full-moon, Thursday, to a Jaina temple at Dhārwār.281 Since Sadāśivarāya of Vijayanagara is also mentioned it is to be understood that the rulers of Gersoppa were feudatories under Vijayanagara.
Vênupura ( Mudbidre ? ) is described in an inscription found at the place, among other things, as consisting of colo ರಮ್ಯಹರ್ಮ್ಮ ಚಯದಿಂ ' groups of beautiful Jaina termples and houses, to verify which one has only to visit the place. Further, eveFOYD. 8330Fogor Bodas asocha por !
ಲೀಲೆಯಿನಿರ್ಪು ಶಾಸಕರನಿಂದ ಜೀನೋದಿತ ಶಾಸ್ತ್ರ ಶಾಲಿಗಳ್ | ಬಾಲೆಯರಾತ್ಯನಾಥರ್ಗನುಕೂಲೆಯ ರಾಗಿರುತಿರ್ಪರೆಂದೊಡಾ |
ನಾಲಗೆ ಯಾರಿಗುಂಟ ಪೊಗಳಲ್ ನೆರೆ ವೇಣುಪುರ ಪ್ರಭಾವಮಂ ! 232 “Who has the tongue?” asks the poet of the epigraph, “to sing the glory of Vêņupura, where women are true to their lords, and men are ever engaged in the study of the Jaina Şāstras, and worshippers find recreation in giving gifts and performing pūjā, and where even childern are enthusiastic in their adherence to dharma.” The kind of service and gifts they made is illustrated by the construction of the Tribhuvana-CūdāmaņiCaityālaya at Mudbidrê. The inscription states :
“When the victorious king Devarāya's son Praudhadêvarāya had attained the glory of Indra, ('ವಿಜಯರಾಯ ಕ್ಷಿತೀಶಾತ ಜನಾದ ದೇವರಾಯನ ಮಗನಾದ ಪ್ರೌಢದೇವರಾಯಂ ಸುರಲೋಕೇಶ್ವರ ವೈಭವಂ ಧರಿಸಲ್ ತದ್ರಾಜ್ಯ ಮಂ ಪೂಜ್ಯ ಮಂ') and his great minister and general Perumaladeva Was guarding the entire realm ( ಆತನ ಮಹಾಪ್ರಧಾನ ಪೆರುಮೂಳ್ ದೇವ ದಂಡನಾಯಕರು ಸಮಸ್ತ ರಾಜ್ಯ ಮಂ ಪ್ರತಿಪಾಲಿಸುವ ಕಾಲದಲ್ಲಿ)
231 Ibid., p. 160; Mad. Orient Lib. Local Records XXXI. 232 Mangesh Rao, op. cit., p. 162.

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57
and when Devarāja of Nāgamangala was ruling over the kingdom of Mangalore which was as it were an ornament of the lady Earth (ಪ್ರಥ್ವಿಕಾಂತೆಗೆ ಮಂಗಲಾಭರಣಮೆನಿಸಿದ ಮಂಗಲೂರು ರಾಜ್ಯ ಮಂ ನಾಗಮಂಗಲ ದೇವರಾಜೊಡೆಯರು ಆಳುತ್ತಿರ್ದ....) in the Saka year 1357, Saumya, month of Māgha, bright 5 Thursday (29th January, 1430 A.D.), ವೇಣುಪುರದ ಎಂಟು ಪ್ರಜೆಸಿಟ್ಟ ಗಾರರು ನಾಲ್ವರೆಳಮಗೊಳಗಾದ ಸಮಸ್ತ ಹಲರು ದೇವ ರಾಯ ಮಹಾರಾಯರ ನಿರೂಪದಿಂ ಅಭಿನವಚಾರುಕೀರ್ತಿ ಪಂಡಿತ ದೇವರುಗಳಿಗೆ ಚೈತ್ಯಾಲಯ ನಿರ್ಮಾಣಾರ್ಥವಾಗಿ ಕೋಟೇಶ್ವರದಲ್ಲಿ ಶಾಲಿಕನಾಡು ಚವುಟರು ಮುಖ್ಯವಾದ ಅರುವರು ಬಲ್ಲಾಳುಗಳ ಸಹಾಯದಿಂ ತ್ರಿಭುವನ ಚೂಡಾಮಣಿಯೆಂಬ ಮಹಾ ಚೈತ್ರಾ ಲಯಮಂ ಜಗದಾಶ್ಚರ್ಯ ಮಪ್ಪಂತು ಮಾಡಿಸಿದರ್ ' 238 “The citizens of Vênupura including eight Sețţikárs and others in accordance with a message from Devarāja, having given ( donations ) to Abhinava Cărukirti Pandita-deva, for the construction of the Caityālaya, with the help of other well known persons chief of whom are the Couters of Śalikênādu in Koteswara erected the great Tribhuvana-Cūdāmani-Caityalaya to the wonder of the world.”
Then,-“ ಮುಡಬಿದರೆಯ ಹಲರು ತ್ರಿಭುವನ ಚೂಡಾಮಣಿ ಚೈತ್ಯಾಲಯಕ್ಕೆ ® ಚಂದ್ರ ಪ್ರಭ ತೀರ್ಥ ಶ್ವರರ ಪರಮೋದಾರಿತ ದಿವ್ಯ ಮೂರ್ತಿಯಂ ಕಂಚಿನಿಂದಷ್ಟಮಹಾ ಪ್ರತಿಹಾರೀ ಸಮೇತವಾಗಿ ಕರಮಸವಪ್ಪಂತು ನಿರ್ಮಾಪಿಸಿದರ್.” the public of Mudbidrê got up the beautiful image of Sri Candraprabhā-lirthêswara, together with eight great attendants made of bell-metal, that people might lift up their hands (in prayer ). Likewise, when that Praudha Devarāya was ruling over the whole kingdom, and his Ajnādhāraka (lit. orderbearer ) loyal servant, Ganapanņodeya was ruling over the Kingdom of Mangalore, 'in the Saka year 1373, Prajotpatti, month of Vaişāk, bright 7, Thursday, several citizens (Bhavyajana, lit. blessed people) got the Mukha-mantapa or front bower (portico ) of the Caityālaya constructed. 934 The names of the persons who contributed to it are too interesting to be left out :
“ Calla-setti among the Deva settis of Kakke, the Commander Benjaņa Deva-seţti, Sänti-sețți of Bettakere,
233 Ibid., p. 152, 284 Ibid., p. 58. Bad-253

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Mandê Kanta-setți, Yada Mainda-setți, Banaṭṭi Maindaseṭṭi, Aluva Nārāyaṇa-seṭṭi, Kuduvu Uttama-seṭṭi, Heggadê Deva-sețți, the nephews of Biliya Mainda-seṭṭi, Kājava Deva-setti, Gummata-setti, Notada Cauli-seṭṭi, Bhandāri Kāmadeva-seṭṭi, Kakkê Kamanṇa-seṭṭi, Nārāvi Maindasetți, Ajali Koti-setti, Banga Brahma-setti, Kurikāra Devara-setti, Kondi Devatanṇa, Pêramunde Pandi-seṭṭi, the nephews of Nanda-Kujumba-seṭṭi, Kakkê Dāsa-setti's nephews, and nephews of the Seṭṭis of Seṭṭipura, Punja Posabu-setti, Cahuki Devaru-seṭṭi, Nārāvi Brahmadāsa-seṭṭi, Iravi Devara-seṭṭi, Birumana Tikāri, Nārāvi Padumanṇasetti, Kajava Birumana-seṭṭi, Naravi Santu-setți, Kudurê Bālamma-seṭṭi, Banasi Paiva-seṭṭi, Kājava Cauli-setti, Malaya Adana-seṭṭi, Beṭṭigare Vardhamana-setți, Nelli Devara-sețți, Bettigare Koti-sețți, Sinappa Devara-setti, Manju-seṭṭi, Tolāri Devara-sețți, his nephews Kudurê Devaņṇa-setti, Ayanta Pandi-setti, his nephew Kantanna-setti, Nārya Kadamba-seṭṭi, Maheśa-seṭṭi, Nanda Devara-sețți, his nephew, Butti Kantanṇa-seṭṭi, Kondê Kāntaņņa-seṭṭi, Sālgi Kantanṇa-seṭṭi, Amaca Kantanṇa-setti, Banati Devarasetti's niece Karpura-setti, Bhandari Devaņṇa-setti's mother Balê Muddu-setti, Hittala Kunda-setti's nephews Malatapa Humai-setti, his brother Devaru-seṭṭi, Hittala Kundi-setti's nephew Cauta Devarusetti, Muddu-seṭṭi's son Mārkanda-seṭṭi, Yelamêyana Ranga:setti, Ayiri Narṇa-seṭṭi, Noppada Manjanna-setti's sons Devaru-sețți, and Keśava-setți, Tamminitti's son Mallu-setti, Uliri Kantanna-setti's sons Brahma-setți, Setta Konyanṇa-setti, Uliri Padma-setti's nephew Brahma-setți."
" 225
The apparently striking feature of the names is that all of them have the suffix setti' which is derived from (San.) Śreştin, meaning technically the head of a guild. The list includes even a town occupied by a whole class of settis,
2:5 Ibid., p. 158.

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59 * Settipura.' Evidently, not all who bore the name were traders. At least one is called ' Senapati' or commander of an army ; another is called ' Kudurê Dêvaņņa-sețți, which might possibly indicate proficiency in the equestrian art; a third is named 'Bhandāri' or treasurer. We have seen that a treasurer of Narasimha Ballāla, gave his name to the Bhandāri Basadi at Śravana Belgoļa. But the majority begin with place-names, whereas two bear the surnames of important families like Aluva and Cauter. However, more interesting than all else is the fact that in the absence of elders the representatives are mostly nephews or even a niece or a mother, but rarely a son. The few exceptions, however, serve to illustrate that among the contributors were persons representing both the Aliyasantānam as well as the ordinary laws of inheritance. 234 An Analysis of the names also points to a mixture of Aryan and Dravidian elements which must form the subject of special investigation. Brahma-setti, Padma-setti, Mahesa-setti, Nārāyaṇa-setti, etc., are clearly Brāhmanical names; whereas Pandi-sețţi Tammitti or Tammisetti, and Kujumba-sețți are purely Dravidian. The last one, Kujumba, is also the name of a devil worshipped in South Kanara. *97 Birumaņa is evidently derived from Brahma or Brāhmaṇa as Mainda from Manjunāth. Vardhamāna, Gummața, and possibly śānti-sețți are the only ones which are unmistakeably Jaina names. However, this is a digression.
Kärkal, Bårkūr and Bhatkal were other places of considerable Jaina power and interest. Of these, the first was the seat of the Bairāsu Wodeyars who claimed descent from Jinadatta of the Candra-varisa or Lunar Race. Their authority, according to Sturrock extended from Kārkal to Kumta (in North Kanara ). 928 Their most monumental work is the great colossus still standing at their capital, erected by Vira Pandya, as indicated by an inscription at its foot. It states :1" Vira
236 Cf. Sturrock, op. cit., p. 158 237 Ibid., p. 138. 238 Ibid., pp. 61, 64.

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•
243
Pandya, son of Bhairavendra of the Lunar Race, caused the image of Bahubalin to be made. " "39 From it we also learn that Lalitakirti of the Panasogêvali of the Deśigana was the guru of Vira Pandya. Another inscription at Karkal speaks of the construction of the Caturmukha-basti by Immadi Bhairarasa of the family of Jina-Datta. 140 This family was once very powerful at Paṭṭipombucadripura or Humca near Simoga in Mysore, ** The conversion of Viṣṇuvardhana and the expansion of Lingayet power in the South gradually drove them west into Tuļuva. That Jainism was mostly prevalent over the ghats about this time is also indicated by the history of the Cangalvas of Coorg. " Dr. Samasastri observes that these were Jainas from the 11th to the 15th centuries. In 1013 Cangalva Pilduvayya made a grant to the Jainas for feeding the poor. The Sripala-caritra and Jayanṛpa-carita ascribed to Mangarasa also make it clear that this minister of Cangalva Vikrama was also a Jaina. Tradition says, these Jaina rulers of Kalahalli came from Dwārāvati together with five to six hundred Jaina families and settled in Coorg. Their capital was Piriyapatna (Beṭṭadapura) and the annual revenue of their territory is said to have been 48,00,000 varahas.*** Their priests were of Pansôgê or Hanasôgê (Hottage or Pustakagachcha) who were also the priests of the Bairāsu Wodeyars. Thus the rulers of Kanara and the rulers above the 'ghats were intimately connected, both by religious and family ties. Echappa Wodeya of Gersoppa, as well, appears to have married a daughter of the last Bairāsu Wodeyar of Karkaļa. 246
$39 Hultzsch, Jaina Colossi in South India, Ep. Ind. VII, p. 109. 240 Ibid., p. 110
241 Rice, Mysore and Coorg I, p. 371.
942 Sturrock, op. cit., pp. 61, 188.
243 Rice, Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, pp. 141-42. 244 Shamasastri, Mysore Archaeological Report, 1925, pp. 15-6. 1 Varaha = Rs. 4
346
245 Bice, op. cit., p. 142 Coorg Inscriptions, Ep, Car I. p. 18 Hultzsch, op. cit., p. 110.
246 Rangacharya, Inscriptions of the Madras Presidency I, p. 166.

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According to Buchanan the name of this lady as well as that of her six sisters ( who were the only children of the last Wodeyar ) would appear to have been Bairadevi. The eldest of them, Dodda Bairadevi, he says, lived at Bhatkal. But all the aunts having died without issues, the daughter of the second Bairadevi (of Gersoppa) combined in herself all the sovereignty of Tuļuva, including Kārkala, Gersoppa, and Bhatkal.247 Sturrock, however, observes, “There is no trace of her ever having power in the southern parts of South Canara, and when she joined the Muhammadan league against the Portuguese between 1570 and 1580, her territories do not seem to have extended farther south than Bārkalūr or Basrūr.” The current tradition in the Mangalore and Kasargod taluks represents a Karkala branch of the family reigning until it was extirpated by Śiva ppa Naik.248
The Naiks of Ikkeri and Bednore, who were polygars under Vijayanagara, were Siva-bhaktars or devotees of Śiva. Their depredations proved fatal to Jainism in its last strong-hold in the Western districts now under consideration. About 1560 A.D. they obtained a grant of the government of Bārkūr and Mangalore as underlords of Sadasiva Rāya. “ It is probable,” says Sturrock," that the natural desire of the local Jain chief to secure their independence of the Vijayanagara power, was increased by their repugnance to be placed in subordination to a Lingayet, and the relation between the Jain chief and the Ikkeri family seems to have been hostile from the beginning".349 This resulted in the ultimate defeat of the Jainas, at first under Baira Devi at Bhatkal and later under the rulers of Mangalore and Barkūr, at the hands of Venkatappa Naik ( 1608 A. D.) and his successor Sivappa Naik ( 1649 A.D.). Under their onslaughts Baira Devi of Bhatkal was slain, and the Kärla appeared. Mangalore held out for some time,
347 Buchanan, Travels III, p. 165 248 Sturrock op. cit., p. 70 249 Ibid., p. 70

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was altogether destroyed. 250 Buchanan says, out of sixty-eight Bastis at Bhatkal oniy two remained.251 At Beidur (Baindūr?), for instance, when Baira Devi was defeated and slain, the Basti was abandoned by the pūjāri for want of sustenance.253 And at Bărkür, once the capital of Jaina kings, the conquering religion ( Saivism ) rules at present; "No Jaina passes through (its grass grown streets ) for the broken and headless images of his Tirthankaras may be picked up by the dozen among the grass and bushes that have crept over his shattered temples, and here and there one may be seen laid before the entrance of a Brahmin temple over which all must tread.” 253
It was during this period of turmoil that Della Valle the Italian traveller visited the West Coast going through Ikkeri, Honāwar, and Gersoppa. He witnessed Barcelore (Basrūr) which belonged to Venkațappa Naik, where he found “a fair, long, broad and straight street, having abundance of palmettos and gardens and ample evidence of good quarries and a considerable population." In contrast to this was the territory of the Banghel (Bangar) Rājā, whose place had been destroyed by Venkatappa Naik; “but the bazar and market place remained, though not so stored with goods as in former times." The fact that Venkațappa Naik, a bitter Śaiva, was invited by the queen of Ullāl against the Bangar Rājā, her own ('divorced') husband and a Jaina, must serve to illustrate the unfortunate and pitiable condition of the Jainas at that time. 954 The sequel of this history is easily told : Although under Haider Ali the Jaina temples continued to enjoy their lands, of an annual revenue of 360 pagodas, they were entirely resumed by his fanatical son Tipoo who, however, gave in lieu of them an annual allowance of 90 pagodas. Buchanan observes, "At
250 Ibid., pp. 70 3 ; Buchanan, op. cit., p. 127 251 Ibid., p. 132 252 Ibid., p. 109. 253 Walhouse, quoted by Sturrock, op. cit., 92 254 Cf. Ibid., pp. 71-2; The Travels of Sig-Pietro della Valle, pp. 150-56

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#ISTORICAL SURVEY
Haryadika (Hiréyadka in Udipi Tāluk) there was a Basti with a copper image-which was carried to Jamālābād by orders of the late Sultan and there, together with others, converted into coin or cast into guns."255 When the British took charge of the District, Major Munro appears to have increased the grant of the temples to 207 pagodas; but Revenshaw again reduced it to Tipoo's minimum of 90,~" to be collected as a small tax from the farmers.” Buchanan who supplies these details, also adds, "As this collection is done by people who consider the Jainas heretics, very little will reach their hands. The free lands of the Jainas were resumed and not given to them even on the payment of the land-tax, as to others, owing to Brāhmaṇs acting as revenue officers.");
255 256
Buchanan, op. cit., p. 89. Ibid., pp. 19-20, 73-5.

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II. CONTRIBUTIONS : LITERATURE,
ART AND ARCHITECTURE
JAINA WRITERS OF KARNATAKA
In the preceaing section we have made occasional references to the patronage extended to Jaina writers by the rulers of various dynasties in Karnātaka, both Jaina and non-Jaina. For example, we have alluded to the patronage of Ravikirti by Cālukya Pulakesi II, of Jinasena and Guņabhadra under the Rāştrakūtas, as well as of Pampa, the author of Pampa Bhārata, under Arikesari, a Cālukya feudatory of the Rāştrakūtas. We have also spoken of a Jaina prince named Sālvamalla whom the inscription on the base of an image in the Madrās Museum describes as “a lover of Sāhitya or literature.” The literary excellence of many of the Jaina inscriptions of the South such as, for instance, the Kudlür Plates of Mārasimha Ganga, has also been incidently pointed out. Mr. R. Narasimhachār of Mysore has made a spelndid selection of some of these (both Jaina and non-Jaina ) in his Śāsana-Padya-Manjari or Poetical Extracts from Inscriptions in Kannada. The interest in Jaina literature evinced both by rulers as well as their ministers and generals is amply indicated by works such as the PraśnóttaraRatnamālikā by Amoghavarşa Rāşțrakūța, Nānārtha-Ratnamālā by Irugapa Dandanayaka of Vijayanagara, and the Caundaraya Purāņa by Cāundarāya, minister and general of Mārasimha and Rácamalla Ganga. In the present chapter we shall consider the subject more systematically and in greater detail wherever that is possible. For the sake of convenience the linguistic method of dividing the subject into Prākst and Sanskrit authors on the one hand, and vernacular writers on the other, is preferable to the merely chronological method without regard to the medium of expression. The latter would give us a truly historical

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE ETC.
summary, no doubt, but only at the expense of a clear understanding of the distinctive contributions of Jainism to each branch of literature. Yet, for the sake of illustration, we shall occasionally cite parallels in whatever language they might be found, especially where kinship of thought and expression demand such a reference.
Kundakundācārya is by far the earliest, the best known and most important of all Jaina writers in the South. He deserves mention here because of his extraordinary importance. His several names—as indicated in a Patļāvali of the Balatkāragana and confirmed by the Vijayanagara inscription of Harihara II were Elācārya, Padmanandi, Vakragriva, Gridhrapincha, in addition to Kundakunda." His birth-place or place of residence, like that of Homer, is a contested question being claimed by all the important linguistic provinces of the South, viz. Kannada, Tamil, and Telugu. His influence over South Indian Jainism as a whole is indicated by the fact that almost all later writers, teachers, and men of note, either in their works, genealogies, or inscriptions trace their descent from Kundakunda calling themselves Kundakundānvaya.' An inscription at Śravaņa Belgoļa says, "the lord of ascetics, Kundakunda, was born through the good fortune of the world. In order to show that he was not touched in the least, both within and without, by dust (passion), the lord of ascetics, I believe, left the earth, the abode of dust, and moved four inches above."4
Kundakunda's most important works are (1) Pancāstikāya ; (2) Pravacanasāra; (3) Samayasāra; (4) Niyamasāra; (5) Rayanasāra; (6) Aştapāhuda (consisting of darśana, sulla, caritta, bôdha, bhāvamokkha, linga, and śila); and (7) Bāraha 1 About the various names of Kundakunda see Pravacanasura, Prof.
A. N. Upadhye's ed. Introd, p. 6. 2 Cf. Ibid., pp. 9, 12-13; Shoshxgiri Rao, Studies in S.L.J. II. pp. 9-10. 3 Cf. Chakravarti, The Jaina Gazette, XVIII, pp. 1-2. 4 Ep. Car. II, SB. 254, 351, Trans. pp. 110-155. Br. Sitalpragadji,
opinos that Kandakonda oould not have gone to Sardártkasiddhi, but only to Swarga.
JEO_2528-9

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JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE
Anuvêkkha. He is supposed to have composed in all no less than 84, but the above works are the only ones now extant. They are all written in Prākṛt akin to Śaūrasêni, and copies of these works are to be found in almost all South Indian Jaina libraries. Later writers wrote elaborate commentaries on these, both in Sanskrit and in the vernaculars, often departing from the spirit of the original as pointed out by Peterson in the case of Śrutasagara's Satprabhṛta-tikā, from which we have cited elsewhere a passage bearing on the salvation of women, Peterson has also remarked that although Kundakunda's is a noted name among the Digambaras, the Svetambaras also quote him with respect and say that he stood at the dividing line of the two churches and was largely responsible for the Digambara heresy." According to Mr. Hiralal, on the other hand, it is certain that he lived at the time the Digambara and Svetambara split had already taken place, for more than once he criticises the Svetambaras with regard to salvation of women; in support of which statement he quotes the line
•
'चित्ते चिंता माया तम्हा तासि ण निव्वाणं'
66
from Pravacanasara, and also adds, in the satpähuda there are many gāthās which prohibit to woman the adoption of the rigid course of conduct, e.g. verses 23 and 24 of Suttāpāhuda." The date assigned to him in the Paṭṭāvalis is 49 V. S. or about the end of the 1st cent. B. C. The following verses. from the Pancastikāyasāra indicate Kundakunda's true outlook regarding self-purification and the traditional mode of attaining salvation:
"The person who has reverence and devotion towards Arhanta, Siddha, their images, Samgha and congregations, will
5 Br. Sitalprasadji points out: " Only Santasagar has gone outside the real text of. Astapahuda somewhere, but not all other commentators like Amritachandra, Jayasena, Padmaprabha, Malharideva."
6 Peterson, Report on San. MSS II, p. 83.
7 Hiralal, op. cit., p. vii.
8 Cf. Hoerale, Pattavalis of the Saraswati Gachcha, Ind. Ant. XX, P. 341.

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE ETC. 69 invariably get bondage with punya-karma; hence he can never achieve absolute annihilation of Karma.
One may understand the true nature of Tirthankara; one may have interest in and devotion to the scripture; one may have self-control and penance; with all these, if he is not capable of realising his own true-self, to him Nirvāṇa is beyond reach.'
He preaches Viturāga or non-attachment as the final way to Mokșa :
तम्हा णिध्वुदिकामो रागं सम्वत्थ कुणदिमा किंधि ।
सो तेण वीदरागो भविभो भवसायरं सरदि ॥ The next name in the Digambara lists of the South is that of Umāsvāti or Umāswāmi who is said to have been a disciple of Kundakundācārya. 10 But the only work of his which is respected by the Digambaras and also the Svetāmbaras is the Tattvārthādhigama Sutra, which Mr. Hiralal calls the Jaina Bible' just as he described Kundakunda's works as 'the Jaina Vedānta.'11 No less than 500 works are said to have been composed by Umāsvāti, of which, however, only five have survived. The colophon to all of these (viz. (1) Tatvārthadhigama Sūtra ; (ii) Bhāșya on the same; (iii) Püja-prakarana; (iv) Jambudwipa-samāsa; and (v) Praśamarati. ] as published by the Asiatic Society of Bengal reads :
plat: paigtaİRT #61 Ourenara pasta 12 He appears to have died about the 142 S.V. or 85 A.D,18 It is a moot-question whether he could be mentioned among the Southern or Karnāțaka writers; but we give him a place
9 Pancāstikāyasara, v 177 and 179. The last is thus rondorod into Sanskrit :
तस्मानिवृत्तिकामो रागं सर्वत्र करोतु मा किचित् ।
सो तेन वीतरागो भव्यो भवसागरं तरति ॥ ct. Chakravarti, Pancastikāyasára, S.W.J. III, pp. 168 ff. 10 Cf. Hoerple, op. cit., p. 341; Potorgon, op. cit., IV Index, pp. xvi-vii. 11 Hirālāl, op. cit., pp. vi, vii. 19 Ibid., p. xiii. 13 Cf. Hoernle, op. cit., p. 341.

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because his Tatvārthādhigama Sūtra has found several commentators in the South. Chief among these are Samantabhadra, Pūjyapāda, Akalanka, Vidyananda, Prabhācandra, and Śrutasāgara. The importance of Umásvāti's work may be judged both by the number and extent of these commentaries. Samantabladra's commentary entitled Gandhahasti-Mahābhāsya is supposed to have run into 84,000 Slokas, but unfortunately the work is not extant.14
About Samantabhadra's date, as well as, of all these early writers, there is the greatest diversity of opinion. “The chronology of all the early Jaina writers who used Sanskrit and wrote on philosophy," says Mr. E. P. Rice, "depends on the date of Umāsvāti, whose Tatvārthādhigama-Sūtra is the fountain-head of Jaina philosophy and also of the use of Sanskrit by the Jainas. This date cannot be earlier than the fourth century, for he quotes' the Yoga-sutra which cannot be dated earlier than A.D. 300. Samantabhadra wrote a commentary on Umāsvāti's great work, and the earliest author who quotes him is Kumārila, who flourished A.D. 700. Thus Samantabhadra must belong to the fifth, sixth or seventh century".16 If the Yoga-Sūtra referred to by Rice is that of Patanjali, ( as it must be, because there is no other work of that name), then it must date from the third or at least second century B. C. and not 3rd cent. A. D.,16 in which case it does not preclude the possibility of Umāsvāti having lived in the first century A. D. as mentioned above. Hence, the date of Samantabhadra need not necessarily be so late as that mentioned by Mr. E. P. Rice. The late Mr. Lewis Rice, who in his Mysore and Coorg assigned
14 Hirālāl, op. cit., pp., pp. ix x.
It is however, possible that Umāsvāti does not quole, from the Yoga" sutra and that the identity is quite accidental or dae to a common
source. 15 Rice ( E. P. ), Kanarese" iterature, p, 41. 16 Of. Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature, Imp. Gaz. II, p. 267; Sʻris'a
Chandra Vasu, Introduction to Patanjali's Yoga Sutras, p. 1; Apd P. C. Chakravarti, Patanjali, 1. H. Q. II, pp. 74, 265 f.

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE, ETC.
720 A. D. as the probable date of Samantabhadra, agrees to the earlier ( 2nd cent. A. D.) date in his revised edition of Coorg Inscriptions. 17 This is also the date according to the Pațţāvalis.18
Much of what is known of Samantabhadra is inerely legendary. Nevertheless, in the Śravaņa Belgoļa inscription, already referred to, he is described as 'one whose sayings are an adamantine goad to the elephant the disputant, and by whose power this whole earth became barren (i.e. was rid) of even the talk of false speakers.' . The clear jewel lamp of Samantabhadra's sayings,' it says, ' lights up indeed the whole palace of the three worlds which is filled with all the categories stamped with the Syātkāra and whose interior is concealed by the darkness of the sayings of false speakers '19 That he must have been a very great disputant is also indicated by the title “ Vädi-mukhya" given to him in the Amékānta-jayapatāka by Haribhadrasūri, a Svetāmbara writer.20 Samantabhadra is in fact the last among Digambara teachers who find a place in the Svetāmbara lists as well. According to these latter he was their sixteenth pontiff, 889 A. V. or c. 419 A. D.21 His Apta-mimamsa, perhaps his best known work, is supposed to be the introductory portion of his Gandahasti-mahābhāşya already referred to. The colophon to this work, as preserved in a manuscript now in the possession of Pt. Dorabali-Šāstri of Sravaņa Belgoļa, reads :
दिवि फणिमंडलालंकारस्योरेगपुराधिपमनोः श्रीस्वामिसमंतभद्रमुनेः कृतौ HATHIETTI 1 22
The Uragapura spoken of in this is identified with Uraiyoor the capital of the Coļas. But this fact needs confirmation.23 However, his activities seem to have spread over the whole of
17 Cf. Rice, Mysore and Coorg Inscriptions, Ep. Car. I, p. 4 n 1. 18 Hoernle, op. cit., p. 341. 19 Ep. Car. II, SB 254, Trans., p. 110. 30 Jaina Sühitya-samsodhak I, pp. 19-20; cf. Hirālāl, op. cit. p. x. 21 Ibid., p. x. 22 Ibid., p. xi. 28 Ibid,

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yo
JAINISM AND KARNĀTAKA CULTURE
India from Takka er Punjab in the North to Kānci, the capital of the Pallavas in the South. The legendary details of his life need not detain us, but the following challenge given out by him at Karhāțaka deserves citation :
"At first the drum was beaten by me (as a challenge to disputants) within the city of Pāțaliputra, and afterwards in the country of Mālva, Sindhu, and Takka (Punjab), at Kanci, and Vidića (Bhilsa ). I have now arrived at Karbățaka. Desirous of disputation, O King, I exhibit Śārdula-vikridita metre (lit. sporting of a tiger ). When the disputant Samantabhadra stands in the court, O King, even the tongue of Dhūrjați ( Siva ) who talks clearly and skilfully, turns back quickly towards the nape of the neck. What hope can there be for others ?"24 Commenting on this Mr. Rice observes, " It was the custom in those days, alluded to by Fä Hian ( 400 ) and Hieun Tsang ( 630 ) for a drum to be fixed in a public place in the city, and any learned man, wishing to propagate a doctrine or prove his erudition and skill in debate, would strike by way of challenge to disputation, much as Luther nailed up his thesis on the door of the church at Wittenberg. Samantabhadra made full use of this custom, and powerfully maintained the Jaina doctrine of Syādvāda ".25 Interesting corroboration of this is found in the instance of Vimalacandra who is said to have put up a notice at the gate of the palace of Satrubhayankara, challenging the Saivas, Pāśupatas, Baudhas, Käpälikas, and Kapilas to engage him in disputation.26
Samantabhadra's another well known work is the Ratnakarandaka-Gravakācāra or the Jewel Casket of Laymen's Conduct. We have elsewhere quoted a verse from this book relating to
24 पूर्व पाटलिपुत्रमध्यनगरे भेरी मया ताडिता
पश्चान्मालवसिंधुठक्कविषये कांचीपुरे वैदिशे । प्राप्तोऽहं करहाटकं बहुभटं विनोत्कटं संकटं वादार्थी विचराम्यहं नरपते शार्दूलविक्रीडितम् ॥
M. D. J. G. XXIV, Introd., pp. 64-70; Ep. Car. II Introd. pp. 83-4. 95 Bice, (E. P.). op. cit.. p. 26 26 Cf. Ep. Car. II Introd., p. 84

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE,' Èfc. Sallékhana or death by starvation. “The fruit of Dharma,"it says, " is to distroy birth, disease, old-age and death.
" Like the melted and purified gold which is free from all dirt and foreign substances, the liberated soul shines, being freed from all attachments."
“ Unlimited happiness, unlimited knowledge, unlimited power and unlimited perception are found in a person who has conquered the karmas.
“ The disease of karma is distroyed when Lust, Anger, and Delusion are destroyed.
“The Casket of Gems, shows the Mókșa-marga ( Path to Salvation ) to those who do not know it before.
“ The undestroyed karmas can be destroyed; the status of Siddha-hood can be attained. Therefore look ye into the Casket of Gems".
It relates the various vrtas or vows to be undertaken, and describes eleven stages in the layman's path of spiritual progress. “As the effect of giving dāna," it says, "one enjoys prosperity and happiness till he frees himself from this Sāmsära. The giving of food to homeless ascetics causes the removal of the sins incidental to a house-holder's life."??
Besides the Ratnakarandaka and Aptamimāmsā, Samantabhadra wrote several other minor works like the Jina-satakālamkara or Jina-stuti-śataka and Svayambhū-stotra and others.28 These are characterised by a deep devotion which was a strong trait in the character of Samantabhadra. The following lines from his Jinastuti-śataka will serve as a sample :
सुश्रद्धा मम ते मते स्मतिरपि त्वय्यर्चनं चापिते इस्तावेजलये कथाश्रुतिरतः कर्णोऽधि संप्रेक्षते । सुस्तुत्यां ध्यसनं शिरोनतिपरं सेवेशी येन ते तेजस्वी मुजनोऽहमेव सुकृती तेनैव तेजःपते ॥
27 Mallināth, Casket of Gems, (trans. from Tamil), The Jaina Gasette,
XX, pp. 61, 97 and 118-19. 28 Hiralal, op. cit., op. cit.; p. , Of. Rice, Mysore and Coorg 1, p. 399. 29 M.D.J.G. XXIV, Iatrod., p. 65.

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42
JAINISH AND KARNATAKA CULTURE
The advent of this great writer in Karnāțaka is rightly considered to mark an epoch, not only in Digambara histroy, but in the whole range of Sanskrit letrature.30
After Samantabhadra, the great names are those of Pujyapada and Akalanka:31 The former seems to have distinguished himself by his study of grammer as the latter did in logic. "A Pujya pada in grammer, a Bhattākalanka in logic, and Bhāravi in literature" are expressions that are frequently met with in the inscriptions which describe the learning of other writers like Jinacandra and Śrutamuni.32 From a verse in the Pattāvalis which reads:
यशः कीर्तिर्यशोनंदी देवनंदी महायतिः॥
श्रीपूज्यपादापराख्यो गुणनंदी गुणाकरः॥ Mr. K. B. Pāthak has pointed out that Dêvanandi was also another name of Pūjyapāda.33 The latter appears to have been a mere title ( lit, meaning one whose feet were adorable ) for he seems to have acquired it because of forest deities who worshiped at his feet. He was also called Jinêndra-buddhi on account of his great learning, and his most famous work is consequently known as Jainendra-vyākaraņa or the grammar of Jinêndrabuddhi. 34 Peterson observes that this book belongs to a class of works for which both sects of the Jainas contend, but in his opinion it is undoubtedly peculiar to the Digambaras. “The rival sect," he says, “as good as admits this when they assert, as they invariably do, that their recension of the Jainêndra is in eight, not five, adhyāyas. There appears to be no such work in existence as a Jainêndra in eight adhyāyas; and when they are hard-pressed the Śwetāmbaras can only put forward Hémachandra's book, and claim for it that title.” This being so, he
30 Cf. Bhandārkar, The Bom. Gaz. I ii, p. 406. 31 Cf. "Ep. Car. II, SB 64 and Introd., pp. 81-85. 32 Ibid. SB. 69 and 254. ^ 33 Cf. Pāthak, Ind. Ant. XII, p. 19; Poterson, Roport op Sap. MSS
VI, pp. 67-9. 34 Ep. Car. II SB. 264, Traps., p. 110.

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CONTRIBUTIOİNS TO LITERATURE, ETC. 43 concludes, “it is evident that the question of the authorship of the book cannot be disposed of without a reference to the tradition among the Digambara Jainas and to their written records. "35 Pancavāstuka, the best commentary on Jainêndra, is also supposed to be the work of Pūjyapāda or Devanandi; and according to Peterson it has for all practical purposes supplanted the original. Pānini-sabdāvatāra is another grammatical work traditionally considered to be a commentary on Pānini's grammar by Pujyapāda. Somadeva refers to Jainëndra together with Panini as grammars taught to the pupils; and Vôpadêva counts it among the eight original authorities on Sanskrit grammar.36
Besides these grammatical works Pūjyapada wrote treatises on other subjects as well. His Kalyānakāraka, a treatise on medicine, long continued to be an authority on the subject, and was translated into Kannada by Jeyaddaļa Somanātha in the twelveth century. The treatment it prescribes is entirely vegetarian and non-alcoholic.37 Mangarāja I (C. 1360 ) also quotes Pūjyapāda, in his Khagendra-maņidarpaņa a work on medicine. 88 Pūjyapāda's Sarvārtha Siddhi is an elaborate commentary on the Tattvārtha-sútra of Umāsvāti, comprising about 5,500 s/lokas ; and Upāsakācāra is a short handbook of ethics for the Jaina laity.39 He appears to have travelled widely in South India and gone so far North as Videha or Behar. The founder of the Drāvida-Samgha at Madura ( saka 526 ), Vajranandi, is supposed to have been his disciple. 40 Pūjyapāda has also been described as the preceptor of Durvinīta Ganga ( 483-512 A.D.); whereas Niravadya Pandita, preceptor of Jayasimha II, (Cālukya ) has been called the house-pupil of Sri Pūjyapāda. According to Bhandārkar,
35 Peterson, op. cit., p. 69. 36 Rice (E. P.) op. cit., p. 110, 37 Ibid., pp. 37. 37. 38 Ibid., p. 45. 39 Hiralal, op. cit., p. XX. 40 Cf. Petonon, op. cit. III, p. 877. JK0-2628-10

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JAINISM AND KARNĀTAKA CULTURE
therefore, he must have flourished about 678 A.D.41 Mr. Hirālāl assigns him to about 500 A. D.42 Consequently it is impossible for us to arrive at any definite conclusion as to the exact date of this great teacher.
The facts relating to Akalanka are not less obscure than those we have attempted to notice above. Yet, that these writers were historic persons who exerised tremendous influence in their own days is equally certain. Tradition makes Akalanka a son of Subhatunga, King of Mānyakheța, who is identified with Kệşņa I, Rāştrakūța, who reigned during the latter half of the eighth century A. D. He is supposed to have forsaken his father's kingdom for the sake of adopting an ascetic's life. And Peterson observes, that such action is characteristic of the times when "Kings were the nursing fathers and queens the nursing mothers of the religion he embraced.” 43 Akalanka is said to have challenged the Buddhists at the court of King Hastimalla (Himaśítala ?) of Kānci, saying that the defeated party should be ground in oil-mills. The Buddhists were driven into Ceylon owing to the victory of the Jaina teacher through the intervention of the goddess Kuşmāndini.14 But this may be only understood as a legendary description of Akalanka's victorious logic which made his name proverbial as a "Bhațțākalanka in logic,” applied to later writers.45 His most famous work is the Tatvārtha-vārtika-vyākhyālankāra which again is a commentary on Umāsvati's Tatvārtka-sūtra. He also wrote the Astašati on which Astasahasri or the Book of Eight Thousand verses by Vidyānanda is a commentary. Akalanka is classed among the Nayyāyikas or great logicians, 46 Rice has observed that according to Wilson, Akalanka was from Śravaņa Beļgoļa, but that a
Bhandārkar, Early History of the Dekkan, p. 59 43 Hiralal, op. cit., p. xx. 43 Peterson, op. cit. IV, p. 79; cf. Nāthuram Premi, Vidvadratnamila I,
pp. 23-4.
Cf. Ep. Car. II Introd., p. 81; Hirālāl, op. cit., pp. xxvi-viij. 45 Of. Ibid., SB 69 & 254. 46 Hirālāl, op. cit., pp. xx, xxvi f; l'eterson, op. cit., p. 79.
H

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE, ETC. 75 manuscript in his possession makes himl/a yati of Maléyür, Bhațțākalanka being the title of the line of gurus of that place.47
Among the later successors of Akalanka, Prabhācandra stands pre-eminent as the author of Nyāya-kumuda-candrôdaya and Praméya-Kamala-mārtānda. There is also in the Saraswati Bhavana (Bombay) a manuscript entitled Jainêndra-Nyasa, and another called Amôgha-vrtti-Nyāsa, both of which are grammatical works by Prabhācandra, being commentaries on Śākațāyana's grammar.48
Sākațāyana (to be distinguished from his Vedic namesake) was a contemporary of Amoghavarşa I Rāştrakūța. The author called his work Amôghavrtti in honour of the King under whose patronage he evidently wrote it. There are several commentaries on the Amôghavrtti, of which that by Yakşavarma runs into 6,000 ślokas. The extent of the original, though it is not available, is easily conceivable since Yakşavarma's work is only an abridgment of the Mahāvýtti as he calls Sākațāyana's book.49
It was under the Rāştrakūtas that considerable literary activities were carried on by the Jainas. We have already referred to some of the works of this period in our historical survey of the dynasty. We can only take note of the more important ones here. Bhandārkar places the earliest limit of these writers with Vidyānanda and Prabhācandra.50 The latter has already been noticed as the disciple of Akalanka. Vidyānanda is known by his sloka-vārtika and Astosahasri, the latter of which, as already mentioned, is a commentary on the Aptamimāṁsa. Jinasena, in his Adipurāņa refers to him as Pátrakesari, 51 More interesting works of this period are the
47 Rice, op. cit., p. 372. 48 Sri Ailak-Pannālal-Digambara Jaina Saraswati Bhavana, First Addual
Report and List of Books, p. 46; ibid. Third Report, p. 38. 49 Of. Hirālāl, op. cit., p. XXV; Fāthak, J. S'ākatāyana Contemporary
of Amoghavarş& I, Ind. Apt. XLIII, pp. 205-07. 50 Bhandārkar, The Pom. Gaz. I, pp. 407-08. 61 Hirālal, op. cit., pp. xxviii-ix. This identification is questioned by
later writers, See the Jagalkisora in Anekanta,

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76 JAINISM AND KARNĀTAKA CULTURE great purāņas written by the Jainas in obvious imitation of the Brāhmanical works of the same class. The earliest complete Jaina version in Sanskrit of the Rāmāyaṇa (or the Rama legend ) is said to be the Padmapurāņa by Ravisênācārya. Mr. Hirālāl observes that all later writers on the subject based their accounts on this Padmapurāna. The incidents in it are placed at the time of Néminātha, their sixteenth Tirthankara. 614 Rāma as well as Rävaņa are both claimed to be Jaina. Unlike Vālmiki's version, Seeta is here represented as being born in the human womb of the queen of Videha. Dasaratha did not die of sorrow, but retired into the forest to lead the life of an ascetic. Vāli, Sugriva, Hanuman and the hosts of monkeys were but powerful rulers of the forest regions. Instead of Rāma's killing Vāli, the latter is made to renounce his kingdom in order to do penance like Daśaratha. Laxmaņa, instead of reviving from his trance by means of the miraculous sanjivini, does so owing to the charming presence of a virtuous lady named Višalyā, whom he ultimately marries. These and other such details mark this Jaina version of the Rāmāyana.5%
The theme was taken up by many another Jaina poet, and Jinadasa in his Rāmacarita writes :
श्रीमद्रामचरित्रमुत्तममिदं नानाकथापूरितम् । पापघ्वांतविनाशनकतरण कारुण्यवल्लीवनम् । भव्यश्रेणिमनःप्रमोदसदनं भकयानघं कीर्तितम् । नानासत्पुरुषालिवीततं पुण्यं शुभं पावनम् ॥ १८ ॥ श्रीवर्धमानेन जिनेवरेण त्रैलोक्यवन्येन यदुक्तमादौ । ततः परं गौतमसंक्षकेन गणेश्वरेण प्रथितं जनानां ॥ १८१ ॥ ततः क्रमच्छीरविषेणनानाऽचायण जैनागमकोविदेन ।
सत्काध्यकलासदनन पृळ्यां नातं प्रसिदि चरितं रघोश्च ॥१८२॥ So we see that Ravisena got the tradition from Mahävira himself, handed down through the whole line of teachers in the
6la Prof. A. N. Upadhya Corrects me here as Maaisu vrata, the 20th
Tirthaskara, 52 Cf. Ibid. p. xxi. 53 Sʻri, Ailak Pannālal Digambara Jaina Saraswati Bhavana, Saoond
Annual Report, p. 80,

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course of centuries. But the queer incongruity of the attempt to reconcile the concupiscence of Ravana with the artificially created Jaina atmosphere is clearly revealed in the Pampa Rāmāyaṇa by Nagacandra which is another Jaina version of the epic in Kannada (c. 1105 A.D.)54
On hearing of the complete recovery of Laxmaṇa the ministers of Rävaṇa advised him that prudence was the better part of valour, and told him that the two brothers (Rāma and Laxmana) would be more than a match for Rāvana. But the haughty prince with vanity equal to his evil intentions declared:
"Shall I, who made e'en Svarga's lord Before my feet to fall,
Now meekly yield me,-overawed By this mere princeling small? Nay, better 'twere, if so must be, My life be from me reft.
I still could boast, what most I prize, A warrior's honour left (!). Nathless, to make my victory sure,
I'll have recourse to magic lore. There is a spell, the śāstras tell,
·
which multiplies the form. If this rare power I may attain, I'll seem to haunt the battle-plain.
My 'wildered enemies shall see, Before, behind, to left, to right, Phantasmal Rāvaṇa crowd to fight,
Whom darts shall strike in vain. Its name is baḥu-rūpiņi, "Tis won by stern austerity"
(worthy of a nobler cause).
That nothing might impede him in the acquiring of the magic power, Rāvana issued orders that throughout Lanka and its
64 Cf. Bice (E. P.), op. cit., pp. 34-6,
77
·

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territories no animalfife should on any account be taken; that his warriors should for a time desist from fighting; and that all his subjects should be diligent in performing the rites of Jina-pūja.
Then entered he the Jaina fane
His palace walls within. Attendant priests before him bore
The sacred vessels, as prescribed In books of holy lore. And there to lord śāntiśwara
He lowly revenence paid ; Omitting no due ritual
That might secure his aid. After worship had been performed with due solemnity, he took a vow of silent meditation; and seating himself in the padmāsana posture, began a course of rigorous concentration of mind and suppression of the bodily senses.
And there he sat, like a statue fixed ; And not a wandering thought was mixed
With his abstraction deep. Upon his hand a chaplet hung, With beads of priceless value strung. And on it he did ceaseless tell
The mantras that would serve him well. When Bibhīşana learned through spies what Ravana was doing, he hastened to Rāma, and urged him to attack and slay Rāvana before he could fortify himself with his new and formidable power. But Rāma replied :
“Rāvana has sought Jinêndra's aid
In true religious form. It is not meet that we should fight With one engaged in holy rite,
His weapons laid aside. I do not fear his purpose fell. No magic spell can serve him well
Who stoals his neighbour's bride."

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATUR/T, ETC. 79 Bibhișana and Angada are disappointed vith this reply, and resolve to try and break Rāvana's devotions without the knowledge of Rāma. So they send some of the monkeybannered troops to disturb him.
They rush toward the town in swarms upon swarms; They trample the corn, and they damage the farms; They frighten and chevy the maidens about ; And all through the temple they shriek and they shout, And make a most fearful din.
But Rāvaņa stirred not ;--as still as a stone,
His mind was intent on his japa alone. Then the yakşas, or guardian spirits of the Jina shrine, interpose, drive forth the intruders, and appeal to Rama and Laxmaņa to withdraw them. Finally it is arranged that anything may be done to break Rāvana's devotions, so long as his life is not taken and the palace and temples are not destroyed.
Then Angada, heir to Kişkindha's wide soil, Determines himself Rāvana's penance to spoil. He mounts on Kişkindha, his elephant proud; And round him his ape-bannered followers crowd. He rides through the suburbs of Lankā's fair town, Admiring its beauty, its groves of renown. He enters the palace, goes alone to the fane; With reverence he walks round Säntiśwara's shrine, And in lowliness worships the image divine. When sudden-he sees giant Rāvaņa there, Seated, still as some mountain, absorbed in his prayer ! Surprised and indignant, in anger he speaks :“What ! miscreant, hypocrite, villain ! dost thou "In holiest temple thy proud forehead bow “Who has right ways forsaken, thy lineage disgraced, “ The good hast imprisoned, the harmless oppressed, "And hast snatched from thy neighbour his virtuous wile. " How canst thou dare to pray in Santiśwara's hall! “Better think on thy misdeeds, and turn from them all,

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way.
“Know by Fama's keen arrows in death thou shalt fall! “And no magical rite the dread doom can forestall.
“When the flames round thy palace leap higher and bigher - "Too late thou digg'st wells to extinguish the fire !”
Thus saying, he tore off Rāvana's upper garment and smote him with it; he scattered the beads of his chaplet upon the ground; he stripped Rāvana's queen of her jewels, and slandered her sorely; he tied her maidens in pairs by the hair of their heads; he snatched off their necklaces and hung them round the necks of the Jaina images; and he defied and insulted Råvaņa in every possible way.
The poor trembling women were frantic with fear, And tried to rouse Rāvaņa. They bawled in his ear“What is the good of thy japa ? Rise, save us from shame;
"Rise quickly and fight for thine ancient good name." But Rävana heard not, nor muscle did move,As fixed as the Pole Star in heaven above. Then a thunderbolt's crash rent the firmament wide; And adown the bright flash did a yakşini glide, And swifty took station at Råvaņa's side,
“I have come at thy bidding,” the visitant said, “ I can lay on the field all thy enemies dead ;"Save Hanumăn, Laxmaņa and Rāma divine, “Who are guarded by might that is greater than mine." “Alas !" answered Rāvana, with spirit depressed,
"If those three remain, what availeth the rest ? "56 This long quotation must serve to show that Paurāņic Jainism was a reflex of Paurāņic Brāhmanism, and no improvement upon the latter except in the mitigation, within certain limits, of the elements of exaggeration. The dominance of ritual over ethics is clearly visible in the picture of Rāvana presented above. The Munivamśābhyudaya of Cidānandakavi, as well as, inscriptions in Coorg, attempt to give a tone of reality to these descriptions by stating, for instance, that the 55 Cf. Ibid., pp. 39-41.

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81
images of Gommața and Pārsvanatha at Eelgola were brought from Lanka by Rama and Seeta; and that several bastis in Coorg were built by these heroes of epic India. 56
As there are Jaina versions of the Rāmāyaṇa so are there Jaina versions of the Mahabharata. One of the most important of them is the Harivamśa-Purāņa, by Jinasêna. It deals with ancient dynasties like the Kurus, the Pandavas and the Yadavas cast in Jaina moulds and devoted to Jaina worship. "The transferences and adaptations made in some of the stories, observes Rajendralal Mitra, "are remarkable and suggestive. For instance, the rape of Sita by Rāvaņa is transferred to the history of the Pandu brothers, whose wife Draupadi is said to have been carried away by one Padmanabha, King of Amarakankapura, who lived beyond the ocean, whence the Pandavas rescued her. Again, the story of the lac-house in which Duryodhana wished to assassinate the Pandus is described as a device adopted by Kṛṣṇa to elude from the army of Jarasandha which had pressed him very hard and was about to take him prisoner. For a right appreciation of the true bearing of the Hindu legends the accounts given in this work are of great value. "57
"9
In the vernacular garb, the Vikramārjuna Vijaya or more popularly called after the author, Pampa Bhārata, is the earliest extant version of the epic in Kannada. This Pampa is different from the author of the Rāmāyaṇa already quoted in extenso, and is distinguished by the epithet Adi Pampa" or the first Pampa. His first work was Adi Purana relating the history of Rşabha, the first Tirthankara, composed in 941 when the poet was thirty-nine years of age. In the estimation of Mr. Narasimhachār, this work is "unsurpassed in style among the Kanarese poets.' ."58 The distinctive features of the Pampa Bhārata are thus pointed out by Mr. E. P. Rice:
""
a
56 Cf. Ep. Car. II Introd., p. 15; Rice, Coorg Inscriptions, Ep. Car. I Introd., p. 13
57 Rajendralal Mitra, Notices of Sanskrit MSS. VI Preface, pp. 4-5. 58 Cf. Rice (E. P.) op. cit., pp. 80-81
JXC--2528-11

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Unlike Vyasa's version, (i) Draupadi is the wife of Arjuna alone, and not of all the Pandava brothers; (ii) Arjuna is the principal hero and the epic closes with his coronation together with Subhadra, at Hastinapura; (iii) the poet deliberately identifies Arjuna with Arikesari, his patron, and compares him to Vişņu, Śiva, the Sun, Cupid, etc. Rice finds in this an oriental parallel to Spencer's Faerie Queen' in which Gloriana is Queen Elizabeth. This according to him is the only defect of the poem, which otherwise is important as being less Sanskrit in vocabulary than the Ādi Purāņa. It is interesting to note that the poet was rewarded with the grant of a village for this immortal work.59
82
C
00
The Jinasêna, author of the Harivamsa Purāņa above referred to, different from the author of the Adi Purana, according to Mr. Hiralal. The former belonged to the Punnāțagana, whereas the latter was of the Sêna-gana. Apart from the repetition of the names of the authors there is also a confusing repetition of the titles of works such as Adi Purāņa, Harivamsa Purāṇa and Mahā Purāņa. Indeed, the conventional standards in the realm of iconography and painting, noticed in a later chapter, resulting in the repetition of the same forms and stereotyped expression, also resulted in the choosing of the same subject by different writers in the course of centuries. Thus, we have one Adi Purana by Jinasêna, and another by Pampa; one Mahā Purāna by Jinasêna and Gunabhadra, another by Puspadanta, and a third by Malliśêņa ;" 82 Harivamsa Purāna by the first Jinasêna, and Harivamsa Purāņa by the second Jinasêna and his disciple (same as Mahā Purāna) and a third Harivamsa Purana by Jinadasa.63 Since these are all of the same type, we shall here take note only of the most important, viz., the Maha Purāņa of Jinasêna and Gunabhadra.
G
69 Ibid., p. 31.
60 Hiralal, op. cit., p. xxii; cf. Nathuram Prêmi, op. cit., pp. 8, 39. f. 61 Ibid., p. xliii f.
62 Of. Nathuram Premi, op. cit. pp. 154-55
63 Bhandarkar, Report on Sanskrit MSS. 1883-84, p. 123.

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83
64
Jinasêna was one of a series of celebrated Digambara Jaina authors, who came to the front propagating their religion, and increasing the power of their sect as they did so, during the earlier part of the Răṣṭrakūta period. He was the disciple of Virasêna to whom is ascribed the Jayadhavala-tikā. It is a commentary on the Satkhanḍāgamasutra.65 This work was completed by Jinasena in Šaka 760 during the regin of Amoghavarṣa I; the Adi Purana was commenced soon after. Its sequel, called the Uttara Purana, was developed in Śaka 820 by Gunabhadra, the pupil of Jinasêna. Both these writers are highly spoken of by competent critics.
66
According to Bhandarkar, the Adi Purana is an encyclopaedic work "in which there are instances of all metres and figures, which sets forth the doctrines of all the sastras incidentally, is calculated to put to shame all other poems, and is worthy of being read even by the learned.67 In the opinion of a later Jaina poet, cited by Pt. Nathurām Prêmi, "whose minds will not be drawn away by words emanating from the lotus-face of Jinasêna, the king of poets, in whose Mahā Purāņa are Dharma, Môkşa, Right Conduct and Poetry, all rolled in one?"
धर्मोऽत्र मुक्तिपदमत्र कवित्वमत्र aîŸíðai aftaga AGIGEÒ I यद्वा कवींद्र जिनसेनमुखारविंदनिर्यग्वचांसि न मनांसि हरति केषाम् ॥
68
The following verse must serve as a sample of its poetic merit : यत्र शालीवनोपांते खात्पतन्तीं शुक्रावलीं ।
69
शालीगोप्यानुमन्यते दधतीं तोरणभियम् ॥
Describing a rural scene the poet says, the pastoral maidens, seeing a line of parrots descending into the rice-fields, thought it to be the arch of prosperity.
61 Cf. Bhandarkar, The Bom. Gaz. I ii, pp. 406-07 65 Cf. Ep. Car. II Introd., p. 89; Hiralal, op. cit., p. xxiii.
66 Ibid., pp. xxiii-iv: Bhandarkar, Report on 8an. MSS, 1838-84, pp. 120-21.
67 Ibid., p. 120.
68 Nathuram Premi, op. cit., pp. 65-6.
69 Adi Purand IV 6, cf. Nathuram Premi, op. cit., p. 69.

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84
JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE The poet's high ideal of the function of his art is thus stated by him :
त एव कवयो लोके त एव च विचक्षणाः । येषां धर्मकांगत्वं भारती प्रतिपयते ॥ धर्मानुबंधिनी या स्यात्कविता सैव शस्यते ।
शेषा पापासवा यैव सुप्रयुक्तापि जायते ॥ 70 • They alone are true poets in this world, they alone are truly wise, in whom speech ( poetry) engenders the embodiment of Dharma ; that poetry alone rules which is in accordance with righteousness; the rest, however amiable it might seem, tends to wickedness and bondage.'
According to Mr. Prêmi, Guņabhadra has attained the same success in completing the later portion of the Mahā Purāņa as Bāṇabhatta's son had attained in completing the Kādambari of his father. Out of due humility, Guņabhadra compares his own task to the completion of a building the major portion of which has already been constructed by another; or better still
पक्षोरिवास्य पूर्वार्धमेवाभावि रसावहम् ।
यथा तथास्तु निष्पत्तिरिति प्रारभ्यते मया ॥1 Again he declares :
गुरुणामेव माहात्म्यं यदपि स्वादु मद्वचः।
तरूणां हि स्वभावोऽसो यत्फलं स्वादु जायते ॥ If my words are sweet they only declare the greatness of my guru, just as the sweetness of the fruit is but the outcome of the nature of the tree.'
नियोति हृदयावाचो हदि मे गुरवः स्थिताः।
ते तत्र संस्करिष्यते तत्र मेऽत्र परिश्रमः॥ My task is only to transcribe here what my gurus seated in my heart engender in the speech proceeding from my heart. '73
Another work of importance, written by Jinasena, is the Parśvābhyudaya.78 “This poem is one of the curiosities of
70 71 79 73
Tbid., pp. 63-4. Ibid., p. 71. Toid., P.72.
d., P.58,

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO LITERATURE, ETC. 85 Sanskrit literature. It is at once the prodųct and mirror of the litarary taste of the age. Universal judgement assigns the first place among Indian poets to Kālidāsa, but Jinasena claims to be considered a higher genius than the author of the Cloud Messenger." 74 The story relating to the origin of Pārśvābhyudaya is too interesting to be omitted It is stated that Kālidāsa came to Bankāpura priding over the production of his Mégha Dūta. Being instigated by Vinayaséna, Jinasena told Kālidāsa that he had pirated the poem from some ancient writer. When challenged by Kālidāsa to prove his statement, Jinasena pretended that the book he referred to was at a great distance, and could be got only after eight days. Then he came out with his own Pārśvābhyudayu, the last line of each verse in which was taken from Kālidāsa. The latter is said to have been confounded by this, but Jinasena finally confessed his whole trickery.75 Guņabhadra, it is well known, completed his Uttara Purāņa at Bankāpura, and it is certain that he must have concocted 78 this story, though it is a strange way of glorifying his own teacher. Guņabhadra, likewise, modelled his Ātmānusāsanam on the example of Bharthari's Vairāgyaśatakam.77
From these we turn to Somadeva, perhaps by far the most learned of Jaina writers of the South. The best known of his works is the Yaśastilaka-campu, written in mixed prose and verse. “What make Somadeva's works of very great importance," observes Mr. Hiralal, "are the learning of the author which they display, and the masterly style in which they are composed. The prose of Yaşastilaka vies with that of Båņa, and the poetry at places with that of Māgha." 78 According to Peterson, “ The Yaśastilaka is in itself a work of true poetical
74 JBBBAS, 1894, p. 224. 75 Cf. Nathuram Prêmi, op. cit., pp. 54-5. 76 The authenticity of this story is questioned. It is really narrated by
Yogirāt Pandita in his commentary on Pārs'vabhyudaya. 77 Ibid., pp. 20. 75. 78 Kiralal, op. cit., p. xxxii,

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merit, which nothing but the bitterness of theological hatred would have excluded so long from the list of the classics of India.” 79 For an elaborate notice of this work, however, we must refer to Peterson's Report from which the above citation is made. We can find room here only for a few important illustrations. In the words of the poet himself,
कांजलिपुटैः पातुं चेतः सूक्तामृते यदि । श्रूयतां सोमदेवस्य नव्याः काव्योक्तियुक्तयः॥ लोकवित्वे कवित्वे वा यदि चातुर्यचंचवः ।
सोमदेवकवेः सूक्तिः समभ्यस्यन्तु साधवः ॥ विद्याविनोदवनवासितकृच्छुकेन पुस्तव्यलेखिविलसाल्लिपिरच्छुकेन ।
श्रीसोमदेवरचितस्य यशोधरस्य सल्लोकमाम्यगुणरलमहीधरस्य ॥ 80 The date and place of composition are thus stated at the end of the work:
शकनृपकालातीतसंवत्सरशतेष्वष्टस्वकाशात्यधिकेषु गतेचंकतः ८८१ सिद्धार्थसंव. सरांतर्गतचैत्रमासमदनत्रयोदश्यां पांयसिंहलोचचेरमप्रभृतीन महीपतीन् प्रसाध्य मेल्याटी प्रवर्धमानराज्यप्रभावे श्रीकृष्णराजदेवे सति तत्पादपयोपजीविनः समाधि गतपंचमहाशब्दमहासामंताधिपत्तेचालुक्यकुलजन्मनः सामंतचूडामणेः श्रीमदरिफ्रेसरिणः प्रथमपुत्रस्य श्रीमद्रागराज प्रवर्धमानवसुंधरायां गंगाधरायां विनिर्यापितमिदं काव्यामिति ॥
इति सफलताकिलोकचूडामणेः श्रीमन्नेमिदेवभगवतः शिष्येण सोनवचगव. पथविद्याधरचक्रवर्तिशिखंडमंडनी भवञ्चरणकमलेन श्रीसोमदेवमरिणा विरचिते यशोधरमहाराजचरिते यशस्तिलकापरनाम्नि महाकाव्ये धर्मामृतवर्षमहोत्सवो नामा. ष्टम आवासः॥८॥81 It is clear from this that the work was written in Saka 881 at the court of Arikësari's son, a Cālukya feaudatory of Kțşņa III, Rāșțrakūta. Nemideva is given as the name of Somadeva's guru. In the words of Peterson, as already noted, " It represents a lively picture of India at a time when the Buddhist, Jaina, and Brāhmanical religions were still engaged in a contest that drew towards it the attention, and well nigh absorbed the
79 Peterson, op. cit. IV, p. 33. 80 Cf. Sri Aliak Pannālal Digambara Jaina Saraswati Bhavana Second
Report, pp. 84-5. al Tbid., p. 86.

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intellectual energies of all thinking men." 82 The last part of the work entitled Upāsakādhyanam, divided into forty-six kalpas or chapters, is a handbook of popular instruction on Jaina doctrine and devotion.83
इयता ग्रंथेन मया प्रोक्तं चरितं यशोधरनृपस्य ।
इत उत्तरं च वक्ष्ये श्रुतपठितमुपासकाध्ययनम् ॥ ४॥ Among the authors with whom Somadeva shows his acquaintance are Bhāravi, Bhavabhūti, Bhartphari, Guņādhya, Vyåsa, Bhāsa, Kālidāsa, Bāņa, Māgha, Rājaśêkhara; and grammarians like Indra, Candra, Jinêndra, A pisala and Pāṇini whose works, he says, were taught during his days. Besides, he also makes mention of Aśva-vidyā, Gaja-vidyā, Ratna-parikṣā, Kāma-śāstra, Vaidyaka, etc.85 His other work of considerable interest is the Nitivākyāmyta which is almost verbally modelled on Kautilya's Artha-śāstra.86 The mere 'table of contents' of this work is enlightening. It has thirty-two chapters which are :(1) TÀRT:; (2) STUAJTT: ; (3) FTAYIT:; (4) TTEET:; (5) jane: ; (6) prani; (7) aft; (8) arai; (9) yogaforat; (10) ji; (11) geriga; (12) ft; (13) qa; (14) ait; (15) fait; (16) 577; (17) FIÂ ; (18) STATE; (19) #79; (20) Gi; (21) Bìa; (22) đỡ; (23) HH; (24) CIR ; (25) farger; (26) Agrart; (27) stare; (28) faar; (29) argou ; (30) 96; (31) famig; and (32) amit. At the end is given a Prasasti from which we learn that Somadeva was the younger brother of Mahendradeva Bhattāraka who is described as वादीदकालानलभीमहेंददेवभट्टारक. Further we are informed that Somadeva also wrote three other works, ( gorrara
ATOT, gmraar ofTET, TATACAF) which however are not extant. The epithets which he applies to himself with ciceroen pride are certainly worth mentioning, viz :
82 Peterson, op. cit., p. 33. 83 Ibid., p. 46. 84 See n. 80 above. 85 For a fuller analysis see Nilivākyamrila, M. D. J. G. XXII Introd.,
pp. 14-17. 86 Of. Ibid., pp. 1-8.

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स्याद्वादाचलासंहतार्किक चक्रवतिं वादीभपंचानन वाक्कल्लोलपयोनिधि कविकुलराजप्रभृति प्रशस्ति प्रशस्तालंकार....... Then he asks,
**********
सकलसमयतर्के नाकलेकोऽसि वादी न भवसि समयोक्तौ इंससिद्धांतदेवः । न च वचनविला से पूज्यपादोऽसि तत्त्वं ॥ वदसि कथमिदानी सोमदेवेन सार्धं ॥
'O critic, who art neither an Akalanka in logic, nor a Hamsa - siddhantadêva in scriptures, nor a Pūjyapada in grammar, on what score art thou coming to discuss with Somadeva ?' In other words Somadêva claims to be at least equal to all the three scholars named, in the arts each of them excelled in. And finally he concludes with the words :
दर्पाधबोधबुधसिंधुर सिंहनादे वादिद्विपोद्वलनदुर्धर वाग्विवादे ।
श्रीसोमदेव मुनिपे वचनारसाले
वागीश्वरोऽपि पुरतोऽस्ति न वादकाले ||
87
The book is replete with laconic expressions which might be as readily drawn upon with effect as the sayings of Bacon or of Marcus Aurelius; or commented upon with learned parallels in the entire range of Sanskrit literature as done by its anonymous Brahmanical commentator. Indeed, it is a certificate to the universality of this Jaina writer that he has found his only learned commentator from among the non-Jainas. But it is considered almost anamolous by the Jainas that the author should have dealt with the subject as he has done. 88 For instance, in the विद्यावृद्धसमुद्देशः we find
नित्यनैमित्तिकानुष्ठानस्थो गृहस्थः ॥ १८ ॥
ब्रह्मदेवपित्र तिथिभूतयज्ञोहि नित्यमनुष्ठानम् ॥ २९ ॥
87 Ibid., Text, p. 406.
88 Cf. " हमारी समजमेतो इसका जैन धर्मसे बहुतही कममेल खाता है | इस ग्रंथके विद्यावृद्ध, अन्वीक्षकी और त्रयी समुद्देशोंको अच्छी तरह पढनेसे पाठक हमारे अभिप्रायको अच्छी तरह समज जावेगे । जैनधर्मज्ञ विद्वानोंको चाहिए इस प्रश्नका विचारपूर्वक समाधान करे कि, एक जैनाचार्यकी कृतीम आन्वीक्षकी और त्रयीको इतनी प्रधानता क्यों दीगयी है."
Nathuram Premi, op. cit, p. 30.

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89
That is, those are grhastas or true house-holders who perform the daily and occasional rites; yajnas for the satisfaction of the Creator, the ancestors, and the elements constitute the daily rites.' No wonder that the commentator explains this as follows:
टीका-यत्स्वशक्त्या ब्रह्मणः पूजा क्रियते तथाभीष्टदेवतार्चनं तथा पितृतर्पणं तथाकालप्राप्तब्राह्मणतर्पणं तथाभूतयज्ञः। भूतयज्ञशब्देन वैश्वदेवबलिप्रदानमुच्यते। एतानि कुर्वाणो गृहस्थो नित्यानुष्ठायी भवति । तथा च वर्ग:
पितृदेवमनुष्याणां पूजनं ब्रामणः सह ।
बलिप्रदानसंयुक्तं नित्यानुष्ठानमुच्यते ॥80 As examples of some of Somadeva's proverbial statements we might adduce the following :
(1) हस्तिस्नानमिव सर्वमनुष्ठानमनियमितेंद्रियमनोवृत्तीनाम् ॥ २४ ॥ • Even like the bathing of an elephant (futile) is the ceremonial of a man whose senses and mind are disorderly or uncontrolled.'
(2) कालेन संचीयमानः परमाणुरपि जायते मेरुः ॥ २८ 1.1 Little grains of sand make a mighty land ; lit. 'Even atoms saved in course of time form a mountain like Meru.'
(3) अनाचरतो मनोरथाः स्वमराज्यसमाः ॥ ३२ ॥ Ideals divorced from practice are kingdoms owned in dreams.' In the words of Vallabhadêva, cited by the commentator, 'By exertion alone are achievements made, pot through mere intentions; the prey never seeks the mouth of a sleeping lion. "92
From these specimens of Jaina contributions to Sanskrit literature we must now turn to the vernacular writers.
Two of the most noted among the Kannaďa writers, namely, Ādi Pampa and Abhinava Pampa, authors respectively of the best known versions in Kannada of the Mahābhārata and the
89_Nuirikyāmrita Text, pp. 47-8. 80 Gf. अशुदेंद्रियचित्तो यः कुरुते काचित्सलिया । ___ हस्तिस्नानमिव व्यर्थ तस्य सा परिकीर्तिता ॥
Ibid., com. p. 60. 91 Ibid., p. 17. 92 Cf. उद्यमेन हि सिंदयन्ति कार्याणि न मनोरथैः।
न हि मुप्तस्य सिंहस्य प्रविशंति मुखे मृगाः॥ Ibid., p. 10. RO-2528-19

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Rāmāyaṇa, have already been cited. But they were by no means the earliest, nor even the only writers on the subject. “No Indian vernacular,” wrote Mr. Lewis Rice, "contains a richer or more varied mine of indigenous literature though scarcely at all known or exposed, (than Kanarese) ; a literature, moreover, which as the product to a great extent of Jain and Lingāyat authors, is independent of Sanskrit and Brāhmanical works." 93 They wrote on all subjects, as we shall notice below : on religion and ethics. on grammar and prosody, on medicine and even natural science, such as was understood in those days. Out of the 28o poets (belonging to the period of our survey, noticed by Mr. R. Narasimháchār, in his KarnatakaKavicaritrê), no less than 95 are Jaina poets; the Vira-śaiva or Lingayat poets come next, being 9o ; whereas the Brāhmanical writers are only 45, and the rest, all included 50.94
The earliest of these, namely Kaviparamèsti, whom, however, we know only by allusion, goes as far back as at least the 4th century A. D.95 Both Jinasena and Guņabhadra, in the Adi and Uttara Purāņa respectively, speak of him as an earlier writer on the same
स पूज्यः कविभिलाके कवीनां परमेश्वरः वागर्थसंग्रहं कृत्स्नं पुराणं यः समग्रहीत् ॥ आ. पु. कविपरमेश्वरनिगदितगयकथामातृकं पुश्चिरितम् ।
सकलच्छंदोलंकृतिलक्ष्यं सूक्ष्मार्थगढपदरचनम् ॥ 96 उ. पु. But among the writers of whom we know more definitely is Śrīvardhadêva, also called Tumbulürācārya from his birth-place, author of a commentary on theTattvārtha Mahāśāstra, entitled Cūdāmaņi, which is said to have run into 96,000 verses. Two facts bring out the greatness of this work: Dandin, of the 6th century A. D., praises Srivardhadêva for having " produced Sarasvatı (i. e. learning and eloquence ) from the tip of his
93 Rice, Mysore and Coorg 1, p. 398. 94 Narasimhächārya, Karataka. Kavicaritré 1, Indrod, p. xxi. 95 Rice ( E. P.), Ranarese Literature, pp. 26–27. 96 Cf. Nätbarām Prêmi, Vidvadratnamila I, pp. 60, 61.

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91 tongue, as Siva produced the Ganges from the tip of his topknot ".97 And Bhattākalanka, the great Kannada grammarian (1604), refers to Srivardhadêva's book as the greatest work in the language, and as incontestable proof of the scholarly character and value of Kannada literature.99 But, unfortunately, no copy of the book has yet been discovered. For the earliest extant specimen of Kannada composition by a Jaina writer, we must therefore refer to the inscriptions at Sravaņa Belgoļa. In one of these dated c. 700 A. D. the death of an ascetic named Nandisena is thus described.
ಸುರಚಾಪಂ ಬೋಲೆ ವಿದ್ಯುಲ್ಲತೆಗಳಎವೋಲ್ ಮಂಜುವೋಲ್ ಕೋ ಆ ಬೇಗಂ | ಸಿರಿಗುಂ ಶ್ರೀರೂಪ ಲೀಲಾಧನ ವಿಭವ ಮಹಾರಾಶಿಗಳ ನಿಲ್ಲವಾರ್ಗ೦ | ಪರಮಾರ್ಧಂ ಮಚ್ಚೆ ನಾನೀಧರಣಿಯುಳಿರವಾನೆಂದು ಸನ್ಮಾಸನಂಗೆ ! ಯುರು ಸರ್ತ್ಪ ನಂದಿಸೇನ ಪ್ರವರಮುನಿವರ್ರ ದೇವಲೋಕಕ್ಕೆ ಸಂರ್ದಾ99 841
'Swift fading as the rainbow's hue
Or lightning flash or morning dew, To whom do pleasure, wealth, and fame,
For many years remain the same? Then why should I, whose thoughts aspire
To reach the highest gond, desire Here on the earth long days to spend ?
Reflecting thus within his mind, The noble Nandi Sen
All ties that bound to life resigned, To quit this world of pain,
And so this best of anchorites
The world of Gods did gain. 100 Kavirājamārga or the Royal Road of Poets', attributed by some to the authorship of Amoghavarşa Rāstrakūţa, 101 is the earliest extant work from which we come to know of the
97 Cf, Ep. Car. II SB 54. 98 C. Rice (E. P.), op. cit., p. 27 f; Rice (Lewis), Mysore and Coorg
I, pp. 197-198. 99 Ep. Car. II, 8B 88: cf. Narasimbăchārya, S'āsana Padya Vanjuri,
p. 1. 100 Bica ( E. P.) op. cit., p. 22. . 101 Of. Náthyram Prêmi, op. cit., P, 81.

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existence of numerous other writers of an earlier age. According to this poet, roughly assigned to the middle of the ninth century A. D.,
. In all the circle of the earth
No fairer land you'll find, Than that where rich sweet Kannada
Voices the people's mind.
The people of that land are skilled
To speak in rhythmic tone; And quick to grasp a poet's thought,
So kindred to their own. Not Students only, but the folk
Untutored in the schools, By instinct use and understand
The strict peotic rules. 102 It is interesting to compare this with the following lines from an inscription at Soraba, of the time of Devaraya I of Vijayanagara (1408);
ಜಿನಧರ್ಮಾವಾಸವಾದತ್ತ ಮಳವಿನಯದಾಗರಮಾದತ್ತು ಪದ್ಮಾ-1 ಸನನಿರ್ಪಾಸದ ಮಾದತ್ತ ತಿವಿಶದಯಶೋಧಾಮಮಾದತ್ತು ವಿದ್ಯಾ-1 ಧನಜನ್ನ ಸ್ಥಾನಮಾದತ್ತ ಸಮತರಳಗಂಭೀರಸಹಮಾದ-1
ತೆನಿಸಿಂತುಳ್ಳ ನಾನಾಮಹಿಮೆಯೊಳೆಸೆಗುಂ ಚಾರುಕರ್ಣಾಟದೇಶಂ | 103 The poet describes the charming Karņāța country as the home of learning and of Jina-dharma. We have already seen that this is largely true, and it was during the Golden Age of Jainism under the Gangas that Kannada literature got considerable patronage and impetus. Among the prose writers in Kannada referred to in the Kavirājamārga is Durvinita, who is identified with the Ganga ruler of that name :(482-522 A. D.). He is said to have been the author of a commentary on the difficult 15th sarga of Bhāravi's Kirātārjunīya. 104 For a more detailed consideration of the patronage of learning under the Gangas 102 Kavirajamā ga I, 36-9; cf. Bice ( E. P.) op. cit., p. 29. 103 Narasimbachārya, op. cit., p. 260, Soraba 280. 104 Rice (E. P.), op. cit., p. 28; cf. Kadlür Plates of Mārasimbu Ganga,
Mysore Archaeological Report 1921, p. 20; ibid, 1924, p. 76.

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93 we must refer to the laborious work of the late Mr. Lewis Rice, and the Mysore Archaeological Reports. We can here find space for only a few specimens.
Mādhava I is said to have been the author of a commentary on the Dattaka-sūtra; he is also described as an "expert in the theoretical exposition and practical application of the science of polity;" 105 as "a touch-stone for testing gold: the learned and the poets," and as "conducting himself agreeably to his culture and modesty". 106 Avinita is said to have been "worthy of being reckoned first among the learned," and "of a mind filled with learning and modesty;" Būtuga as, “a Brahma in learning," "versed in dancing and other accomplishments; " Ereyappa as, "a Bharata in the arts of singing, instrumental music, dancing, and other minor arts, an authority to great grammarians, a treasury of speech," etc.; and of Rācamalla III or Būtuga II,—"This intelligent prince learnt in his early age the science of politics, riding'on elephants and horses, play at ball, wielding the bow and sword, the drama, grammar, medicine, poetry, mathematics, Bharata-śāstra, Itihāsas and Purāņas, dancing, singing, and instrumental music.” 107
A typical scholar of the times is found in Vādighangala Bhatta, who was a learned convert from Brāhmanism. He is described in the following terms in the Kudlūr Plates of Mārasimha Ganga who made him a grant (of 20 gadyānams in cash and 12 khandugas in grain, being the revenue of the village of Bagiyūr) "as Sruta-guru's ( religious teacher's) fee":
Vādighangala was a treasury of the jewels of wisdom, a mine of the pearls of intellect. With very little effort and labour on his part all learning came to him in a very short time as though it had been made ready in his previous birth. He was the author of a grammatical system free from doubt and controversy. He, like Brahma, knew the
essense of the science of grammar, and was looked up to as 105 Ibid. 1994, pp. 68,80-1; cf. Rice, Ep. Oar. I, p. 52. 106 Mysore Archaeological Report, 1921, p. 19 f. 107 Ibid., pp. 19-22. Bee also Rice, Mysore and Coorg I, pp. 196 8,

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a great authority by grammarians. He was well versed in the three schools of logic, and in the Lokāyata, Sankhya, Vedānta and Baudha systems of philosophy; and in Jainism he became celebrated as Vādighangala. He was, besides, an eminent poet. Like a sun on the eastern mountain, Syādvāda, he destroyed the mass of darkness, arrogant scholars, by the resplendant rise of his learning, cut off the expansion of the lilies, proud disputants, by the rays of his eloquence, and acquired the high distinction of Vādighangala on the earth.
'His eloquence in the exposition of literature made king Ganga-Gangeya ('Ganga among the Gangas', i.e. Mārasimha ), a cuckoo in the grove of delighters in all learning, his pupil. His instruction in politics induced the learned men of Vallabharāja's capital (i.e. Mānyakheta of the Rāştrakūtas ) to show him great honour, which showed to the world his greatness and remarkable scholarship; and his counsel to Kșşñarāja (which enabled him to conquer all the regions ), procured for him the king's esteem along with that of all his Māndalikas and Sämantas,' 108 The artistic execution as well as its composition (a Sanskrit Campu work of considerable literary merit) make the above record of unique interest, besides its historical value as the longest of the Ganga copper-plate inscriptions giving a full account of their dynasty. The Kannada works produced under the Gangas were principally, the Harivamsa and Neminātha Purāņa by Guņavarma I, under Mahendrāntaka or Ereyappa ( 886-913 A. D.); Cāmunda or Cāvunda Rāya's Trišașțilaksana Mahā-purāna, better known as Cāvundarāya-Purāņa, under Rácamalla IV (974-84); and Chhandômbudhi or "Ocean of Prosody” by Nāgavarma I (c. 984 A. D.). Of these, the second is of special interest and importance as the work of the great minister and general who erected the famous colossus at Belgola, and as the oldest extant specimen of a 108 Kudlůr Plates of Mārasimba Ganga, ibid. 1921, pp. 23-1.

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book written in continuous prose, enabling us, therefore, to gain a knowledge of the language as spoken in the tenth century ( 978 A. D.). Någavarma's prosody, with additions by later writers, still remains the standard work on the subject in Kannada. The work is addressed by the poet to his wife. In the vyttas, or metres, each verse is composed so as to be an example of the metre described in it. It is said that he also made a translation of Bāņa's Kādambari in Kannada. 109
Like Ādi Pampa, Nāgavarma too came from Vengi, as also another great writer named Ponna. The migration of these three Jaina writers from the Andhra into the Kannada country is a strong commentary upon the attitude of the two provinces towards Jainism.
Ponna lived under the patronage of the Rāştrakūta king Kļşņarāja (also called Akālavarşa and Anupama, 939-98). On account of his proficiency in Sanskrit as well as Kannada, the poet received the title of Ubhaya-Kavi-Cakravarti or. Imperial Poet in Both Languages'. His most famous work is the Sänti-Purāna, relating the history of the 16th Tirthankara. He also wrote an acrostic poem entitled Jināksharamālé, in praise of the Jinas. 110
Another contemporary writer who deserves mention is Ranna, author of Ajita Purāņa and Sāhasa Bhima Vijaya, popularly known as the Gadā-yuddha or the Conflict of Clubs.' It describes the incident in the Mahābhārata wherein, Bhima fulfils his vow to break the thighs of Duryodhana and slay him. The work was composed under the patronage of Āhavamalla Cālukya, who is likened by the poet to Bhima, just as Pampa had done with Arikësari, in his Pampa Bhārata. He is chiefly praised for his literary skill, fluency, and fascinating style.111
We might go on multiplying these instances and the catalogue will still remain unexhausted. Hence, for the sake of brevity we classify the remaining writers according to subjects as under:
109 Cf. Rice (E. P.), op. cit., pp. 32-33. 110 Ibid., pp. 31-2. 111 Ibid., pp. 81-3.

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Subject
Name of work
Author
Remarks
Purāņa
Mallinātha Purana | Nāgacandra or
Abhinava Pampa Néminatha Purāņa | Karna pārya
Contemporary of Vişnuvardhana Hoysaļa.
Reveals great descriptive power (c.1105 A.D.) Includes stories from Mahābhārata (c. 1140). 1170) 17 Unfinished. Seven more Purānas
between these two dates,
Nêmicandra
))
Mahābalakavi Kumudêndu
Rāmāvana Kumudêndu
Punyāśrava
Nāgarāja
(1254) In Shatpadi (c. 1275). 52 tales of Pauranic heroes, illustrative of the duties of householders. Tr. from Sanskrit (?). (c. 1331 ). Court Poet of Sālvamalla (c. 1550 ). A Kșatriya of Muạbidrê (c. 1557).
Sālva Bhārata Sālva Bharatéśvara Caritré Ratnākaravarņi Rāmacandra Carita Candrasekhara and
Padmanabba Rāmakathāvatāra Dêvacandra
(c. 1700-1750). Prose ( C. 1797).

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Gunanandi
J.s.c.-1528-13
Linguistic : | Works on logic, Grammar,
grammar and sāhitya Prosody and
(names ?)
Quoted by the grammarian Bhattākalanka,
and called by him Bhagavan the adorable one.' (c. 900 ).
Glossary
„
Kāryāvalokana
Nāgavarma II
This is the fullest work in the language on the
subject of poetic composition. It deals with Grammar, Faults and Elegances of composition, Style and Poetic Conventions copiously illustrated with quotations from earlier writers, as well as original stanzas. (c. 1145 ).
Andayya
Kabbigara-Kāva or Sobagina Suggi or
Madana Vijaya
Poets Defender' or 'Harvest of Beauty' or 'Cupid's Conquest.' The only example in the language without a single tatsama, wholly written in todbhava and dêśya words. (c. 1235 ).
Vastu-Köśa
Nāgavarma II
Sanskrit Kannada glossary the earliest of its kind in Kannada.
Sabdamanidarpana
Kesirāja
* Jewel-Mirror of Grammar,' remains to this day the standard early authority on the Kannada language. (c. 1260 ).

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Subject
Name of work
Author
Remarks
Linguistic :' | Amarakośavyākhyāna Nācirāja Grammar, Prosody and
A valuable Kannada commentary on the Amara-kośa. (c. 1300 ).
Glossary
Kavya-sära
Karnāļaka
Sanjivana Karnāšaka
Šabdānu-Śāsana
Abhinava Vādi
Vidyānandi A valuable anthology. (1533). Sälva
A glossary of words spelt with ra and la
(c. 1600 ). Bhattākalanka Déva 592 Sanskrit sūtras. Like his predecessors
quotes numerous previous authors and Kannada writers. (1604).
Astrology (Name ? )| Sridharācārya
Scientific: Medicine, Mathematics, Astrology, etc.
Medicine
Jagaddala (Kalyāņa-Kāraka ) | Sômanatha
The earliest extant Kannada work on the subject (c. 1049 ). Cites Āryabhata's astronomy. ( 499 ). Translation of Pūjya päda's Sanskrit work. This is the earliest extant Kannada work on the subject. Treatment prescribed is wholly vegetarian and non-alcoholic. (c. 1150 ).

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Scientific : Medicine, Mathematics, Astrology, etc.
"3
Religion and Ethics
,
Mathematics (Name ?)
Raṭṭa Mata or Raṭṭa Sūtra
Khagendra Manidarpana
Dharmāmrta
Samaya-parikṣā
Rājāditya
Raṭṭa-kavi
Mangrāja I
Nayasena
Brahma Śiva
Poetical talents devoted to elucidation of the Mathematical subjects. With extraordinary skill he reduced to verse rules and problems in arithmetic, mensuration, etc. His writings are the earliest works on these subjects. (c. 1100-1160).
A quasi-scientific work on natural phenomena such as rain, earth-quakes, lightning, planets, omens etc. (c. 1300).
(c. 1360) Quotes Pūjya pāda.
Fourteen chapters devoted to courage, truthfulness, chastity, justice, etc. in easy pleasant style. In the preface he says that he has avoided the needless use of Sanskrit works which was the fault of his contemporary writers. (1112).
A controversial work which justifies Jainism as against rival creeds. (c. 1125).

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100
Subjeot
Name of work
Author
Remarks
Religion and
Ethics
Dharma-parikṣā
Vritta-Vilāsa
Tripuradahana
Siśumāyana
Ratna-Karandaka
Āyata-varma
A Kannada version of Amitagati's ( 1014 )
work of the same name. (c. 1160 ). 'Burning of the Triple Fortress': Birth, Decay and Death - an allegorical poem. The earliest specimen of Sāngatya, a form which later came to be much in vogue.
(c. 1232 ). “Casket of Jewels". Trans. of Samantabhadra's Sanskit work. Deals with the Three Jewels : Right Belief, Right Knowledge and Right Conduct. (c. 1400 ?). An account of the universe (heaven, hell and the intervening worlds) as conceived by the
Jainas. ( 1557 ). Moral discourses on renunciation. 'Songs of
the Brothers' on moral and doctrinal
subjects, largely current among the Jainas. Urges that contemplation and study of the
Šāstras are far more valuable than either outward rites or austerities. (c. 1559 ).
Triloka-śataka
Ratnākaravarņi
Ratnākaravarņi
A parājita-śataka
Annagala-pada
Jnāna-bhāskara
caritre
Nemaņņa

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The above list is by no means exhaustive, but only representative. It is based on the accounts given by Mr. E. P. Rice whose History of Kanarese Literature is a valuable guide in English for those who cannot read the precious volumes, Karnataka Kavi Caritré, by Mr. R. Narasimhāchār. In addition to what has been stated above, we must draw attention to one or two more examples. One is that of Kanti, the earliest known Jaina poetess in Kannada. It is related that at the court of Baļļāla Raja (Hoysaļa) of Dorasamudra the King, in order to test her proficiency, asked Nāgacandra to repeat half a stanza, which Kanti would immediately complete; "somewhat”, as Rice points out, “after a fashion recently current in England of completing 'Limericks'".112 Another example is that of the earliest known Kannada novel, entitled Lilāvatī, by Nemicandra. " It is written in the usual champu in a pleasing style, but," as Rice observes, " disfigured by erotic passages. "113 The story is that of a Kadamba prince who saw in a dream a beautiful princess (the heroine), and she likewise dreamt of him. They were unacquainted, but after mutual search and various adventures were ultimately wedded. It is based on the Sanskrit romance Väsavadatta by Subandhu (c. 610-), but the scene is transferred from Ujjaini to Banavāsê. Both Kanti and Nemicandra belonged to the 12th century. In respect of the Kannada grammars by Jaina writers, the following remarks by Burnell and Rice are worth recording: Of the Sabdamanidarpaņa, Burnell wrote, “The great and real merit of the Śabdamanidarpana is that it bases its rules on independent research and the usage of writers of repute. In this way it is far ahead of the Tamil and Telugu treatises, which are much occupied with vain scholastic disputation ".114 In the opinion of Mr. Lewis Rice, "This encomium is equally applicable to other Kanarese grammars, which had not been made public in
119 Rico (E. P.), op. cit., p. 36. 113 Ibid., p. 48. 114 Burnell, Andhra School of Grammarians, pp. 8, 55,

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1875, when Burnell wrote. Nothing is more striking than the wealth of quotation and illustration from previous authors which these grammatical writings contain, and this gives them a high scientific as well as historical value ".115
JAINA ART IN KARNATAKA The most distinctive contribution of Jainism to Art in Karnāțaka was in the realm of Iconography. As with everything else in life, the Jainas appear to have carried their spirit of acute analysis and asceticism into the sphere of art and architecture as well. There are minute details, for instance, in the Mānasāra, a standard book on the subject in South India, according to which,
The image of a Jina should have only two arms, two eyes, and a cropped head; either standing with legs kept straight or in the abhanga manner; or it may be seated in the padmāsana posture, wherein also the body must be kept erect. The figure should be sculptured as to indicate deep contemplation; the right palm should be kept facing upwards upon the left palm held in the same manner (and both resting on the crossed legs). On the Simhasana on which the image of the Jina is seated (and round the prabhāvali) should be shown the figures of Nărada and other rșis, hosts of gods (and goddesses ), vidyadharas and others, as, either seated or standing in the air, and offering worship to the Jina.
'Below the simhasana must be the figures of (other) Jinas in a worshipping attitude; these are the siddhas (or ādisiddhas ?), the sugandhas (sugatas ?), Cahantu (carhantās, i. e. Arhantas ?), Jana (Jina ?) and pārsvakas; these five classes are known by the name of Panca-paramestins.115. The complexions of these are respectively sphatika (crystal), white, red, black, and yellow. The central Jina figure should be shaped according to the
115 Cited by E. P. Rice, op. cit., pp. III-12. 115a This is not correct. The Pancparamesthis gre : Arhat, Siddha, Acirys
Upadhyeya and Sadhu.

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Venur Gommata (Vide page 103 )

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uttama-daśa-tala measure, whereas those of the dévatas and the twenty-four Tirthankaras surrounding him in the other (madhyama and adhama) daśatala measures. The body should be perfectly free from ornaments, but on the right side of the chest (a little over the nipple) there should be the Śri-vatsa mark of golden colour.
On the right and left side of the gate of the temple of Jina, there should be the dwārapālakas named Canda and Mahā - Canda respectively.'116
It becomes clear from this extract that there was a regular system of sculpture and architecture to which the workers were expected strictly to conform. The excessive deference to ritual prescription, generally recognised as a defect in Hindu art, as Smith obseryes, is carried to such an extremity by the Jainas, that images differing in age by a thousand years are almost undistinguishable in style. The uniformity which runs through the centuries extends all over India, so that little difference between Northern and Southern productions is noticeable, and the genius of individual artists finds small scope for its display.117 The best illustrations of this remark are undoubtedly the three wellknown colossi of Karnāțaka, viz. the statues of Gommatesvara or Bahubali at Śravaņa Belgoļa, Kārkaļa, and Yêņür or Vènür. The last one is the smallest of the three ( 35 ft. high ) and the first the biggest, rising to a height of 561 ft. All the three are carved, each out of a single block of gneiss, giving expression to the same ascetic ideal in the self-same manner, with the exception of the dimples in the cheeks of the Yêņūr colossus expressing 'a deep, grave smile.' They date respectively from about 983 A. D., 1432 A. D., and 1604 A.D.118 All are set on heights of more or less prominence, visible from a considerable distance around; and, despite their formalism,
116 Mänasara ch. 55; cf. Gopinathrao, Travancore II, pp. 118-19. 117 Smith, History of Fine Art in India, pp. 267-68. 118 Cf. Hultzsch, Jain Colossi in South India, Ep. Ind. VII, pp. 108-12
Ep. Car II, Introd., p. 16.

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'command respectful attention by their enormous mass and expression of dignified serenity'. That at Kārkala is 41 ft. 5 inches high, 10$ ft. broad and 10 ft. thick, weighing about 80 tons.119 “This is one of those colossal statues that are found in this part of the country”, says Walhouse, “statues truly Egyptian in size, and unrivalled throughout India as detached works..... Nude, cut from a single mass of granite, darkened by the monsoons of centuries, the vast statue stands upright, with arms hanging straight, but not awkwardly, down the sides in a posture of somewhat stiff but simple dignity.120 "
This figure of Gommateswara is indeed known only in Karņāțaka, and statues of that size are very rare elsewhere. 121 Gommațeśwara Bāhubali, or Bhujabali is supposed to have been the son of the first Tirthankara, Vţşabha, who attained salvation in that position of Kāyôtsarga. His feet are entwined with weeds and Kukkuța-sarpas. On the Candragiri Hill at Sravana Belgoļa is also another statue, that of Bharata, brother of Bābubali, of great size, broken below the knees, yet standing erect:
"A statue solid set
And moulded in colossal calm ". In the Jaina cave at Bādāmi a similar figure is seen which, in the opinion of Fergusson, is much older (c. 600 A. D.) than the three great monoliths, but represents the same individual—the ideal ascetic who stood in meditation until the ant-bills arose at his feet and creeping plants grew round bis limbs. " This Gomața, Gummața or Dorbali”, he also says, " has no prominent place in the Svetämbara pantheon, though
119 Cf. Fergussion, À Hlstory of Indian and Eastern Architectnre, II, pp.
72-3; Buchanan, Travels, III, p. 83. 120 Cf. Sturrock, South Canara, I, p. 86 f. 121 At Närä in Japan is a bionże statue of Buddha 50 ft. high; and at
Bāmiyan, a stone image, also of Buddha, 173 ft. high. See, Carpentier, Buddhism and Christranity. p. 15; Nariman, The Indian Daily Mail Annual, 1926, p. 12. Cf. At Gwalior, Smith, op. cit., pp. 268-70.

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Pārsvanatha is with them occasionally represented in a similar position."122
The question naturally arises as to how these huge images were moved to their present place. "The task of carving a rock standing in its place had it even been twice the size, the Hindu mind never would have shrunk from; but to move such a mass up the steep smooth side of the hill seems a labour beyond their power, even with all their skill in concentrating masses of men on a single point," says Fergusson.123 Yet the fact remains that, at least at Karkala, the statue with its immense proportions was moved up a smooth and steep rock nearly 300 feet high. According to tradition, it was raised on to a train of twenty iron carts furnished with steel wheels, on each of which 10,000 propitiatory cocoanuts were broken, and covered with an infinity of cotton; it was then drawn by legions of worshippers up an inclined plane to the platform on the hill-top, where it now stands.124
Folk-songs of South Kanara also throw some light upon this point, and seem to contain the soul of truth within their legendary exterior. They ascribe the erection of all the three statues to the popular devil Kalkuda :
'The king of Bêlur and Belguļa sent for Kalkuḍa the stonemason of Kallaṭṭa Mārnād (N. E. of Mangalore). He put the thread on his shoulder to let people know his caste, and held up an umbrella. He made sharp his adze and put it on his shoulder. He made sharp his chisel and put it in a bag. He made sharp his axe and put it on his shoulder. He carried a cord and a pole for measuring. He dressed himself in his dressing-room, and then he dressed himself again. I am going to the kingdom of Belgula," he said to his wife. He reached Belguļa where he ascended twelve steps of stone. He passed by the gate. He passed by a painted cavadi. He passed by a pillar of precious
"
122 Fergusson, op. cit., pp. 72, 73 n 8; Ep. Car. II introd., pp. 12-13. 128 Fergusson, op. cit., pp. 72-3.
194 Thurston, The Castes and Tribes of Southern India, 11, pp. 422-28. JK0-2528-14

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stones, and a large yard. There the king sat down on his throne with pea-cock's feathers. He held up his hands and saluted him : “Come Kalkuda, take a seat,” said the king.
“Why did you send for me?" asked Kalkuda. “Now this is evening and the time to take one's food: therefore take five sers of rice, and go to your lodging; I shall tell you your work tomorrow morning, and then you must work well," said the king.
Next morning the king directed him to do fine work, such as a basti (temple), with 1,000 pillars, and with 120 images. Seven temples with seven idols: a small temple inside and a garden outside : an elephant in the outer yard, and also a large idol called Gummada. Work such that only one door was opened when a thousand doors were shut, and that the thousand doors were opened when a single door was shut ;- a building for dancing and another for dancing-girls, and also others for lodgings ;-an elephant that seemed to be running ;-a fine horse and a lion.
"I want to choose my own stones," said Kalkuda.
"Go there to a large rock, and get the stones you like," said the king.
"He went to a large rock called Perya Kalluņi and remembered the gods on the four sides. He found the cleft in the stones and put his chisel there, and then he applied his axe. The stone was separated, just like flesh from the blood. He then did fine work, and built the basti of a thousand pillars, etc.125
Then the song proceeds," It is a year and six months since I came. I must go to my native country. Therefore, I beg leave,” said Kalkuļa.
The king presented him with a cot to lie down on, a chair to sit on, five torches for light, a stick to walk with, clothes up to the shoulders, and betel leaves to fill his mouth............
Then Kalkuda's son, seeing his own father's work said: "All the work is done well, except the image of a frog which is not
125 Burpell, The Devil Worship of the Tuļuvas. Ind. Ant. XXV, Mş. 25.

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done well. Its eyes are not done well. Its paws are not well done. Its legs are not properly done."
"Rāma, Rāma, Bêrmêtti !", exclaimed Kalkuda, “Many have seen and examined my work; many have been satisfied with it. You were born but yesterday, and are only just grown up; still you have found out a mistake in my work. If the king heard of this, he would tie me to an elephant's leg and beat me with horse-whips. He would dishonour me, and then what would be the use of my life?" So saying, Kalkuda put down his tools and took out a knife from his girdle and cut his own throat. Thus did he kill himself.
“ Father, althongh you are dead, I will not leave your tools,“ said the son.... And he worked at Belgola better than his father had done. He built the seven temples; he established a Brahma128 (?), etc.
Bairaņa-sūda (Bairāsu Wodeya ? ), King of Karkala, heard the news, sent for him, and told him to work in his kingdom ........ He made a basti with a thousand pillars, 120 images, a dancing room, a lodging for dancing girls, etc.
"Go to a rock on dry land and make Gummațasāmi there,” said the king. He made the Gommațasāmi. He made a pillar called Banțakamba, a pillar of Mahārņavami. He made a garden inside the temple.
"You people, bring fifty cocoanuts in a basket, and betel-nut on a fan; call together the 5,000 people of Kärkala, and raise the Gommațasāmi, he said. But they could not do it."
" Very well,” said Kalkuda ( the younger), and he put the left hand under the Gummața and raised it, and placed it on a base, and then he set the Gummata up-right."
196
This is evidently a reference to the Brahma-deva Pillar, or Mánas. tambha on the Candragiri Hill which is a beautiful work of art. Cf. Ep. Car. U Introd., p. 24.

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108
JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE This interesting legend makes it clear that the Jainas employed Brāhmanical architects and sculptors as well. In the sequel we are told that the King of Kārkaļa said, “I will not let Kalkuda who has worked in my kingdom, work in another country ;” and he cut off his left arm and right leg. In spite of this, however, Kalkuļa went to Timmajila, 127 King of Yêņir, and did fine work with only one arm and one leg. His sister, Kallurți (another devil worshipped in South Kanara ), is said to have taken full revenge for the ill-treatment of her brother to which the fall of the Kārkala Wodeyars is attributed, 128 The legend also amply illustrates the life of a sculptor, his skill, his sense of honour, his hereditary attachment to his vocation, his small remuneration, as well as his hardships which often disabled him for life, though his indefatigable enthusiasm for his task was more than could be curbed by such calamities. But in spite of all this, we cannot fail to notice that lack of versatility in expression, which resulted in repeating the same acts and same forms over and over again-at Belguļa, at Kārkaļa, and also at Vêņūr,-almost like a machine turning out stereotyped blocks. “Numberless images might be figured,” says Smith, “without adding anything to the reader's knowledge of Indian art. They differ from one another merely in the degree of perfection attained in mechanical execution."129 There is in the Madras Museum, a Jaina image on the base of which are written the words that King Sālva Deva, 'a great lover of Sāhitya (literature)' 'made ( the image ) according to rule. '130 There are innumerable such images made of metal, stone, or even gems. The Jainas, as Walhouse has remarked, delighted in making their images of all substances and sizes, but almost
127 Evidently, Timmarājs who erected the Yêņār colossus. He must,
ther fore, bave bolonged to the Ajila or Ajalar family. See, Sturrock,
op. cit., p. 55. 128 Burnell, op. cit., p. 224. 129 Smith, op. cit., p. 268. 130 Rangáchärya, Inscriptions of the dradras Presidency, II, 395,

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always, invariable in attitude, whether that be seated or standing. Most of the images belong to the Digambara sect or school, are nude. Small portable images of the saint are made of crystal, alabaster, soapstone, blood-stone, and various other materials; while the larger are carved from whatever kind of stone is locally available. He also mentions a life-size brass image of Sāntiswara at Yênür, erect and enshrined in burnished silver and brass-work variegated with red ornaments.131 Each Tirthankara is distinguished from another by his colour, his chinna and lānchhana, and the Yakşas and Yakșiņis who attend on him; the Svetāmbara images differ from the Digambara particularly in the nudity and absolute lack of ornament in the latter.132 But, in the words of Mr. Nänälāl C. Metha, "Somehow or other the aesthetic element was overshadowed by other considerations, and size rather than strength in sculpture, elaboration of detail more than the beauty of form or out-line in building, and narration more than accomplished expression in pictures, become the dominant qualities of Indian art as developed under the austere influence of Jainism." 133
Another peculiar contribution of the Jainas, not only to Karnãțaka but also to the whole of Indian or even Eastern art, is the free-standing pillar, found in front of almost every basti or Jaina temple in Karnāṭaka. “In the whole range of Indian art, " observes Smith, “there is nothing, perhaps, equal to these Kanara pillars for good taste. A particularly elegant example, 52} ft. in height, faces a Jain temple at Mudbidre. The material is granite, and the design is of singular grace (c. Irth or I2th cent. A. D.).” 134 There are about twenty such pillars in the District of South Kanara alone, which made many other distinctive contributions to Jaina art, as we shall notice in the course of this chapter. There are two kinds of such pillars in
13! Walhouse cited by Smith, op. cit., pp. 238, 268. 139 Burges, Digambara Jain Iconography. Ind Ant. XXXII p. 459 f, 193 Metha, Studies in Indian Painting, p. 22. 134 Smith, op. cit.i p. 22.

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Karnataka namely, the Brahma-deva-stambhas and the Mānastambhas. The former bear figures of the Brāhmanical god Brahma ; the latter are taller and have a small pavilion at the capital.135 We have already referred to the Tyāgada Brahmadeva-pillar at Candragiri which is considered a beautiful work of art.' The fine Māna-stambha in front of the Pārsvanātha Basti at Sravaņa Belgoļa is distinguished by a śikhara over the cell which is always surmounted by a small dome, “as is universally the case with every vimāna in Dravidian architecture, instead of with the āmalaka ornament of the Northern śikharas.” 136
These stambhas or detached pillars are quite different from dipa-stambhas or lamp-posts of Hindu temples, and in the opinion of Fergusson, "are the lineal descendents" of the Buddhist ones which bore either emblems or statues-generally the former-or figures of animals. "Pillars are found of all ages in India," he says, "from Asoka pillars down to the Jainas. They might be compared to the Egyptian obelisks but when we look at the vast difference between their designs, it becomes evident that vast ages must have elapsed before the plain straight-lined forms of the obelisks could have changed into the complicated and airy forms of the Jaina stambhas.” 137 According to Mr. Walhouse the whole capital and canopy (of Jaina pillars) are a wonder of light, elegant, lightly decorated stone work ; and nothing can surpass the stately grace of these beautiful pillars, whose proportions and adaptations to surrounding scenery are always perfect, and whose richness of decoration never offends.138
Apart from these pieces of individual statuary or architectural work, the Jainas distinguished themselves by their decorative
135 Ep Ind. VIII, p. 123. The Jainas, of course, regard this Brahma,
not as identical with the Hindu god, but as a ksetra prit or yaksa
attending on the Arbat. 136 Fergusson, op. cit., p. 75. 197 Ibid., pp. 81-83. 138 Walbouse, Ind. Ant. V., p. 39.

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Main entrance to Tribhuvana Tilaka Jinalaya (Vide page 110)

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sculpture, and attained a considerable degree of excellence in the perfection of their pillared chambers which were their favourite form of architecture. These took various shapes and gave full play to a variety of designs, differing according to the locality, the nature of the climate or the substance available out of which to execute their artistic ideals. Dr. Coomaraswamy, however, finds fault with Fergusson for his 'sectarian classification " which he says "is quite misleading"; "for, just as in the case of sculpture, there are no Buddhist, Jaina or Brahmanical styles of architecture, but only Buddhist, Jaina and Brahmanical buildings in the Indian style of the period." 139 Without entangling ourselves in this controversial question, we might accept the geographical classification of Dr. Coomaraswamy as an "adequate" (though not " the only") classification, for our purposes. "The three most clearly differentiated types are", according to him, " the Northern, marked by the curvilinear sikhara; the Southern, with a terraced pyramidal tower, of which only the dome is called the sikhara; and the Central, combining both types with peculiarities of its own These three types are thus designated in the Silpa-śāstras :
"}
A. Nāgara-mainly, North of the Vindhyas.
B. Vêsara-Western India, the Deccan and Mysore.
fit
C. Dravida-Madras Presidency and North Ceylon. 140 It is to be understood that these are the most predominant characteristics of each area, but not the monopoly of any particular zone. We have already noticed, for instance, in a Raṭṭa inscription of Saundatti, that King Rājā caused to be erected at Kalpolê, a temple of Jina, wonderful to behold, the diadem of the earth, having three pinnacles (śikharas) unequalled, so that Brahma, Vişņu, and Śiva were charmed with it; he also built a place of retreat for the high-minded devotees of the god Santinatha (Jina) adorned with golden pinnacles and arched
139 Coomaraswamy, History of Indian and Indonesian Art, pp. 106-7. 140 Cf. Ibid.. pp.106-7.

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portals, fashioned like a sea-monster, and pillars of honour etc.141
A more pecular type of Jaina temples is found in South Kanara, below the ghāts, on the West Coast. Apart from the Betta or shrines consisting of an open courtyard, surrounded with cloisters round about the colossi, are the temples of Mūļbidrê, belonging mostly to the time of Vijayanagara Kings, with their sloping roofs of flat overlapping slats, and a peculiar type of stone-screen enclosing the sides, recalling a Buddhist railing-resemble Himalayan structures, rather than anything else more familiar in India.142 The influence of this style is seen not merely in South Kanara, but also, further South along the coast. Mr. Logan observes, “The Jains seem to have left behind them one of their peculiar styles of temple architecture ; for the Hindu temples, and even the Muhammedan mosques of Malabar are all built in the style peculiar to the Jains, as it is still to be seen in the Jain bastis at Mūdbidrê and other places in the South Kanara district.” How the Muhammedans came to adopt this style for their mosques, he explains by stating that some of the original nine mosques were built on the sites of temples (or bastis) and perhaps the original buildings were retained or they set the model to later mosques. 148
Of the various styles we can only choose a few typical instances, and dwell more on the peculiarities of Jaina art as a whole.
The bastis on the Candragiri Hill (Śravaņa Belgoļa ) are fifteen in number. They are all of the Dravidian style of
141 Fleet, Ratta Inscriptions, JBBRAS X, p. 285. 149 Cf. Coomaraswamy, op. cit., pp. 118-19; Fergusson, op. cit., p. 75 1.
This resemblance with Nepalese or Himālayan architecture is generally explained by saying that " Similar conditions produced similar structtures." But those who say this forget or are unaware of the existence on a number of Nepalese jogis at badri (Mangalore ) from unknown times, in the vicinity of whose Math, are a number of tombs said to be those of Gorakh-Nath and his followers from the Himalayas. It this fact does not wholly explain, it certainly lends support to the
hypothesis af actual Northern influence. 143 Logan, Malabar, pp. 186-88; cf. Fergusson, op. cit., pp. 7, 669.

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Peculiar type of Jaina architecture in S. Kanara
Tribhuvanatilaka Jinalaya at Mudbidre (Vide page 112)

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Pillar-carving of Baira-devi Mandapa, Mudbidre (Vide page 113 )

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architecture and are consequently built in gradually receding storeys, each of which is ornamented with small simulated cells. No curvilinear sikhara, such as is universal with the Northern Jainas, occurs among them, and their general external appearance is more ornamental than that of the generality of Northern Jaina temples.144 Quite in contrast with these are the bastis of Mūḍbidrê.
The external plainness of the Jaina temples of South Kanara gives no clue to the character of their interiors. In the words of Fergusson, "Nothing can exceed the richness or the variety with which they are carved. No two pillars are alike, and many are ornamented to an extent that may almost seem fantastic. Their massiveness and richness of carving bear evidence to their being copies of wooden models."145
This last observation is fully confirmed by an inscription in Coorg, above the Ghats, which definitely speaks of a basadi made of wood to serve as a model for another to be later on constructed in stone. Its estimated cost was 330 honnu.148 The wooden model must easily have been dispensed with in cases of material which was as tractable as wood. For instance, at Bārkur, Buchanan observed a basti, built by the Wodeyars, about which he remarks, The workmanship of the pillars and carving is superior to anything that I have seen in India, probably owing to the nature of the stone, which cuts better than the granite in common use, and preserves its angles better than the common pot-stone, of which many temples are constructed." 147 The variety of material used for temple building, naturally varied with the locality. There is a Jaina temple in Belgaum with pillars of black Belgaum porphyry which is said to take a high polish and is strongly magnetic.148 At Ellôra, in one of
"
144 Cf. Fergusson, op. cit. I, p. 172, ibid. II, p. 74.
145 Ibid., pp. 78-9; Sturrock, op. cit., p. 85.
146 Cf. Rice, Coorg Inscriptions, Ep. Car. I, 10, p. 56.
147 Buchanan, op. cit., III, pp. 132-33.
148 Cf. Belgaum, Bom. Gaz. XXI, p. 540.
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the Jaina caves, a shrine has two round pillars of polished red stone which give a hollow metallic sound when tapped with the fingers.
The plans of these bastis are everywhere the same, with but slight variations according to size. They begin with spacious, well lighted, porches or mandapas-of which there are three in larger temples, ( known respectively as Tirthankara,--Gaddigêand Citra-mantapas ), and two in smaller ones (called Tirthankara, and Namaskāra-mandapas ) --leading to a cell in which the images of one or more Tirthankaras are placed. 149 A special type of the smaller shrines, common in Mysore, is what is called the Trikutācal with three garbhagyhas, three sukhanasis, and a Navarangi or porch. Shrines of this type are taken as good specimens of the Hoysaļa style, two examples of which are : the Jaina basti at Mārkuļi (a small village 3 miles east of Ambuga on the Mysore-Arsikere railway-line) and the Säntinātha temple of Jinanātha-pura (a mile north of Sravana Belgola ). The latter is said to be the most ornate temple in the whole of the Mysore State. 150
Another variety of the smaller temple is that found at Guruvayyanakere in South Kanara. It is a five-pillared shrine, in front of the larger temple to which it belongs. Fergusson has observed that four pillared shrines are not uncommon in the Southern temples, but five pillars is peculiar, and also having access to the upper chambers (which in this case are three in number).161 The Méguti temple at Aiholé, in the Bijāpur District, is also said to be "somewhat peculiar," the shrine being surrounded by eight small rooms (8 ft. wide ) in place of a pradaksina passage.162 But by far the best model of a Jaina temple is that of Caturmukhabasti or the four-faced temple, found at Kārkaļa and
149 Yerg1188on, op. cit., p. 79; cf. Madras Ep. Rep. 1916-17, pp. 113-14. 150 Mysore Archaeological Report 1925, p. 1; Ep. Car. II Introd.,
pp. 32-33. 161 Fergusson, op. cit., p. 79. 159 Ibid.. I, p. 866; f. Havell, Ancient and Mediaeval Architecture of
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Gersoppa; a plan of the latter is given on the opposite page. The following description of the former by Walhouse is also worth reproduction :
'On a broad rocky platform below the hill on the side next the town stands a remarkable Jain temple, much differing from the ordinary Hindu style; square with a projecting columned portico facing each of the four quarters. The columns, quadrangular for a third part of their height, pass into rounded sections, separated by cable bands, and have the sides and sections richly decorated with deities, and most graceful and intricate arabesque designs, rosettes and stars, leaf and scroll work, in endless combination, all made out of the carver's brain, wrought almost as finely as Chinese ivory work. The friezes and pediments round the porticoes and temples are ornamented in like manner, and frequently a stone in the wall displays some quaint wonderfully well-cut device; a hundred-petalled flower disc, two serpents inextricably intertwined, or a grotesque head surrounded with fruitage. The temple is roofed with immense overlapping flag-stones, and bore some sort of cupola now ruined in the centre. On the massive folding doors of one of the portals being rolled back, a strange sight is disclosed. In a large square recess, immediately facing the entrance stand three life-sized images of burnished copper, the counterparts of the great statue on the hill above, each resembling each, and looking weird and unearthly in the gloom of the adytum as the light through the opening doors falls upon them. A like triad stands within each of the other three entrances'. 153
Details of the interiors of other Jaina temples also reveal an almost confusing variety of figures, decorations, and symbols, To give but one illustration, in the Markuļi temple, already referred to, the main image of Adiśvara is seated in Yogamudra, palm on palm, and crossed legs in the front. Behind him is a prabhavali built against the wall. On either side are standing figures of Bahubali and Pārsvanatha with a serpent of five boods
153 Cf. Sturrock, op. cit,, p. 90.
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over the head of the latter, Bahubali is flanked by two small figures, one with six hands, and another only with two. Of the six hands of the former, three hold respectively an ankuśa, a kalasa, and a trident; the rest hold fruit. Another seated male figure has four hands holding an ankuśa, akṣamālā, and fruit in the three, with the fourth hand in Varada-hasta pose. There is also a female figure with twelve hands: four on the right and four on the left, holding each a cakra or disc; two with a thunderbolt, and the remaining, with a lotus and varada-hasta. On the ceiling are lotuses and other flowers. 154
Often on the pillars of Jaina temples are curious figures, like that of the giraffe, or the interlaced basket-work, of which Fergusson finds parallels in Irish manuscripts and crosses, as well as, in America, and the valley of the Danube in Europe.155 The number of pillars also is sometimes far in excess of mere architectural needs, as in the case af the Thousand Pillar Basti' of Mūḍbidrê. It is very extensive, magnificient, containing on and about a thousand pillars and no two alike. In the prophylaeum are of several great size, the lower halves square, the upper round and lessening, recalling Egyptian forms, and all covered with a wondrous wealth of sculptured gods, monsters, leaf and flower-work, and astonishing arabesque interlacement, cut with admirable cleanness. One quadrangular face bears a hymn, graven curiously in twenty-five small compartments, each containing four compound words, which may be read as verses in all directions, up or down, along or across. On the outer pediment there is a long procession of various animals, living and mythical, among them the centaur and mermaid and an excellent representation of a giraffe.156 The two specimens of wood-carving, reproduced elsewhere, viz. the Pancanāri-turaga and Navanāri-kuñjara, are also from Mūḍbidrê and belong to the Couter's palace there.
154 Cf. Mysore Archaeological Report, 1925, p. 2. 155 Of. Fergusson, op. cit., p. 82.
156 Walhouse, quoted by sturrock, op. cit., p. 88,

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To these illustrations from Mysore and the West Coast, we might add another from the Deccan to show that the love of profusion and variety was essentially the same, whether in the North or South, differing only in the details of expression. The temple of Belgaum with its pillars of magnetic black porhyry has already been referred to. Its sculptures are no less interesting. The brackets of the pillars are ornamented with heads of cobras. In each of the eight architraves, which support the dome of the temple, are carved five small cells or mandirs, each containing a sitting Jina, and, between the cells are four attendants or supporters-standing figures each under a small canopy. On one carved slab is a figure on horse-back with a high cap, a canopy or umbrella over his head, and a woman behind him. Another is a fancy alligator or makara, a large-headed gaping and similarly mounted short-legged dragon. In the centre of the dome is a beautiful pendentive boldly designed and well executed, but damaged at one point. The door leading from the hall to the inner temple has been very gracefully carved. On the centre of the lintel is a sitting Jina and above the cornice are four sitting men. On the neat side-pillar colonettes are five bands with human groups in some of which the figures though little more than an inch high are in strong relief. Inside the bands of human figures is a band of rampant lions, their necks adorned with high frills. Outside the colonettes is a band of holy swans, another of lions, and a third of human figures, mostly on bended knees. The pillars of the inner temple or śālā are square and massive, relieved by having all the chief fronts, the triangles on the base and neck, carved with flowers. A richly carved door leads to the small ante-chamber in front of the shrine. On the under-side of the door cornice is carved a dancing figure between two musicians.157
It will be at once noticed that the austere asceticism which symbolised itself in the huge stoic and naked monoliths was also counter-balanced, if not more than counter-balanced by the
157 Belgium, Bom. Gaz. XXI, pp. 540-41.

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abundance and variety of these sculptures which, in a sense, give expression to the later and emotionalised Jainism that we shall comment upon in a later chapter. There are not a few traces of the early tree and serpent worship of the Dravidians in Jaina sculptures; and the five, seven, or thousand headed nāga is everywhere present in the Jaina temples. It is in fact, as Fergusson observes, the nāga that binds together and gives unity to the various religions of South India; and snake images are very frequent about Jaina temples, particularly in Mysore and Kanara.158 In the Caturmukha Basti, at Gersoppa, there is, among the various Digambara figures huddled together, one of Pārsvanātha with a beautifully carved sésa-phaņā, as also in the exquisite seated marble figure still worshipped at Śravaņa Be!go!a. Hindu or Brāhmanical influence is also traceable in the sculptures of Indra or Sakra, Garuda, Saraswati, Laxmi, etc.,169 striking examples of which are found in the figure of Laxmi bathed by two elephants at the entrance of the great enclosure round the Gummața at Belgoļa, and in the huge seated figure of Indra which has given the name of Indra Sabhā to one of the most interesting caves at Ellora. This naturally leads us to a consideration of Jaina excavations in Karnāțaka, which are perhaps more numerous in the Bombay division than anywhere else in the peninsula.
" The varying practical requirements of the cult of each religion, of course, had an effect on the nature of the buildings required for particular purposes,” observes Smith, ; 160 and the striking paucity of Jaina caves, as compared with either Buddhist or Brāhmanical ones, is a strong commentary upon those who adversely reflect upon the ascetic nature of the Jaina religion. The importance attached to the lay community, as well as, the active part played in worldly life by the Jaina
153 Cf. Fergusson, op. cit., I, pp. 42-44 and 41 n 1; ibid. II, p. 79. 169 Ibid., pp. 4-5; Cf. Bühler, Indian Sect of the Jainas, App. by
Burgess, Jaing Mythology, p. 61 f. 160 Smith, op. cit., p. 9.

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monks, must largely account for the fact that although, like the Buddhists, the Jainas had a monastic organisation "it never attained power like that of the Buddhist order." 161 As Burgess has pointed out, the Jaina caves in Western India do not exceed 4 per cent of the whole. The figures given by him are Buddhist 720; Brahmanical 160; and Jaina only 35. The earliest of these belong to the 5th or 6th Century A. D., and the latest perhaps to the 12th century A. D. They are all Digambara, and include one or two very fine specimens. Like the Brahmanical caves they are also built after the plan of the Buddhist vihāras, probably "as a means of dressing their candidature for a larger share of popular favour." 162 Chota Kailas or smaller Kailas, at Ellôrä, a curious example of the imitation of the works of one sect by the votaries of another. "For there can be no doubt, says Burgess, this was undertaken in imitation of the great Brahmanical temple of Kailasa, but on a much smaller scale. He also adds, "these two temples cannot be far distant in date" (9th cent. A,D,).163
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By far the most interesting caves of the Jainas in this part of the country are, of course, the groups called the Indra Sabha and Jagannatha Sabha. They constitute a maze of excavations leading from one into another, and Havell observes, "The name of the two temples, and the orientation of their shrines indicate that, unlike most of the other shrines at Ellôra, it was not the tamasic aspect of the Trimurti that was here invoked, but the blessings of the Rain God, represented by Vişņu, the preserver, and his s'akti, Laxmi, the bringer of prosperity. Only as the temples belonged to the Jaina sect they appealed specially to their saints, the Tirthankaras, to whom analogous divine powers were attributed. With this qualification of the symbolism of the structure and ornament has the same
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161 Cf. Ibid., p. 11.
162 Burgess, Cave Temples of India, pp. 170-71.
163 Ibid., pp. 193-96,
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significance as in Brahmanical and Buddhist temples "' 164 The entrance to the Indra Sabha is completely sculptured out of a living rock, like the Kailas temple which it resembles in many respects, though on a considerably smaller scale. Immediately within the walls is the Jaina equivalent of Śiva's Nandishrine. The cubical cell is of the Brahma type, and stands for the four-headed Brahma symbol, as seen at Elephanta, though the four sides are sculptured with the figure of Mahavira. The main block of Indra Sabha consists of a two-storeyed temple, cut into the rock for a depth of over 100 ft. Perhaps the most remarkable feature of the sculpture of the Indra Sabhā ", observes Havell," is the strikingly beautiful and original façade of the side-chapel on the western side of the main temple, the richness of which contrasts so admirably with the larger surfaces of the grand chhaja shading the main front and the magnificent profile of the elephants kneeling above it. "165
46
The figure of Indra himself is sculptured on the left of the main temple, seated on a sleeping elephant as represented in the photograph facing this page. Similarly seated under a tree, carved with infinite care and accuracy with birds, fruits and leaves brought into remarkable relief, is Indrāņi in the opposite corner facing her Lord. This goddess, unlike Indra, is seated on a crouching lion whose head is completely damaged. She is not the only goddess in the group. There is also a four-armed Devi with two discs in the upper hands, and a vajra in her left, resting on her knee. To her left is another goddess with eight arms seated on a pea-cock; evidently Saraswati. Some of the remarkable things to note are the dogs and deer at the foot of Mahavira's throne in the Jagannatha group. There are numerous other figures common to other Jaina temples, but the magnificent pillar-carving, with nude, standing Digambaras on
164 Havell, op. cit., p. 201. The Brahmanical caves predominate at Ellôrā; they are 17, whereas Buddhist ones are 12, and Jaina only five. All are situated within the radius of a mile.
165 Cf. Plate LXXI, Havell, op. cit., p. 292.

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their inner face, is particularly note-worthy. (see photograph opposite. )
Yet Ellôrā forms one of a group; there are others, more ancient, further South. “When Buddhism was tottering to a fall”, observes Burgess, "the Jainas timidly at first in Dhārwār and the Dekkan, and boldly afterwards at Elūrā—asserted themselves as co-heirs to the Buddhists, with the Brāhmans".186 The caves at Ellôrā being thus of later date, are supposed to represent a decadent age in Jaina sculpture. The rock-cut style was only a passing episode in their architectural history and was dropped by the Jainas when it was no longer wanted. It has had no permanent effect upon their own peculiar style. “Notwithstanding this, however, the architects who excavated the two Sabhās at Elūrā,” says Burgess,“ deserve a prominent place among those, who, regardless of all utilitarian considerations, sought to convert the living rock into quasi-eternal temples in honour of their gods.” 187 There are similar excavations in the Deccan at Bädāmi, Aiholê, Dhārāśiva, Ankai, Pätan. Näsik and Junagad, as well as in the far South at Kulumulu or Kulugumalai in the Tinnavelly District. The caves at Dhārāśiva ( Osmānābād 37 miles N. of Sholāpur ) are perhaps the largest of these. The halls here are of considerable size, being 80 ft. deep and 79-85 ft. across, with eight cells in each of the side walls and six in the back, besides the shrine. In one is an image of Pārsvanātha with a seven-hooded serpent above him, seated on a throne, in jñāna-mudrā. Hanging from the east is a carved representation of rich drapery. In front of it was a wheel set edge-wise, with antelopes at each side. There are sārdūlas and other non-descript monsters as well.168 That at Aihoļé is two-storeyed with a number of halls attached, as at Ellôrā. From their appearance, as well as the presence of the
166 Burgess, op. cit., p. 510. 167 Ibid., pp. 511-12; cf. his Report on the Cave Temples in Western
India, p. 44 f. 168 Ibid., pp. 503-04 ; Fergusson, op. cit., pp. 18-19.
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peculiarly Southern Gummața (as at Bādāmi) Fergusson concludes that the excavator must have brought the Dravidian style with them into the Deccan. He says, the Ellôrā group (i.c. the Deccan group) exhibits an extra-ordinary affinity with the southern style. They must have all been excavated by the Cālukyas and the Rāşhțrakūtas (7th to the 8th cent. A. D.) whose kingdoms extended from the Tungabhadra and Krşņa, in the South, to Ellôrā and Mālkhed in the North.169 The Bādāmi cave contains names of Digambara sādhus, and the figures are marked by the sacred-thread, seen also in the status of Indra at Ellôrā; on either side of the statue of Mahāvīra are chauri-bearers, śārdulas, makaras, etc. 170 The caves of Nāsik have cells and halls for the monks, and those at Yeola, in the same District, have small but richly carved doorways.171 Among the smaller caves of interest might be mentioned those of Ankai, in the Khāndêsh District. They are seven in all, and belong to about the Iith or 12th cent. A D. They are rich in sculpture, notable samples of which are the female dancing figures on petals bearing musical instruments. 172 That of Kulugumalai, in the Tinnevelly District, is a rock-cut temple which deserves mention also not for its size but for its elegance of details. The temple now used by the Saivas is described as “ a gem of its class." It too belongs to about the same period as the caves of Ankai. 173 These excavations are not copies of structural buildings but are “rock-cut examples, which had grown up into a style of their own, distinct from that of structural edifices." 174
Jaina art is to an overwhelming degree religious, and hence we find in it a certain lack of the purely aesthetic element
169 Ibid., pp. 20-22. 170 Burgess, A. 8. of W. I., Belgaum and Kaladgi Dists. (1874), pp. 25-6;
Cave Temples, p. 491. 171 Burgess and Cousens, Revised Lists of Antiquarian Romains in the
Bombay Presidency, VIII, pp. 46-9, 52. 173 Fergusson, op. cit., pp. 18-19; Bargess, Cave Temples, pp. 505-07. 173 Fergu88on, op. cit., p. 22; Burgess, op. cit., p. 169. 174 Fergusson, op. cit., p. 7.

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conducive to its own growth. Even religion is emotional, and in the conventional Jaina art the ethical object predominates. The dominance of this ideal is indicated by sculptures representing scenes from the lives of their saints, rather than heroes in any other walk of life. For instance, in the Candragupta Basti at Śravaņa Belgoļa, the façade is made of a perforated stone screen containing as many as ninety sculptured scenes of events in the lives of Bhadrabābu and Candragupta. 175
This also finds illustration in the pictorial art of painting. On the walls of the Jaina Maţha at Belgoļa are several examples of how the chief tenets of their religion were sought to be inculcated by means of this art. In one of the panels (North) Pārsvanātha is represented in his samavasaraña or heavenly pavilion where the Kevalin or Jina preaches eternal wisdom to the śrāvakas. A tree with six persons on it illustrates the six lêśyas of Jaina philosophy by which the soul gets tinted with merit and demerit. Neminātha is also similarly represented in the act of expounding religious doctrine. The only secular scene that finds a place there is that of Kțşñarāja Odeya III during his Dasarā-darbār (on the right panel of the middle cell). 176 But even such paintings are very rare in Karnāțaka. There is nothing in what has survived of Jaina art in Karnataka comparable with the immaculate Buddhist frescoes of Ajantā. A few traces of old paintings are still to be seen on the ceilings of the Ellorā caves. There are also some at Kāncipuram and Tirumalai in the South. 177 Dubreuil has drawn attention to others at Sittanavasal in Pudukoțțai State, near Tanjore, assigned to about the 7th cent. A. D. 178 These paintings are in a Jaina rock-cut temple, akin in their style to Ajanta, but less forceful and impressive. 179 More interesting, perhaps, are
176 Rice, Mysoro and Coorg from the Inscriptions, p. 6; cf. Smith, op. cit.,
p. 270. 176 Of. Ep. Car. II Introd., pp. 30-31. - 177 Coomāraswamy, op. cit.,pp. 118-19; cf. lbid. III. Pl. LXXX, 256. 178 Dubreuil, Pallada Painting, p. 8; Coomāraswamy, op. cit., p. 89. 179 Of. Ajit Ghose, Comparative Survey of Indian Painting, I. H.Q
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those of Tirumalai (N. Arcnt). Smith says, the Jaina holy place at Tirumalai is a remarkable as possessing the remains of a set of wall and ceiling paintings ascribed, on the evidence of inscriptions, to the 11th cent. A.D. (E. I. ix, 229)”.180 Traces exist of still older paintings covered up by the existing works. But, with the exception of one, they are said to be purely conventional and of little artistic importance. That exception is a representation of twelve Jaina nuns who are white-robed. But they are not to be supposed that they are Svetămbara; for we have seen that such an order of Digambara sisterhood still exists in the Arcot District of whose antiquity, therefore, this is a valuable confirmation. 181
Apart from this mural painting, there was another kind of Jaina art which was particularly prevalent in Gujarāt, viz. the art of illustrating, with beautifnl pictures, manuscripts of not less artistic interest than they were of religious importance. Dr. Coomâraswāmy has observed that Mediaeval Indian art has nothing finer to show than these Jaina paintings : only the early Rājput pictures of rāgas and rāginis are of equal aesthetic rank. 182 A brief allusion to these therefore would not be a digression, especially as the subjects' dealt with are persons of vital interest to our history.
"The tradition of Jain painting," says Coomāraswāmy, "is recovered in manuscripts of the thirteenth and subsequent centuries. The text most frequently illustrated is the Kalpa Sūtra of Bhadrabāhu, containing the lives of the Jinas, most of the space being devoted to Mahāvira. There are also illustrated cosmologies and cosmological diagrams, and appended to the Kalpa Sutra there is usually to be found the edifying tale of Kālikācārya...... The pictures take the form of square panels of the full height of the page, occupying spaces left for the purpose: only in very rare cases is the whole page used. The
180 Smith, op. cit., p. 344. 181 Of. Thorston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, II, pp. 432.33. 182 Coomara Swamy, Introduction to Indian Art, p. 117,

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proper subject to be represented is often indicated by a marginal legend, sometimes by a diagrammatic marginal sketch, the former doubtless due to the scribe, the latter to the artist taking note of his instructions. The same subjects are repeated in the various manuscripts almost without variation: it is very evident that both in composition and style the pictures belong to an ancient and faithfully preserved tradition."183
There is similarly an illustrated manuscript of BhaktāmaraStótra, in the Ailak Panālál Digambara Jaina Saraswati Bhavana (Bombay), which, however, being on paper, unlike the palmleaf described by Coomāraswamy, has full-page coloured paintings of unique artistic value. It is a pity that it is so damaged and worn out that at the slightest touch the paper crumbles to dust. Not the least interesting figure in it (out of nearly forty) is that of a four-headed Digambara Brahma, standing on a lotus-stool with the Bull of Adinātha below. There is a triple umbrella over his heads, the whole profile being surrounded with a halo of light. On the right is a naked sådhu standing on a wooden seat and on the left a crowned royal figure. On the inner surface of the back cover-leaf are carelessly scribbled the words : Hata 8698 ai rajonale si fa ETATATERS areret TEME ireit isara l' (Sam. 1851, Phälgun 13). But the contrast of this with the artistic script of the text, as well as, the present condition of the manuscript make it clear that it must be much earlier. Other manuscripts on palmleaves, like Pampa Bhārata in Kannada script, are not wanting in this treasure-house of Jaina manuscripts. One more example of book-illustration, is that from an illumined manuscript of Nemicandra's Trilokasāra, where the .great teacher is represented as expounding the docrtines of his religion, and among the auditorium is said to be Cāmundarāya, his famous disciple who caused the Belgola colossus to be erected.184
183 Ibid., pp. 114-15. 184 For A facsimile of this illustration see, Dravyasamgraha, S.B.J. I,
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From this we must now turn to yet another form of Jaina art, namely, that of inscribing on rock or copper-plate, some of which is of not less artistic interest than it is of historical value. The Kudlūr plates of Mārasimha Ganga, for example, are both literature, art, and history, rolled in one. Particularly noteworthy in it is the seal which is beautifully executed. It is divided transversely into two unequal compartments, the upper enclosing about three-fourths of the space, and the lower about one-fourth. The upper division has in the middle a fine elephant in relief, standing to the proper right, surmounted by a parasol flanked by couris, with the sun and the crescent at the upper coi ners. Behind the elephant is a lamp-stand with what looks like a couri above it, and in front is a vase surmounted by a dagger, and another lamp-stand. The lower compartment bears in one horizontal line the legend: Śrī Mārasingha-Devam, in Hale-kannada characters.185 The official designation of the engravers is often given as Viswakarma; and not infrequently we have reference to "the ornament to the forehead of titled sculptors."186 The banners of Jaina kings are also not without interest. Those of Ganga Përmādi and Hastimalla, indicate the stamp and symbol of Jainism, viz. the Pincha-dhwaja (Flag of pea-cock feathers ) described as “the banner of the divine Arhat."187
Finally, we cannot conclude this chapter better than by pointing to the taste of the Jainas in always selecting the best views for their temples and caves. At Ellôrā they came perhaps too late, when the best sites had been already appropriated by the Buddhists and the Hindus; but speaking of the Jaina ruins at Hampi, Longhurst observes, unlike the Hindus, the Jainas almost invariably selected a picturesque site for their temples, valuing rightly the effect of environment on architecture. 188 The hill originally occupied by them, south of the
185 Mysore Archeological Report, 1991, p 18. 186 Rico, Coorg Inscriptions, Ep. Car. I, p. 7, Ep. Car. II Introd., p.52. 187. Hultasch, Ep. Ind. III, p. 165 ; Ind. Ant. XVIII, p. 318. 188 Longhorst, Hampi Ruim, p. 99.

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great Pampāpati temple, is significantly called the Héma-Kütam or the Golden Group.189 There is also not a more picturesque spot in the vicinity than that chosen and occupied by the Jainas at Sravaņa Belgoļa, their first colony in the South. Mūļbidre, in South Kanara, their last stronghold, is thus described by Walhouse in his matchless style :--'No Cistercian brotherhood was wiser in choosing a dwelling place than the Jainas. Their villages are ever marked by natural beauty and convenience. This one named Müdbidré is in a slight hollow on the verge of a wide rolling plain, covered after the rains with vast expanses of tall grass between flat lined elevations which are often studded with beds of a light blue gentian. The village is embowered in fruit and flower-trees and intersected by a labyrinth of hollow ways or lanes worn deep by the rains and tread of generations. Rough steps ascending to a covered entrance like a lynch-gate lead up to the houses that stand back among the trees. The banks and walls built of laterite blocks black with age are shrouded with creeping plants, azure convolvuli, and a profusion of delicate ferns sprouting from every crevice, and words are wanting to describe the exquisite varieties of grasses that wave everywhere on walls and roofs. Bird-of-paradise plumes, filmiest gossamer, wisps of delicate-spun glass, hardly equal in fairy fineness the pale green plumy tufts that spring in unregarded loveliness after the monsoon. Shade and seclusion brood over the peaceful neigh bourhood, and in the midst stand the greatest of Jain temples built nearly five centuries ago. ' 180
189 Ibid., pp. 25-6. 190 Walhouse, cited by Sturrock, op. cit., pp. 87-8.

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III. IDEALISM AND REALISM (CHARACTERISTICS : RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL)
JAINISM AS IT WAS
Jainism as it was, at the time of its introduction into Karnāțaka, was in many respects quite different from what it came to be later, owing to the conditions obtaining there. But, in order to be able to appreciate this metamorphosis, it is necessary to comprehend clearly the basic ideas and principles of the pristine faith. The sources for this are, no doubt, of a comparatively later date; but it is not difficult to distinguish between what was original and what was transformed. For, as Carpentier has rightly observed, "the inflexible conservatism of the small Jaina community in holding fast to its original institutions and doctrine... has been its strongest safeguard"; and in spite of periods of severe affliction, has enabled the Jainas to preserve their canon to a large extent untainted, 1 There are indications in inscriptions and bas-reliefs of the first and second century A. D. of their authenticity going back to a much earlier period, and its oldest elements "may very well go back to the time of the first disciples of Mahāvīra, or at any rate to the Council of Pătaliputra which was held according to tradition under the Maurya king Candragupta at the end of the fourth (or beginning of the third) century B. C.”2 The transformations were principally in matters of detail,--and the unconscious modifications which all religions and institutions tend to undergo in matters of practice rather than in the principles underlying them.
1 Carpentier. The Cambridge History of India I, p. 169. 2 Macdonnel, India's Fast, p. 71; Jaina Sütras, S.B.E., XXII, Introd.,
Pp. Il-xlii ; Gbosal, Dravyasamgroha, SBJ. 1, pp. 3-4.

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The first material split within the Jaina community itself came at the time of Bhadrabāhu and Candragupta, largely on account of the calamity of the famine and the consequent migration of the Digambaras to the south. 3 In the words of Mrs. Sinclair Stevenson, “It was naturally the more vigorous monks who undertook the long journey to South India, and perhaps the older and more infirm ascetics who remained at home had already been allowed to wear some clothing as a concession to their infirmities; the habit of so doing would have been likely now to become general among them. Thus one element of division was established among the Jainas, that of difference in practice, and it only remained in order to make the division permanent, that they should have a differing sacred literature". So arose the controversy about the 'clothes', and 'no-clothes', which has ever since diyiced the community into Svetāmbaras and Digambaras.5
There could be little dout that the more severe forms of discipline, represented by the Digambaras, yielded place to the less severe asceticism of the Svetämbaras in course of time. This supposition is supported by what we know of Mahavira and the line of teachers who followed him. Mahāvīra himself discarded all clothing and experienced the most painful forms of selfmortification in order to realise his goal. The Ācāranga Sūtra of the Svetāmbaras states: More than four months many sorts of living beings gathered on his body, crawled about it and caused there pain ; but always well guarded he bore the pains caused by grass, cold, fire, flies, and gnats,-manifold pains.?
8 See pp. 4-6 above. 4 Stavenson. The Heart of Jainism, p. 71. 5 Literally S'oetambura means 'white cloth' and Digambara means
direction (sky )-cloth'; s.e. those who wear white clothes and tbc 80 that weat no clothing. As a matter of fact this distinction 'applies only
to ascetics. Cf. Carpentier, op. cit. PP. 105-06. 6 Jacobi, op. cit., p. xvii-xviii l; Stevenson, op. cit., p. 49; Bibler,
The Indian Sect of the Jainas, p. 2. 7 Achárange Sütia I. 8, 1. 2; ibid. 3. 1. JRC-2628-17

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Similarly, the Kalpa Sūtra, attributed to Bhadrabāhu, states : He with equanimity bore, underwent, suffered all pleasant and unpleasant occurrences arising from divine powers, men or animals; for it is said of an ascetic in the last stage of his spiritual career that he does desire neither life nor death. The same severe code must have been followed upto Bhadrabahu who was the last of the Śrutakévalis.9 But under Sthūlabhadra who convened the Council of Pataliputra the rigour was mitigated and the Digambaras disapproved of the change.10 The controversy appears to have continued for some time even among the Svetāmbaras. For, Ārya Mahāgiri, the immediate successor of Sthūlabhadra in the Svetämbara apostolate, being a stricter ascetic, is said to have reverted to the "ideal practice of nakedness.” There was reaction again under Suhastin, and Āryamahāgiri retired to Daśärņabhadra out of sheer disgust.11 The new doctrine, however, gained royal support from Aśoka's grandson Samprati, under whom, as we saw, the first Svetämbara mission was sent to the South. Thus, from very early times, both these schools of Jaina thought found representation in the South; but by far the most overwhelming epigraphic and archaeological evidence in the South is of the Digambara Sect.12
Despite these and other differences (with which, however, we need not trouble ourselves here ) 13 the great Jaina community which came to the South had many things in common, especially in their fundamental doctrines and outlook on life.
8 Kaipa Sütra, 117; ibid. Rules for Yatis, p. 51. 9 Cf. Devasena, Darsagagāra, vy. 12-15 ; cf. Peterson, Report on San.
M88. III, p. 24. 10 Jacobi, op. cit., p. xliii. 11 Cf. Stevenson, op. cit., p. 74; Barodia, History and Literature of
Jainism, p. 55. 12 The earliest lithic reference to the S'vetām baras in South India is
found in an inscription of badamba Mrigésavarma, Ind. Ant. VII, p. 38. Another is in Ep. Car. II, 8B 254. In the former they are
called 'S'tēla patha' in the latter Sitāmbara'. 18 See Bühler, op. cit., pp. 1-3; Jaini, The Jaisa Gavette XX, pp. 98-5.

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In the eyes of the masses as well as non-Jaina faiths like Buddhism and Brāhmanism the Jainas were one, whether Svetāmbara or Digambara they represented one school of thought, viz., the Nirgrantha. 14 It is the dominating characteristics of this that we have to examine in the course of this chapter, particularly in the light of their contrast with conditions in Karnataka.
In the first place, what were the features of Jainism before it came to be affected by its competitions with Buddhism Brāhmanism, and Animism? They were, fundamentally, in respect of their attitude towards God, Creation, Life, Destiny ; and more than anything else, their mode of living. Briefly, the Jainas were atheistical but believed in the eternity of existence, universality of Life, immutability of the Law of Karma, and Supreme Intelligence as the means to Self-Liberation. In social life they were well organised and followed a rigorous discipline. We shall examine these in the light of the conditions that obtained in Karnāțaka at the time of their first impact.
The Jainas denied that God, in the sense of the Creator and Sustainer of the universe, existed. "If God created the universe," asks Jinasenācārya, “Where was he before creating it? If he was not in space, where did he localise the universe ? How could a formless or immaterial substance like God create the world of matter? If the material is to be taken as always existing, why not take the world itself as unbegun? If the creature was uncreated, why not suppose the world to be itself self-existing?" Then he continues, "Is God self-sufficient ? If he is, he need not have created the world. If he is not, like an ordinary potter, he would be incapable of the task, since, by hypothesis, only a perfect being could produce it. If God created the world as a mere play of his will, it would be making God childish. If God is benevolent and if he has created the world out of his grace, he would not have brought into existence
14 Cf, Bühler, op. cit., p. 3,

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misery as well as felicity." 15 Hence, the conclusion of the Jainas was, in the words of Subhacandra, “Lôka (world) was not created, nor is it supported by any being of the name of Hari or Hara, and is in a sense eternal." 16
·
But this did not make the Jainas materialistic in the sense of the Caravaka, whose motto was to make merry while life lasted, since they thought the body turned to ashes turns not to life again.' 17 On the other hand, the Jainas firmly believed in the eternity of the soul, and insisted upon the very highest rectitude of life, up to final perfection, as a necessary means to permanent happiness now and hereafter. 18 The Pañcāstikaya-sāra by Kunda-Kundācārya, one of the earliest of South Indian Jaina works, states the Jaina view of life and salvation thus:--
"The soul which is the agent of its own karma and the enjoyer of the fruits thereof, as conditioned by its own karma, gets blinded by the veil of ignorance and roams about in the world of samsara, which is limited for the faithful and unlimited for the unfaithful.
'Suppressing or annihilating the veil of ignorance which clouds the faculties of perception and will, well equipped with the Three Jewels, the undaunted pilgrim that has conquered the suffering and pain due to the environment, beckoned by the ideal of self-knowledge, wades through the path and reaches the Divine City of Perfection." 19
Both the rationalistic atheism, as well as, the high spiritual idealism of the Jainas, contained in the above passages, were in contrast with the animistic faith of the Dravidians and the priest-ridden ritualism of the Brāhmaṇas. The latter too
41
15 Latthe, An Introduction to Jainism, pp. 85-87. Jinasena, Ādi Purāno ch. III, cf. Bhandarkar, Report on San. MSS, 1833-84, p. 118.
16 S'ubhacandra, Com. Kartikeyānuprēkṣā ch. X; cf. Bhandarkar, op. cit., p. 113.
17 Cf. Tilak, Gitārahasya, ch. 1V, pp. 77-78; cf. Belvalkar add Ränade, Hist. of Ind. Philosophy II, pp. 403, 459.
18 Warren, Jainism, p. 2.
19 Pañcāstiķāya, 8. B. J. III, 75-76,

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believed in the doctrine of karma; but their interpretation of it rested more on the performance or non-performance of sacrifices and other details of Brāhmanical retualism than on ethical conduct. The Jainas, on the other hand, laid stress on the moral responsibility which was applicable, not merely to human beings but equally well to the animal and lower existences.20 Strange as this might sound to many ears, this theory was perfectly logical in the light of their definition of Jiva or Soul. Kundakunda states that " Jiva is conscious, formless, characterised by Upayôga, attached to Karma, the lord, the agent, the enjoyer (of the fruits of karma), the pervader of bodies (large or small); that which goes upward to the end of Lóka, being freed from the impurity of karma." 21 Life was universally the same and it was governed by the same immutable law of cause and effect. Not only was man endowed with Jiva but all creatures including plants, animals, birds, insects, and even atomic invisible beings had life. This hylozoitic theory, as Jacobi calls it, is an important characteristic of the Jainas, and "pervades their whole philosophic system and code of morals."22 It was quite different from the animistic belief in the existence of spirits in stones, trees, and running brooks. The latter had to be propitiated with bloody sacrifices destroying other forms of precious life. But, according to the Jainas, life in all its forms was sacred; and it moved upwards to the same goal, and was not to be disturbed or disintegrated by any kind of voilence. This was the rationale or psychology underlying perhaps by far the most dominating characteristic of Jainism viz. the principles of Ahimsa.23
Tie implications of this doctrine are perhaps nowhere better illustrated than in a story contained in the Yeśastilaka-Camp!! 20 'zara Petanice a yale #talent art, ibid., 123 ; cf. Dravyasangraha,
ibid. I, pp. 36-39. 11 Paricdelikāya-udra, S. B. J. II, 27? cf. Dravyasangraha, ibid
I, pp. 6-7. 33 Jacobi, op. cit., p. xxxiii. 23 Smith, op. cit., p. 53.

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by Somadeva. It is related therein that a prince, Yesodhara by name, was once stricken with great remorse for the delinquency of his wife. He thought of renouncing his kingdom and becoming an ascetic. His mother, seeing his malady, proposed that the offence could be atoned for by performing a huge sacrifice involving the slaughter of numerous animals. The noble prince protested, saying that violence to life was the greatest of sins. Moreover, he was actuated with a high sense of duty and declared :
राशिधमिणि धमिधाः पापे पापाः समेसमाः।
TIFTİ Saada qur TFT TOT 931 01 " If the king be righteous, they are righteous; if he be wicked, they are wicked; if he be neither good nor wicked, such also are they; they walk in the way of the king: as the king is, so are the people."
The king's plea was, of course, that Ahimsa was the highest of principles. The poet has cleverly, but with great truth, represented the mother as quoting Manusmrti wherein it is stated,
यज्ञार्थ पशवः सृष्टाः स्वयमेव स्वयंभुवा।
THÌ E i FATTE atst: 11 V. 39. “ Animals have been created for sacrifice, by the self-existing (Brahma) himself; hence, the killing of animals in sacrifice, does not involve any sin.”
The king in vain argued against this, but for all his pains the mother thought, STEI IT a pigri Traala fata: gaurea.
My son is blown about by the wind of Jaina doctrine.' Finally, Yaśodhara assented to the sacrifice of an effigy instead of the live animal itself. But as a consequence of this symbolical violence, both of them had to undergo suffering in a round of numerous transmigrations.24 The moral is obvious, and it illustrates the extreme insistence of the Jainas on the principle of Ahimsa, no less than the theory of karma. The contrast
24
Yalastilakā.camps ; cf. Peterson, op. cit. IV, pp. 42–44.

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with Brahmanic teaching is also not to be lost sight of. The victory of the Jainas as against the Brahmanas is illustrated by the writings of Tiruvalluvar the great "pariah" writer of the first or second century A. D. He declares:
"To abstain from the killing and eating of living beings is better than to perform a thousand sacrifices in the sacrificial fire." Again,
"Behold the man who killed not and abstaineth from fleshmeat all the world joineth hands to do him reverence.'
"L
The greatest of virtues is non-killing: killing bringeth in its train every other sin.
"
.
"They may say, sacrifices gain for a man many blessings : but to the pure in heart the blessings that are earned by killing are an abomination." 25
The fact that Tiruvalluvar imbibed the spirit of this excellent doctrine and helped to propagate it only proves the permeation of Jaina teachings in the lowest strata of Dravidian society. It also indicates beyond doubt that the Jainas made no distinctions of caste at that time. In contrast to this we understand from the Tholkappiyam a Brahmanical work that, already in the fourth century B. C., the study of the Vedas was prohibited to the lowest among the Vellalars or agriculturists. 26 Manu's restrictions on the Sūdras are too well-known to need citation.?? illustration from the Uttaradhyayana Sutra will make the Jaina attitude towards the 'poorest, and lowliest, and lost,' quite clear.
An
Harikêśa was a Švapāka or cāndāla. He became a great sage possessed of the highest virtues, with his senses wholly subdued. Once on his begging tours he approached the enclosure of a Brahmanical sacrifice. He declared:
"O Brāhmaṇas, why do you tend the fire or seek external purity by water? The wise ones say that external purity, which you seek for, is not the right thing.
•
25 Kural, chs. XXVI 259, 260 and XXXII 321, 328.
26 Cf. Shesha Iyangar, Dravidian India, p. 179.
27 E. G. नशूद्राय मर्ति दद्यान्नोच्छिष्टं न इविष्कृतम् ॥ न चास्योपदिशेद्धर्म न चास्य व्रत
Manusmṛti ch. IV 80.

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"You use Kusa-grass, sacrificial poles, straw, and wood; you touch the water in the morning and in the evening; thereby you injure living beings and in your ignorance you commit sins over and over again.
"The law is my pond, celibacy my holy bathing place which is not turbid; penance is my fire, life my fire-place; right exertion is my sacrificial ladle; the body, the dried cow-dung; karman is my fuel; self-control, right exertion, and tranquillity are the oblations, praised by the sages, which I offer."
No wonder the Uttaradhyayana proclaims: "The value of penance has become visible; birth appears of no value. Look at the holy Harikeśa, the son of a Svapaka whose power is so great."
#28
The above illustration also serves to indicate some of the moral virtues sought to be inculcated by the early Jainas. Kunda-kundacārya, in the South, adds, "Inordinate taste for worldly things, impure emotions, hankering for and indulging in sensual pleasures, causing anguish to fellow-beings, and slandering them openly or covertly; these constitute the springs of evil." So, "To whatever extent the five senses, the four taints of emotions, the four instinctive appetites, are suppressed by a person, well established in the path of righteousness, to such extent the doorway for the entrance of evil is closed for that person." 25 Kanakasabhai Pillai has observed that Nirgranthas and Buddhists aimed at a high ideal of morality and that these two religions "necessarily exercised a very considerable influence upon moral and intellectual order, upon public ideas and sentiments in the Tamil country." 30 The same might be said about Karnataka. This was the natural outcome of a teaching that inculcated civic and philanthropic virtues born out of the principle of Ahimsa, which, in its active form, meant helping
29
28 Ullaradhyayana Sutra, S. B. E. XLV, pp. 50-56; Bühler, op. cit. pp. 3-4.
29 Pancaatikaya-súra, S. B. J. III, vv, 146, 147.
30 Kanakasabhai Pillai, The Tamils 1800 Years Ago, pp. 233-34.

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humanity in its struggle for emancipation. “In the case of the wise ones”, says Kundakunda, "moved by pity, they help the struggling souls to emancipation." He also explains, “If any one, moved at the sight of the thirsty, the hungry and the miserable, offers them relief out of pity, then such behaviour of that person is love or charity." 31 Such a humane message was certainly needed by the 'blood-thirsty Márawar' who shot arrows at innocent travellers' merely to feast their eyes over the quivering limbs of their helpless victims'; and the early Tamils who “considered it an honour and a virtue in a military man to carry off the people's wives, to devastate the enemy's fields, to destroy their houses and to lift the cattle of neighhouring tribes." 32
The social organisation of the Jainas was designed to carry out in practice the ideals briefly indicated above. They only showed their practical good sense when they divided their community into two sections, viz., the Yatīs and the Śrāvakas. The former were the ascetics and the latter the lay community. The Buddhists had a similar organisation of monks and laymen; but, as Smith has pointed out, they relied more on the Samgha of ordained friars than on the laity. 33 Among the Jainas the relation between the two sections was more balanced ; and hence their social equilibrium was stable. 34 As in the case of the Aśramas or four stages, viz., Brahmacarya, Grhasta, Vānaprastha, and Sanyāsa of the Brāhmaṇas, the difference between the Jaina Yatis and Srāvakas was one of stages. Literally, the Yati was one who strove (TX - to strive) and the Srāvaka, one who listened ( - to hear). The one struggled actively for emancipation; the other tried to follow by acting up to his teachings, so far as he could, within the limits imposed
29 Pancastikaya-sära, S, B. J. III, vv. 146, 147. 30 Kanakasabhai Pillai, The Tamils 1800 Years Ago, pp. 233-34. 31 Pancastikaya-sära, S. B. J. III, vv. 143, 144. 32 Cf. Ch. X a. 15 above; S'rinivasa Aiyangar, Tamil Studies, p. 194. 33 Smith, op. cit., p. 52.
C. Stevenson, op. cit., p. 67; Maododell, op. cit., p. 70. J.E.C.2628-18

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by the worldly life. 35 But the end was the same, and a layman ultimately looked to becoming a full-grown ascetic. For, accor. ding to the Jaina, emancipation could be had only at the end of a period of rigorous self-mortification, which was possible only for an ascetic to undergo. 36 Nirvāṇa was the goal to be attained. According to the Digambaras complete nudity was essential for this; the Śvetämbaras thought that it was not absolutely necessary. 37 In the Uttarādhyayana, beloning to the latter, it is stated that "Some house-holders are superior to some monks; but the saints are superior to all house-holders”. 38 The Digambaras, being more severe in their view of asceticism, differed from the Svetāmbaras in this and another important respects, viz., as regards their treatment of woman. The Svetämbaras admitted that woman too could attain salvation and hence allowed them to become nuns. There are rules in their sacred books for the guidance of nuns no less than for the monks. 39 On the contrary, the Digambaras definitely closed the doors of salvation against house-holders and woman, undoubtedly as a corollary to their extreme insistance on nakedness. Srutasāgara plainly states-
खंडनी पेषनी चुल्ली उदकुंभ प्रमार्जनी। पंचसूना गृहस्थस्य तेन मोक्षं न गच्छति ॥ तथा स्त्रीणामपि मुक्तिन भवति महात्रताभावात् । तदपि कस्मात्र भवति । कक्षयोस्तनयोरंतरे नाभौ योनौ च जीवानामुत्पत्तिविनाशलक्षणहिंसासद्भावात् ॥ मिशंकत्वा. भावात् । वनपरिग्रहात्यजनात् ॥ अहमिंदपदमपि न लभते कथं निर्वाणमिति 1211
The reasons are that women and house-holders cannot attain Nirvāņa for their inability to obverve certain injunctions. 40
35 Ibid., p. 69. 36 Tbis period extended from one antarmuhuyla before death to twelva
years at the most. Ibid., p. 7o; Jacobi, Death and Disposal of the
Dead (Jain ), E. R. E. IV, P. 185. 87 Bühler, op. cit., p. 2; Burgess, Ind. Ant., p. 28. 88 Ottaràdhyayana Sutta, SB. E. XLV, 5-20. 39 e.g. Kalpa Sūtra, Rules for Yatig, 8. B. E. XXII, p. 297. 40 Srutaságara, Shatprabhrta-tiks ; of Peterson, op. cit. II, pp. 84-85;
Age also Devasena's Bhavasamgraha, M. D. J. G. XX, PP, 26-7 vv 92-8.

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Devasena, in his Darśanasarasamgraha says, that Jinacandra, pupil of Santyācārya, pupil of Sri Bhadra-bāhugaṇin, being "wicked and slow to good works," devised the doctrine that "women in their life as women can be saved;" "these and other false doctrines he made perverting the scriptures and thereby plunged his soul in the first hell." 41 And there seems little doubt that (apart from details) this was the general attitude towards women since the days of Mahavira and Buddha. To illustrate this remark we have only to recount a few passages from the Svetambara and Buddhist writings.
The Kalpa Sutra lays down many a rule restricting social intercourse between monks and nuns. The terms in which these rules are stated betray an utter lack of faith in woman's nature, if not in human nature itself. It prohibits, for instance, a monk and a nun to stand under a tree, even if it rained, unless it be in company with other members of either sex or the place was distinctly visible to passers by. 42 The Sutra Kṛtānga is more explicit and lays down that "even a monk who practices severe austerities should avoid the company of women," The reason is plainly stated: "As men (by baiting) with a piece of flesh a fearless single lion get him into a trap, so women may capture an ascetic though he be careful," and "as antelope caught in a snare, so he does not get out of it, however he struggles; afterwards he will feel remorse like one who has drunk milk mixed with poison." So, "considering the consequences, a worthy monk should have no intercourse with
"43
women.
Buddha, like all other ascetics, was not less diffident about the influence of women on spiritual life. When Mahāpajāpati, his own aunt, got herself admitted into the Order by evoking the pity of Ananda (Buddha's most trusted disciple), and Buddha yielded to the importunities much against his will, he
·
41 Devasena Dars'anasamgraha, vv. 12-15; of. Peterson, op. cit. III p. 24, 42 Kalpa Sutra, S. B. E. XXII, p. 303, vv. 38-39.
43 Sūtrakṛtänga, ibid., pp. 272-273, vv. 8-10, 12,

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declared, "If women had not received the going-forth (i. e. initiation) in the doctrine and discipline, the religious system (Brahmacarya) would have lasted long, the good doctrine would have stayed for a thousand years; but as women have gone forth, now the religious system will not last long, now, Ananda, the good doctrine will last only five hundred years." 44 Similarly, with regard to house-holders: 'Cramped and confined is house-hold life," said Buddha, "a den of dust; but the life of the homeless one is as the open air of heaven. Hard is it for him who bides at home to live out, as it should be lived, the Holy Life in all its perfection, in all its purity!" 45
"s
And Manu, in spite of his oft-quoted line reg godà cửà : prohibited woman even to read the Vedas,—a prohibition which he places on woman and Šūdra alike.46 This raises the suspicion that the causes may have been cognate, viz., that like the Sūdras a considerable section of Aryan wives might have at that time come from the hated Dasyu or non-Aryan.
But whatever the reasons, the above parallels, illustrate the genesis of the Digambara attitude towards woman, which had its roots in the psychological back-ground of the age. The Jainas justify it on purely philosophical grounds. In many other respects, as well, Jainism resembled Buddhism on the one hand, and Brahmanism on the other. In the opinion of Prof. Bühler, Jainism stands nearer the Brāhmaṇa than the Buddhist system." Learned comparisions have been made by him and other scholars like Prof. Jacobi and Dr. Bhandarkar; but with this, however, we are not here directly concerned.48 The question of borrowing and indebtness is also vain to discuss, and we can only say, in the words of Jacobi, that the various systems " are
140
41 Cf. Thomas, The Life of Buddha, pp. 108-109.
45 Majjima Nikaya II, p. 99 (tr. S'liacara); cf. Mookerji, Men and Thought in Ancient India, pp. 35-7; Rhys Davids, Buddism, p. 125. 46 Manusmrti, Chs. V 155, IX 18, and IV 80.
47 Bühler, op. cit., pp. 11-12; Baudhayana II, 10-18, S.B.E. XIV, p. 275. 48 Jacobi, 8, B. E. XXII Introd., pp. xiii, xvii-xxiv and xxxiii-XXXV; E.R.E. VII, p. 465 cf. Bhandarkar, op. cit., pp. 101-102,

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related to each other by a kind of affinity of ideas "'48 : For example, Ahimsa and Karma. Similarly the Ratna-trayi or the Three Jewels (Right Faith, Right Knowledge, and Right Action) of the Jainas might be compared to the Eightfold Path elaborated by Buddha : i. Right Belief; ii. Right Aims; jii. Right Speech; iv. Right Actions ; v. Right means of Livelihood; vi. Right Endeavour; vii. Right Mindfulness ; viii. Right Meditation.50 On the other hand, the five great vows of the Jainas, viz., Ahimsa, Sunrita, Astéya, Brahmacarya, and Aparigraha were exactly the same as those laid down by Patanjali in his Yoga Sūtras, 51, though in the Jaina system they were elaborated and explained in a manner unsurpassed by others in minuteness of detail and painstaking observation. The Jaina idea of Ahimsa, for example, extends far beyond the Brāhmanical or Buddhist notions. “Lest plants and animalculae be destroyed, the Jaina ascetic sweeps the ground before him as he goes, walks veiled lest he inhale a living organism, strains water, and rejects not only meat but even honey, together with various fruits that are supposed to contain worms; not because he has distaste for worms, but because of his regard for life.” 52 We shall consider in the next chapter how these characteristics of the Jaina religion and society came to be transformed in Karnāțaka in the course of a few centuries : until at the present day the Jainas of Karnāțaka are hardly to be distinguished from other Hindus, both in their beliefs as well as in their practical life.
49 Jacobi, S.B.E. XLV Introd., p. xxxvii. 50 Cf. Jaini, Outline of Jainism, pp. 52-66 : Rhys Davids, op. cit.,
pp. 47, 108. 81 Päthnjula Yoga Sutra II 35-39 ; Ācāranga Sütra, S.B.J. XXII,
pp. 200-210. 52 Hopkins, The Religions of India, p. 288 ; of. Smith, op. cit., p. 53
Jaini, op. cit., (Trades and Industries ) p. 71. The minuteness of observation to which this doctrine led is seen in the Kalpa Sitra, Rules for Yatis, S.B.E. XXII, pp. 301-5; similarly, for details of discipline see Asadhara Dharmanrta ch. viii, cf. Bhandarkar, op. cit., p. 98 n. 2.

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JAINISM AS IT CAME TO BE The imperceptible way in which religions change in the course of centuries, especially when placed under conditions different from their original atmosphere, affords an interesting branch of investigation. Prof. Lüders alluded to this fact in the course of his valuable lectures on · Aryan Civilization in Central Asia ' delivered in 1928 under the auspices of the Bombay University. He pointed out, from the evidence inscribed on pieces of leather and wooden tablets found in China, how Buddhism in that country had been so transformed as to admit of Śramaņas who were married, owned slaves, and took part in commercial transactions, as well as believed in the expiation of sin by payment in money, forgetting the pure principles of the religion which they pretended to follow. Similarly, Smith has observed, that, “ While the original official Buddhism was a dry, highly moralised philosophy, much resembling in its practical operation the Stoic schools of Greece and Rome, the later emotional Buddhism approached closely to Christian doctrines in substance, although not in name. In other directions it became almost indistinguishable from Hinduism." 3 What happened to Jainism in Karnāțaka was not unlike this in many respects.
In the first place, with regard to its atheism. “Since the doctrine gave no other support,” says Bühler, “the religious feeling of the laity clung to the founder of it, Jina, and with him his mythical predecessors became gods. ... In many of their hymns in honour of Jina they appeal to him with as much fervour as the Brāhmaṇa to his gods; and there are often expressions in them, contrary to the original teaching, ascribing to Jina a creative power. Indeed, a Jaina description of the six principal systems goes so far as to number Jainism, as also Buddhism, among the theistic religions." 54 Epigraphic and
53 Smith, The Oxford History of India, p. 55. 51 The work referred to is Saddars'anasamuccaya, 45, 77-8; Bühler,
The Indian Sect of the Jainas, pp. 18-20, cf. Barth, Relegions of India, p. 146; Thomas, The Life of Buddha, p. 214.

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literary evidence, in support of these statements, is indeed, easy to find. For instance, in one inscription Jina is spoken of thus : जयत्यतिशयजिनभासुरास्फुरवन्दिताः श्रीमान् जिनमति सष्टेरादेः कर्ता। Jina or Jina-pati, adored by the gods, is here described as patie: waf or the first Creator of the world.55 Speaking of another such epigraph at Tumkûr, Rice has pointed out, “ In an endeavour to accomodate itself to the age, Jina is described as the Universal Spirit who is Siva, Dhātri (Brahma ), Sugata (Buddha) and Vişņu”.58 Likewise, a Jaina grant of the Ratta King, Kārtiviryadeva, says that“ the dust of the earth may be counted, and the drops of rain ; , but the reward of preserving an act of piety cannot be estimated even by the Creator." 57
We have already noticed in numerous Jaina grants such acts of piety either in the shape of building, or of endowing temples for their upkeep, repairs, or carrying on the eight-fold worship of the gods. 58 Fergusson has remarked that the Jainas built temples out of all proportion to their population owing to the belief that temple-building was a means to salvation; temples were really prayers in stone.' 59 Sravana Belgoļa is one witness to this spirit of devotion. It attracted pilgrims from all places who have left their mark on the local records. Princes and people alike made grants for anointing the images with milk, and decorating them with flowers and garlands.60 Similarly, gifts were made for feeding ascetics, construction of water-sheds for the use of Jaina devotees; for the study of Sūtras ; for burning lamps before the gods, and for their daily
55 Fleet S. and 0. C. Inscription, Ind. Ant. VII. p. 106, LL 51-2,
Br. Sutalprasadji points out that for Jaina poate these terms had a different mencing. e.g. that are not "means Risbanhadeva who made
rules in Tamil and not creator of tho world." 66 Rico, Mysors and Coorg from the Inscriptions, p, 203, Tumkur 9. 87 Fleet, Ratta Inscriptions, JB BRAS X, p. 239. 68 Cf. Mysore Archaeological Report, 1923, p. 51; Ep. Ind. III, pp.
207-9, 11. 89 Fergusson, Hist. of Ind. and East, Arch. II, p. 26. 60 Cf. Ep. Car. II, SB 235-8, 242-5, 947, 268 and Introd, pp. 79-3, 77-8,89.

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144 JAINISM AND KARNĀTAKA CULTURE worship. There are interesting examples of thirty to a hundred sheep being offered as the price of burning a lamp, probably all the year round as a perpetual endowment.61 The popular awe and respect for these grants is indicated by the imprecations with which such inscriptions generaily close : e.g. "Whosoever takes away land presented by himself or by another is born a worm in ordure for 60,000 years. The property of the gods is a dreadful poison; poison destroys a single person, but a gift to the gods (if seized ) destroys sons and grandsons.62
The kind of image worship and temple ritual implied by the above evidences arose among, the laity and not among the monks, says Jacobi : “When the people in general felt the want of a higher cult than that of their rude dieties and demons, and when the religious development of India found in Bhakti ( devotion) the supreme means of salvation.” 63 Evidently, the theory of Karma, as well, underwent considerable modification when once the Jina was invested with divine grace; and he that was once but a supreme example of conduct became in course of time a saviour of souls by the direct power of divine interference. 632 Thus Rşabha came to be described as a ship for crossing the ocean of Samsāra; and a protector against the wild beasts passions, in the forest of the world Nay, more; by the repetition of his divine name all troubles could be overcome. Miraculous hymns, like the Bhaktāmara-Stótra and Kalyānamandira-stôtra, came to be composed, by the help of which, for instance, Manatunga is supposed to have got himself released
61 Cf. Rangáchārya, Inscriptions of the Madras Presidency II, Mr. 134 5,
SK. 212, Rd. 17, and ibid., Im. pp. 23 -31. See also Mysore Archaeo
logical Reports, 1925, pp. 15-16, and 1916, p. 51. 69 Rice, Inscriptions, Ep. Car. I, p. 52. The S'aiva form of this was, that
tamperiog with such grants was tantamount to killing twenty cow8 OD the banks of the Ganges or polling out a thousand lingas, etc.'
Cf. ultzsch, S.I.I. II, p. 499. 63 Jacobi, Jaina Sūtras, S. B. E. XXII Introd., p. xxi. 63a Br. Sitalprasadji writes to me, " The Jaina poets describe Arhats or
Tirthankaras, not as direct doers of actions, but as indirect helpers. By worshipping them we get merit that helps in having our desires fulalled."

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from the bondage of fortytwo chains; and Siddhasênadivākara to have converted a Siva-linga into the image of Pārsvanātha. 64 That such stories are repeated even in the case of learned sages like Samantabhadra, Akalanka, and others is only proof that this Bhakti movement did not confine itself to the laity in the long run. Akalanka is said to have invoked the goddess Kūshmāndini to work a miracle against the Buddhist goddess Tārā, and by her interference won a victory over his rivals.65 We have already alluded to Elācārya's allaying the devil by means of the Jwālāmālini-stótra.66 There are in the inscriptions, as well, frequent allusions to the goddess Padmavati who still finds a large number of devotees, especially among the Jainas of the Kannaờa speaking districts. For instance, one at Belūr speaks of a Jainavratiša ( ascetic) who by his mantras was subduing the goddess Padmāvati for the increase of the wealth of the Hoysalas; later on we are told, “that Yakshi became worshipped as the goddess Vasantikā.67
Ammanavara-caritré or the “Doings of the Mother" is a manuscript which is commonly found in the possession of many Jainas in the Kannaďa country; and Buchanan also refers to it as' Amonora carita. Indeed, the light that Buchanan throws on the popular form of Jainism at the time of his visit, about a
64 Cf. Marathi Jnána Kos'a (37), p. 332-33. I have seen manuscripts
of these bymns well illustrated with magic symbols and detailed instructions as to the number, place, time, etc. for the repetition of each mantra, as well as miraculous powers attributed to each, such as the power of bestowing wealth, longivity, immunity from fire, accident, etc. etc. They are in the Sri Ailak Pannālál Digambara Jaina Saras. watibhavana, Bhuleswar. Bombay; and some of them have been pube lished by Mr, Nāthuram Premi, in the Hindi-Grantha-Ratnankara.Kär.
yalaya, Hirābag, Bombay 4. 65 Cf. Ep. Car. II Introd., p. 84. 66 of. Hirālál, Catalogue of MSS. in C. P. and Berar, Introd, p. xxx. 67 Cf. Buchanan's Travels III, p. 81; Ep. Car. V, Belur 124, traps., p. 88.
The name of the Jaina-pratis'a, referred to in this epigraph is stated to be Varāhamana-munindra in the list of the Humcha gurus. Cf. Rice Mysore and Coorg I, p. 372. J.K.C. - 2628-19

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century ago, is valuable, especially as he says he derived his information from Panditācārya Swami, the guru of the Jainas, who claimed to be equal to the chief Pontiff at Śravaṇa Belgola.68 According to him, the Jainas denied the authority of the Brahmanical Vedas and their eighteen Furāņas; but their greatest authorities were Gommata-Sara, Trilokasāra, and Lubda-(Lubdhi?) Sara, These they considered as holy as the Brahmanical Vedas, and believed they were composed by Adi Brahma or Adiswara. Sometimes it is difficult to follow (whether Buchanan or his informant we can hardly say), when, for instance, it is also stated that their chief book was Yoga (written in Sanskrit with Kannada characters) explained by twentyfour purāṇas all composed by VrishabhaSayana (?) 68a" Who attained divine knowledge by long prayer.' However, there could not be the least doubt as to the nature of the popular beliefs. We transcribe below a few specimens:
"The gods of the Arhita are spirits of perfect men, who owing to virtue have become free from changes and are all equal in rank and power. They are called Jinêswara (the Lord Jina), Arhita (worthy ), or Siddha ('holy'?). These live in a heaven called Môcsha ( Môkṣa); it is by their worship only that future happiness can be obtained. The first Jina was Adi Parameswara who has 1008 names.
69
"The servants of the Siddhas are spirits of good men who live in an inferior heaven called Swargam. They enjoy happiness there according to their merits. Swargam is situated higher in the air than Mount Meru ('North Pole '); men ought to worship these as they possess the power of bestowing temporal gifts.
"
was a king who
He was a great
W Concerning Vishnu they say that he owing to good works, was born as Rāma. hero and conqueror, and finally became a Siddha or Jina. Maheswara or Śiva, and Brahma are only devatās inferior
r
68 Buchanan, op. cit., pp. 75, 79.
68a वृषभसेन the first Tirthankara ? 69 Ibid., pp. 76 and 412.

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in rank to Indra who is the chief of all happy beings in Swargam. There are sixteen stages in this heaven.
"Mārima, Putalima, and other Śaktis are Ventarus, living on Mount Meru; but they are of malevolent disposition. Below Mahāmêru and earth is Bhuvana or hell, the residence of the spirits of wicked men who are called Räksasas and Asuras; and although endowed with great power they are miserable. Bhuvana is divided into ten places of punishment in proportion to the crimes performed by their inhabitants ..... etc. etc. etc. " 70
Here, indeed, is a khicari of all faiths and beliefs: both Aryan and Dravidian, Hindu as well as Jaina. Mārima and Putalima who were worshipped with bloody sacrifices have here entered the Jaina pantheon, evidently divested of all their ferocious and blood-thirsty character. In the Dharwār District, Jainas of all classes are said to believe in sorcerers, witches, sooth-sayers, and consult them in cases of sickness or other calamities. ? Similarly, Thurston speaks of the worship of Bhūtas or devils by the Jainas of South Kanara. They set apart a room for them in their houses, called the Paddle; but instead of sacrifices they offer to them metal images of fowls, goats, pigs, etc. 72 As a matter of fact such a metamorphesis in the practical aspects of Jaina belief was inevitable. For, in the words of Jacobi, "generally speaking, the notions of the Jainas about demons, ghosts, ete. were very much the same as those of other Hindus; but the position of the Superhuman beings was, in many respects, altered by the efforts of the Jainas to introduce systematic order into the Mythological conceptions current at the time when their religious teachings were reduced to a definite torm." 73
70 Ibid., pp. 76-3. 71 Cf. Dhārwar, Bom. Gaz. XXII, p. 118. 7: Thurston, The Castes and Tribes of Southern India II, p. 427; cf,
Sturrock, South Kanara I, p. 189. 73 Jacobi, Demons and Spirits, E. R. E. IV, p. 608; Ibid. Cosmography
pp. 160-61

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The next point in respect of which the Jainas have apparently changed is with regard to Ahimsa. There seems little doubt that they have changed in practice though not in theory. In the first place, it is necessary to remember that originally they insisted upon non-injury to life, in thought, word and deed. The Gupti or restraints were of three kinds, viz., मनोगुप्ति, वाग्गुप्ति, and कायगुप्ति. Bhāva-samvara or thought-restraint was the first, and of primary importance. It consisted, above all, of the observance of the five Vratas, or vows, viz. (i) Ahimsa (not to cause or tend to cause pain or destruction to any living being by thought, speech, nor conduct ); (ii) Satya ( truth in thought, speech and deed ); (iii) Astéya (to take nothing, unless, and except, it is given ); (iv) Brahmacarya (chastity, on the devoted contemplation of self by the soul); (v) Parigraha-tyāga (renunciation of worldly concerns ). 74 It is significant to notice that Tiruvalluvar imbibing fully the spirit of these teachings declared : “ The greatest virtue of all is non-killing : truthfulness cometh only next”. 75
In the light of this, therefore, it is difficult to understand how an ascetic like Simhanandi could help or even inspire the Ganga Kings to found their Kingdom of Gangawadi, except in contradiction to these principles. For, it is also a well known injunction for the ascetic that he begin nothing (i.e. do nothing that has the seed of another life in it).78 Hence, the foundation of a kingdom inevitably based on force and blood-shed was undoubtedly in violation of the vratās of Ahimsa and Parigraha-tyāga.77
74 Jaini, Outlines of Jainism, pp. 96-7. 75 Kural, XXXIII 323. 76 Kundakunda, Satpähuda ; cf. Peterson, Report on San MSS. II, p. 82. 77 Cf. It is inteteresting to note in this connection the remarks of
Mr. 'Bertrand Rassel about Japanese Budd bism and Teutonio Christianity: “ What the Japaese made of Buddhism reminds one in many ways of what the Teutonio nations made of Christianity. Buddhism and Christianity, originally, were both religions aiming at the achievement of boliness by renunciation of tho world. They both ignored

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“He who loves the world,” says Kundakunda," is bound in the chain of works. He who loves it not is loosed. This is in brief the doctrine of the Jainas with regard to the deliverance from spiritual bondage.”78 But very often the Jaina teachers lost sight of this teaching, particularly, in their keen rivalry with the Buddhist and other sects. Akalanka, for instance, we are told entered into a compact with king Hastimalla to grind the Buddhists in oil-mills in case of the latter's defeat in religious controversy.79 That this was not actually enforced does not absolve the Jaina guru from the sin of hypothetical violence ; even as king Yasodhara could not escape from the cycle of numerous re-births on account of his symbolical sacrifice, noticed earlier. Likewise, we find them carelessly giving vent to feelings of hatred against their Buddhist and other rivals in expressions like "Prosperity to Jinaśāsana, powerful to rebut its assailants, in splitting the skulls of the elephants opponents speakers ” ; 80 and “This king Jayaduttaranga cleft open the frontal globes of the lordly elephants the arrogant false disputants of the Ekānta-Mata with the thunderbolts the arguments based on scriptures”. 81 Māghanandi, a
politics and government and wealth, for which they substituted the future life as what was of real importance. They were both religions of peace, teaching gentleness and non-resistance, But both had to undergo great transformations in adapting themselves to the instinot: of warlike barbarians. In Japan a multitude of seots arose, teaching doctrines which differed in many ways from Mahāyāna orthodoxy(?). Buddhism becamo Aational and militaristic; the albuts of great monasteries beoame important feudal chieftains, whose monks constituted an army which was ready to fight on the slightest provooation, Sieges of monasteries and battles with monks are of constant occurrence in Japanes3 history." Rassel, The Problem of China,
pp. 91.2 78 Kundakunda, op. oit. 79 Cf. Ep. Car. II Introd., p. 84. 80 Ibid. v, Trans., pp. 189-90 81 Cf. Kudlur Plates of Mārasimha, Mysore Archaeological Roport,
1921, p. 22.

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Jaina ascetic, is described as "a lion to the herd of rutting elephants the Mimānsakas". 82 Students of subconscious psychology may not be blamed for finding in these expressions revelations of suppressed feelings of violent anger. That the violence stopped only with words must be remembered to their credit, but even this expression in words is undoubtedly a violation of their strict doctrine of Ahimsa as interpreted by themselves. The following quibble only goes to support our contention that, out of practical considerations, the Jainas practically transgressed what they theoretically attempted to inculcate. In support of Kumārapāla's infliction of capital punishment upon all those who offended in any way against the doctrine of Ahimsa, it is contended :
'A true Jaina will do nothing to hurt the feelings of another person, man, woman or child ; nor will he violate the principles of Jainism. Jaina ethics are meant for men of all positions—for kings, warriors, traders, artisans, agriculturists, and indeed for men and women in every walk of life... “Do your duty Do it as humanely as you can". This in brief is the primary principle of Jainism. Non-killing cannot interfere with one's duties. The king or the judge has to hang a murderer. The murderer's act is negation of a right of the murdered. The king's or the judge's order is the negation of this negation, and is enjoined by Jainism as a duty. Similarly, the soldier's killing on the battle-field.'83
It can hardly be contended that all the wars fought by Jaina kings and soldiers in Karnāțaka orelsewhere were "a negation of any negation ”except it be " a negation of their own principle of Ahimsa.” But, it should be conceded that Jainism has been largely responsible for making Karnāțaka, in the main, vegetarian, and Ahimsa still form the substratum of Indian character as a whole. For hundreds of persecutions of the Jainas by non-Jainas we can hardly find a single instance where the reverse happened
82 Ep. Car. II SB 64, Trans., pp. 17-18. 83 Smith, op. cit., p. 53; Cf. Jaini, op. cit., p. 72

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Thirdly, the development of castes and sub-castes among the Jainas of Karnāṭaka throws ample light upon the problem of caste-origins in India. We have already noted their division into Śvetāmbara and Digambara; not merely do these not interdine or intermarry, but in their hatred of each other, forget even the highest principle of their religion, namely, Ahimsa.84 The Acāranga Sūtra lays down that " To friendly or hostile (heretics ) one should not give food, drink, dainties and spices, clothes, alms-bowls, and brooms; nor exhort these persons to give ( such things ) nor do them service, always showing the highest respect.” 85 We shall consider here a few cases of how the division and sub-division was carried on to a fatal extremity, by the Jainas in Karnāțaka leading to their ultimate fall or practical absorbtion by other communities.
In the first place, according to Smith, “The propagation of Ahimsa necessarily produced a sharp conflict of ideas and principles of conduct between the adherents of the doctrine and the old-fashioned people who clung to bloody sacrifices, cowkilling, and meat-eating. Communities which had renounced the old practices and condemned them as revolting impieties naturally separated themselves from their more easy-going and sell-indulgent neighbours, and formed castes bound strictly to maintain the novel code of ethics.” 86 Secondly, divisions arose within the Jaina community itself due to several reasons. An inscription at Śravana Beļgoļa states :
“ Arhadbalin, who, by means of the eight-fold omens consisting of Vyanjana, Svara, Nabha, Tanu, Laksaņa, Cinnha, Bhauma, and Śakuna, knows, as if a witness, pleasure and pains, success and failure, and everything else in the three times ( past, present and the future ) and who shone with his two disciples, Puşpadanta and Bhûtabali, .... made the MülaSamgha ( consisting ) of the Kundakundānvaya ( lineage ) into
84 Cf. Bühler, op. cit., p. 8. 86 Acäranga Sūtra I, 7. 1, 8. B. E. XXII, p. 62. 86 Smith, op. cit., p. 38.

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four samghas in order to minimise hatred and other (evils) that might arise owing to the nature of the times." 87 It passes our comprehension, however, to understand how hatred and other evils could be minimised by creating such divisions! The inscription goes on to say, "Let one make a difference in the case of heterodox samghas such as the Sitambara and others which are of a form contrary to rule; but who thinks of such a thing in the case of the SENA, NANDI, DEVA, and SIMHA Samghas, is a heretic." 88
Dr. Hoernle identifies Arhadbalin with Guptigupta, disciple of Bhadrabahu II; for he points out that Arhadbalin and Viśākhācārya were other names of Guptigupta.89 According to Paṭṭāvalis, Māghanandin, disciple of Guptigupta, established the Nandi-Samgha or Balatkaragaṇa; 90 and there are at Karanja, in Berar, temples belonging respectively to the Balatkāragaṇa, Senagana, and Kāṣtā-Samgha. Mr. Hiralal, speaking of these, observes: 'They derive their names from the sub-divisions of the Digambara community into which it was divided in the earlier centuries of the Christian era. Balatkaragana is the most important branch of the Mula-samgha (lit. the original community) wich is the original name of the Digambaras. Kundakundācārya (Ist. cent. A. D.) is said to have caused by a miracle the stone image of Saraswti to decide a dispute between the Svetambaras and Digambaras, in favour of the latter. Since he made Saraswati to speak by force (a) his followers called themselves Balatkaragana of the Saraswati-gachcha. The closing verses of a genealogy found in the temple of the Balātkāragana (at Karanja) state that
""
Preceptor Padmanandi became the first of the Balātkāragana by whom the stone-made Saraswati was made to speak.
87 Ep. Car. II SB 254, pp. 110-11.
C
88 Ibid.
89 Hoernle, Two Pattavalis of the Saraswati Gachcha, Ind. Ant. XX, P. 350.
90 Ibid; cf. Fleet, Bhadrabahu, Candragupta, and S'ravana Belgola, Ind. Ant. XXI, p. 159.

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Thereby arose the Saraswati-gachcha on the mount Urjayanta. Hence, a bow to that lord of sages Padmanandi." (vv. 41-2). 'That Padmanandi is another name of Kundakundācārya is proved by the 4th verse of the same genealogy:
आचार्यः कुंदकुंदाख्यो वक्रग्रीवो महामतिः ।
gerandi geuiqes: quicîíâ qzqà || 91
It is interesting to notice that this verse is also found inscribed on the lamp-pillar of the Gaṇagitti-temple at Vijayanagara recording the grant of Irugapa, already alluded to; only instead of a qà in the second line we find the words ' इति तन्नाम पंचधा' This substitution was evidently necessitated by the previous lines of the inscription which read : श्रीमूलसंघेऽजनि नंदिसंघस्तस्मिन् बलात्कारगणोऽतिरम्यः । तत्रापि सारस्वतनाम्नि गच्छे स्वच्छाशयन्भूदिहपद्मनंदि ॥
92
Prof. Jacobi has observed that "The inscriptions furnish materials for a necessarily incomplete history of their ancient schools (ganas); but they do not quite agree in all details with the more modern traditions of the Paṭṭāvalis."93 We have here at least one remarkable instance of epigraphical confirmation of the statements made in the Paṭṭāvalis referred to by Mr. Hiralal. It is clear also that Balātkāragaṇa was but a subdivision of the Nandi-Samgha. The words बलात्कारगणोऽतिरम्य : indicate the special pride of the members belonging to it. The Belgola inscription with like pride says,
Among these Samghas, the Nandi-Samgha, an eye to the world has the three subdivisions: gana, gachcha, and vali; and victorious is the lofty Ingulêśwara-vali of the pure Pustaka-gachcha of the virtuous Desigana of that Samgha. In it were Naga, Deva, Udaya, Ravi, Jina, Megha, Prabha, and Bala with the suffix Candra; Deva, Śri, Bhānu, Candra, Śruta, Naya, Guņa, Dharma and others with the suffix Bhuṣaṇa; as also Vidya, Dama, Indra, Padma, Amara, Vasu, Guna, and Manikya with
91 Cf. Hiralal, op. cit., p. iii.
92 Hultzsch, 8. I. I. I, pp. 156-57
93 Jacobi, Jainism, E. R. E. VII, p. 474.
JXQ-2528-20

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the suffix Nandi : Destroyers of sin, breakers of the tusks of the elephants the disputants, conferers of various kinds of good fortune, bees to the lotuses universal learning, possessors of bright bodies uninfluenced by the world-conqueror Cupid, lofty by their pure conduct, and free from the ties of the world were these celebrated ones.” 94
It need hardly be pointed out that the list of the names and suffixes contained in this epigraphical record must serve as a valuable index to the class, sect, or subsection of any given Acārya or teacher, though obviously not an infallible guide owing to much overlapping. There are indications in Tamil inscriptions as to separate villages being occupied by the Jainas, Brāhmaṇas, and others.95 Names of villages or places like Samaņa-halli or village of the Gramaņas, Śravaņa Belgo!a or the white pond of the Sramanas, and Savaņoor, Savaņadurga, etc. surely seem to confirm the same fact. Mr. Rice, for instance, has likewise pointed out that Pansøge or Hansôgê in Coorg was the official centre of the Hottage-gachcha which he identifics with Pustaka-gachcha.96 Some of the other sub-divisions met with mostly in the inscriptions are Valahāri-gana, Kālôgra-gana, Karanür-gana or Kanurgaña; Yāpaniya-Samgha, Māthurasamgha, Gopyasamgha, Addakali-gachcha and Trintrini-gachcha.o? Gaņa, Samgha and Gachcha, are often used as convertible terms, as for example: an inscription of Amma II speaks of Dhiradeva, disciple of Divākara, as belonging to the Yāpaniya-Samgha of Nandi-gachcha ;98 and the Jaina-Siddhānta-Bhaskara gives the apostolic line of the Sena-gana founded by Jinasena 1.99 We
94 Ep. Car. II SB. 254, pp. 110-11. 95 Cf. Oh. IV n. 40 above. 96 Rice, Ep. Car. IV Ya 26; cf. Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions,
pp. 141-42. 97 Cf, Rangāchārya, op. cit. II. SK 215, NI 397, C. P. 324 (Madras
Museum); Sheshagiri Ras, Studies in 3. I. J. II, pp. 61-2; Nathuram
Premi, op. cit p. 117. 98 Cf. Rapgācharya, op. cit. NI. 397. 99 Ibid., p. 995.

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have already found these referred to above as Nandi-Samgha and Sena-samgha respectively in the Śravaņa Belgoļa inscrip tion.100 But almost all of the orthodox divisions trace their origin from the Mūlasamgha and Kundakundānvaya which evidently points to their genesis after that great teacher who lived about the ist century.
The heterodex Samghas are mentioned as being five in number, by Indranandi in his Nitisāra : od
गोपुच्छकः चेतवासा द्राविडो यापनीयकः।
arrafagotta get #THET: T rat: 101 It is rather surprising to find the Yāpaniyas included in the list, as we find them described in an inscription of Amma II as part of the Nandi-Samgha which was orthodox according to Arhadbalin. Similarly, the Drāvida-Samgha : Its founder is said to have been Vajranandi, disciple of Pūjyapāda who certainly belonged to the Kundakunda lineage. The Mathura-Samgha is supposed to be a sub-division of Kāstā-Sangha whose foundation is attributed to Kumārasena, the desciple of a co-disciple of Jinasena author of the Mahapurāņa. According to Devasena's Darśanasāra Kumārasena was WE-FITH or fallen away from the path of asceticism.109 His reference to Jinacandra, pupil of śāntāycārya, pupil of Sri Bhadrabāhu-gaộin has already been alluded to. We quote below the full passage in order to illustrate the manner in which these divisions took place, no less than the attitude of one sect towards the founder of another.
"Sri Bhadrabāhuganin had a pupil by name Šāntyācārya, and he a pupil of Jinacandra, wicked and slow to good works.
"He devised this doctrine that women, in their life as women, can be saved ; that the Kévalins or perfected saints eat --though none could see them eating, and were subject to disease.
"That the sage who puts clothes on may be saved ; that Vira was translated from one womb to another; that salvation may 100 Of. n 90 above. 101 Of. Nāthuram Premi, op. cit. p. 192.
Cf. Ibid., pp. 133-84, 138 and 141.

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156
JAINISM AND KARNĀTAKA CULTURE be found in every creed; and that what is declared to have life in it should never be eaten.
"These and other false doctrines he made, perverting the scriptures and thereby plunged his soul in the first hell."'108
No less than eighty-four sub-sects of the Jainas are enumerated in the Marāthi-Jnāna-Kośa ;104 and the origin of each appears to have been due to reasons as trivial as those noted above: They differed as to whether a man should bathe in cold water or hot water, eat or not eat certain plants, worship standing or sitting, should decorate images or not, and whether the ascetics were to carry, if at all, a bundle of pea-cock feathers or a cow-tail whisk, etc., etc.105 Without going into these trivialities, therefore, we shall proceed to examine the more real causes of most of these divisions.
The Jainas of Dhärwār have a tradition which very well illustrates how they crystallised themselves into a separate caste owing to their strict observence of Ahimsa. They say that there was in ancient times a king named Ikśāvāku who had two family priests: one of them, Parvat by name, sacrificed sheep to the god of fire, and the other, called Nārad, used only parched rice for oblations. The descendants of the former, according to them, are the Brāhmaṇas, and those of the latter, the Jainas. They also hold that their community was once divided into Brāhmana, Ksatriya, Vaisya, and Sūdra, but that the Kșatriyas having disappeared long ago, only the other three now remain.106 This fourfold Aryan division of society is everywhere traceable among the Jainas of Karnāțaka and undoubtedly indicates the influence of Aryan ideas and institutions over the mass of Dravidian population. A decisive proof of this is found in South Kanara, where, only one section of the
103 Days'anasamgraha v. 12-15; cf, Peterson, op. cit. III, p. 24. 104 Marathi-InanaKos'a (37), p. 323, 105 For a detailed consideration of these see Glasenapp, Der Jai
pp, 355-57; Burgess, Digambara Iconography, pp. 2.3; Ind. Apt. VII
p. 28.
106
Cf. Dharwar Bom. Gaz. XXII, p. 116.

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Jaina community follows the Aryan law of inheritance, whereas another, still adheres to a relique of the Dravidian matriarchate, viz., the Aliya Santana law according to which property devolves, not from father to son, but from maternal uncle to nephew.107 The tendency for the Aryan to drive the Dravidian underground is indeed still visible in the vigorous movement set afoot to have done with this anomalous anachronism by means of legislation, and thereby do away with one barrier which isolates the Jainas of South Kanara from the rest of their co-religionists in India. The priestly class among the South Kanara Jainas are divided into two sections Kannada Pūjāris and 'Tuļu Pūjāris' about whom Sturrock observes, "the latter are indigenous, while the former are descended from emigrants from above the ghauts." 108 Moreover, the priests, as a rule, have marriage relations only with their own class, although they dine with the remaining three namely, the Brāhmaṇa, Kṣatriya, Vaisya sections of the laity. When they marry at all outside their own class such relations are confined to these three classes alone.109 There are besides these, several osher classes of Jainas known as Setvals, Caturthas, Bogars, Pancamas, and Gaudas, all of whom might however be classed as Sūdras. Thurston observes there are as many as twenty-two sub-divisions among the Tamil Jainas.110
IDEALISM AND REALISM
The Setvals appear to have been originally a body of hundred families excommunicated for some unknown reason; The Caturthas or and now forming a sect by themselves. 11 'fourth class' are of course the Sudras; Buchanan speaks of them as the Sadru, (Woculigas or cultivators) and says, "They worship only the god Jina, but do not inter-marry with the true Jainaru." The reason for this was that 'formerly the Sadru were Jainaru, but his ancestors disliking that religion, betook
44
107 Sturrock, op. cit., pp. 191, 158; Thurston, op. cit., pp. 426-27.
108 Sturrock, op. cit., pp. 190-91. 109 Dharwar, op. cit., pp. 116-17,
110 Thurston, op. cit., pp. 419-20. 111 Dharwar, op. cit., p. 117.

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158 JAINISM AND KARNĀTAKA CULTURE themselves to worship Vişnu.” 112 As a matter of fact there is another class called “Jaina Banajigaru or Dāsa Banajigas who style themselves Jaina Ksatriya Rāmānujas.' These appellations are a string of contradictory epithets, only revealing the confusion of faiths that resulted in the course of centuries. Banajigas, for aught we can make out, must have been traders (San. arust trade ); but they call themselves Ksatriyas ! Jaina Rāmānuja is again an unintelligible paradox. Whereas, in truth, the “ Jaina Baņajigas" are not Jainas at all; for Buchanan says they were converted to saivism at the time of Basava. To make this confusion, worse confounded he adds, “They worship the same gods as the Hindu Pancama Baņiji, i.e. Śiva, his wife and sons, whom they consider identical with Brahma and Siva !” 113
The Gaudas 113? are farmers and labourers, speaking Tuļu or Kannada as their home-language. They all follow the ordinary system of inheritance and not that of "descent through females.” Generally they are Hindus, but some are also Jainas.114 Sturrock gives the following account of their splendid organisation :
“ They have a somewhat elaborate system of caste goverment. In every village there are two head-men, the Grāma-Gauda and the Vattu or Gottu Gauda; for every group of eight or nine villages there is another head, called the Māganê Gawda, and for every nine māganês there is a yet higher authority called the Katļêmanèyava. The caste is divided into eighteen baris or balis,
112 Buchanan, op. cit. I, pp. 421-22 113 Buchanan, op. cit., p. 240. These Banajigas might very well be
compared to the Mälkkanás of Rajputana and the Kabir-panthis of North India, both of whom are & curious mixture of Hindu and Mahomedan faiths,--the one from ignorance and force of habit;
the coher from enlightened eclecticism. 113a From Grāma-bhajaka 68mộtis), Qãounda (grūma-unda, inscrip
tions), to gaunda or gauda. 114 Of. Sturrock, op. cit., p. 191; Thurston, op. cit., and Buchanan op.
cit., pp. 421-22.

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which are of the usual exogamous character. The names of all these have not been ascertained, but those of twelve of them are as follows : (I) Bangara, (2) Nandara, (3) Mūlara, (4) Hemmaña, (5) Sālu, (6) Kabru, (7) Goļi, (8) Nāyar, (9) Seţți, (10) Basruvogaru, (11) Balasanna, and (12) Karmanaya.” 115
The Bogāra sub-division of the Jainas, who are at present found in the Bellary and Belgaum districts, are chiefly workers in brass ; they cannot inter-marry with the others though they may dine with them. 116 This is in fact the chief barrier which divides the various sub-castes of the Jainas, noticed above, from one another; justisfying the observation of Smith that though the teaching theoretically condemns caste, “in practice the modern Jaina is as fast bound as his Hindu brother in the iron fetters of caste.” 117 Buchanan has pointed out that the Jainas of Tuļuva do not admit that any Śūdras belong to their sect; but the office of Purohita is in the hands of the Brāhmaṇas alone.118 Thurston also says, that, in the Tamil country, an ordinary layman cannot become an Arcaka; it is a class apart and they do not have marriage relations with laymen.119 In the Kannada districts, even the Caturthas and the Pancamas do not inter-, marry, although they are qually classed among the Sūdras.
The origin of the Pancama class is generally attributed to their excommunication on account of widow-marriage ; but it does not seem unlikely that some at least among them might have been converts to Jainism from the Hindu caste of untouchables at a time when Jainism was still in its pristine condition. 120 The survival of original distinctions, habits, customs and institutions, even after formal conversion from faith to faith have been already illustrated in this chapter ; but we might add one more instance to enforce the same conclusion.
115 Sturrock, op. cit., p. 162 116 Cf. Bellary Gasetteer I. p. 64; Belgaum, Bom. Gaz, XXI, p. 102. 117 Smith, op. cit., p. 54. 118 Buchanan, op. cit. III, p. 412. 119 Thurston, op. cit. pp. 432-33. 120 Dharwar, op. cit., pp. 116-17.

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Speaking of the Roman Catholics of South Kanara, Sturrock has remarked, “To this day the Roman Catholics have not entirely shaken themselves free of the trammels of caste and they are still divided into classes of which Bāmmans or Brāhmins, Cārodas or Kșatriyas, Sudirs or Sūdras, saltmakers and washermen are the most prominent. .... The cultivating and labouring classes are much like their Hindu neighbours.... All classes retain the Hindu dress.... Married women substitute for the Hindu 'tāli', a necklet from which is suspended a figure of the infant Jesus made of gold in the case of those who can afford it.... 'They have all Portugese names such as Saldanha, Brito, Mascarenhas, Vas, Coelho, Sequeira, derived from Portugese sponsors, when their ancestors were baptised after conversion, but in some cases, especially in the rural districts, they use their old native titles such as Prabhu, Naik, Shetti, Pai, Padval, etc.
“In the same way as some relics of caste feelings still remain among them, their whole habit of life is in many ways still affected by survivals of old customs and modes of thought, though western ideas have made much more progress amongst the Canara Christians than amongst the corresponding classes on the east coast. Many of them, especially amongst the women, cannot bear the idea of eating beef. Widow re-marriage is not prohibited, but it is looked upon with much disfavour. A bridegroom of good position expects a large dowry with his bride, and many a man has been impoverished by being blessed with a large family of daughters. A wife never calls her husband by his name, and except among the more educated classes she is no more regarded as her husband's equal than is the case among other natives."121
This lengthy quotation is justifieable becaus the remarks made therein are almost literally applicable to the Jainas. The present day Jainas wear Caste-marks just as other Hindus do ;122
111 Sturrock, op. cit., pp. 185–86. 122 Cf. Thurston, op. cit., p. 430; Belgaum, op. cit., p. 102.

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they do not marry widows, except among the Pancamas ;123 they observe fasts, festivals, ceremonials, quite like other Hindus; 124 child-marriages also take place among the Jainas ;125 they burn the dead, throw the ashes on the third day into a river, and even offer rice-balls to the crows on the tenth day, and feed relatives and caste-fellows on the twelfth and thirteenth days 126 A detailed consideration of these and other points, interesting as they may be, would take us far beyond our limits. But a few of the more striking features which have crept into Jaina society, especially in contradiction to their avowed theories and practices, might be described with advantage.
Jainism, being like Buddhism an anti-Vedic movement, must have cast off the sacred thread of the Brāhmaṇas, in conformity with their democratic denunciation of caste. But, with the resumption of this institution, in practice though not in theory, the Digambaras of Karnāțaka also adopted its most distinctive symbol. It does not seem unlikely that great converts to the Jaina faith from Brāhmanical ranks, like for instance, Gangarāja 127 and Vādiganghala Bhatta, 128 might have insisted upon retaining the marks of their social status, even after their formal acceptance of the new creed. The concession once made
123 Ibid., p. 103; Dharwar, op. cit. pp., 116–17. Now the practice
appears to have been changed, among some. 124 Cf. Bhandarkar, op. cit., p. 119; Belgaum, op. oit., pp. 102-3. 125 Mhurston, op. cit., pp. 432-33. 126 Ibid. Contrast this with what Yasodhara says to his mother in tho
Yas'astilaka-Campu by Somadeva: The spirits of ancestors have either entered other bodies or passed away into the land of spirits, in neither of which cases they stand in need of oblations which are
devoured by crows'. Cf. Peterson, op. cit. IV, p. 44. 127 Gangarāja is spoken of as a Purifier of the Kaundinya.gotra, chief of
the Karnāta Brahmans' in Ep. Car. V Belūr 124, traps., p. 8.' 128 The Kudlur Plates of Mārasimha record the grant made by Mürasimba
Ganga to Vādigangbala Bhatta, his precaptor, a great Jaina disputant, who is therein described as born in an illustrious and learned Brhman family, noted for its Vedic Study and sacrifices'. Ct. Mysore
Archaeological Report, 19.1, pp. 23-4, 110-2628-21

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must have become the general rule; and teachers like Somadeva only confirmed it by saying
यत्र सम्यक्त्तहानिर्न यत्र न व्रतषणम् । सर्वमेव हि नानां
प्रमाणं लोकिको विधिः॥ Where there is no harm done to the highest principles of Jainism, where there is no infringement of the vows enjoined, all indeed is acceptable to the Jainas which have the sanction of local custom.' 129
Likewise, Jinasena in his Mahapurāna, speaking of yajnas (involving no killing of course) states that since they are in conformity with Vyavahāra Naya they are worthy of adoption by the Jainas. 180 These statements only serve to indicate the new outlook of Jainism, as it was affected by its struggle for existence. Now it is the rule, rather than the exception, among the Southern Jainas to wear the sacred thread. They perform the ceremony when the boy is about seven years of age : 131 and, if Thurston's information is correct, then, in the Arcot District even girls are taught the thread-wearing mantras at about the same age, though they are not actually invested with the sacred cord. 132 This volte face with regard to their attitude towards the delicate sex is more definitely indicated by several inscriptions which allude to their attainment of the abode of the gods by means of severe asceticism. We quote below a few instances.
An inscription at Śravaņa Beļgoļa records: “On receiving dikṣā from the guru, Srimati Ganti, becoming a treasure of all penance, a celestial jewel of liberality, the chief of the possessers of numerous virtues, the beauty of the face of the ladies compassion, self-restraint and forbearance, (and) a moonlight to
128 Cf. Jaina Hitaisi XII, p. 146 130 Mahapurdra IL, 88-90; cf. Jaina Hitatsi XII, pp. 144-46. 131 Bolgant, op. cit., p. 102, 139 Thunton, op. cit., PP. 433–34.

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the ocean modesty, was ever celebrated in the world, being lovingly praised by the earth.133 The subduer of the Kaşāyas, Srimati Ganti, having by severe penance thus obtained name and fame on the earth, and having fixed her mind on the pair of the lotus-feet of the great Jinendra, the lord of the world, attained by Samādhi, a high rank in the abode of gods. Srimati Ganti, ending her life by the rite of sanyasana, went to the world of gods. Her good penance being immense, the meritorious Mānakabbê Ganti, adored with the ornaments good qualities, caused to be set up this epitaph to her great guru." 134
It is clear from the last words that the excellant Srimati Ganti was the guru of another Mánakabbê Ganti ; which evidently reveals the existence of a regular sisterhood of nuns. We have already alluded to the Gāņagitti Temple of Vijayanagara, and it is possible that Ganti or Gänati is but a contraction of Gāņagitti (oil-woman). The oil-pressers known as Gåņigas, of South Kanara, originally belonged to Vijayanagara and Mysore.185 Although these are not Jainas at present, the existence of the Jaina Gāņagitti Temple at Vijayanagara would seem to point to some at least among them having been once Jainas. The class of nuns called Ganti, therefore, might possibly have belonged to the Gāņiga or oil-pressing caste. Rice reasonably thought that there must have been a regular sister-hood of Digambara Jaina nuns in South India. 136 The evidence in this behalf is quite canvincing despite such theoretical objections as contained, for instance, in the Bhāva-sangraha by Somadeva. After considering various arguments against woman's right to salvation, the writer concludes: Taraft The IT fakt at HOT I J T 9799A ETT or furreproi' 11 97. H. SCH
133 Cf. “Women, as is ugnal in this monkish poetry, are very pessi
mistically characterised. They are, for example, described as the torch on the road to the gate of hell, the root of all miseries, and the prime cause of discord' (Hemacandra's Yoga-S'astra) Macdonell,
India's Past, p. 74. 134 Ep. Oar. IT SB 951, trans., p. 165. 135 Cf. Starrook, op. cit., pp. 167-68, 196 Rice, Coorg Inscriptions, Ep. Oar. I, p. 66 ..

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In Sanskrit Awara Pri grict FiTAct aga atdor i Frat: 9467 : TETAHI 7 faaloi 11 137 Against this dogmatism we find at least one instance of a woman strongly asserting herself. An inscription in Coorg records that one Jakkiyabbe who performed Sanyasana (or death by starvation) which is considered by all Jainas as a sure pass-port to Mukti did so "without hesitution deciding I will obtain Mukti.” 138 It is reasonable to suppose that this practice might have come also as a substitute for sati among Jaina women, in view of the fact that the Jainas condemn every form of suicide excepting Sallékhana, and Buchanan records (on the strength of Panditācārya's statement) that'widows ought not to burn themselves on the bodies of their husbands.' 139 According to Samantabhadra, one of the greatest of Karnāțaka Jaina teachers, Sallékhana was to be performed "when overtaken by calamity, by famine, by old age, or by incurable disease.” 140 What worse calamity could befall a woman than the death of her husband, especially when to take a second meant only excommunication worse than death? On the other hand, death by taking the holy vow meant for her glory in this world and salvation in the next; for it is believed that the last cloth in
137 Devasens, Bhävasamgraha, M. D.J.G. XX, pp. 26–7 vv. 92-8. 138 Bice, op. cit. No. 31. As lately as 1913 at Rajkot & S'vetāmbara pan.
named Jivībāi, took this yow and died after two or three days. "To take this yow and die on a bed of Kusa grass”, says Mrs. Sinclair Stevenson, " is called Santhäro; and though in this age of Dusama it is impossible for those who do so to go straight to Môkşa, as they would formerly have done, yet they pass to Nêvalóka, ard may hope, if their previous karina was good and their faith in the Jaine creed strong, to pass to Móksa after fifteen more incarnations". She also states, the practice is far more frequent still, than Europeans realise,
Stevenson, The Heart of Jainism, pp. 163-64. 139 Buchanan, op. cit. III, pp. 75-6. Rev. Heras has got a Sati-stono
from Gersoppa, from among the Jaina ruins; but it cannot be asserted
that the sati-stone is also Jaina. 140 sqart fortales SITT a eto. Ratnakarandaka-s'rāvakācāra, M. D.
J. G. I, p. 89 v l; cf. Ep.Car. II (otrod., p. 69,

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which a nun is wound has the efficacy of giving children to childless women. 141 In any case, there are unmistakable instances of nuns performing the act of Sallékhana no less than those of monks, and there is also in an inscription at Śravana Belgola, a reference to the presence of nuns who attended the ceremony of Panca-kalyāņa or the five auspicious things ( Birth, Anointment, Renunciation, Enlightenment and Liberation of Jina or Gommața ) together with the monks. 142 Thurston says, there is still a sisterhood of nuns in South Arcot who shave and wear white cloth. These might be Digambara as he says that all Jainas there are Digambara. And what is still more interesting is that he speaks of a class of Arcakas or priests called Annam or Annuvriti : "a kind of monk who is allowed to marry but has special rules of conduct,” 143
Lastly, something must be said about the various pontificates of Karnāțaka, which also added to the varieties of codes and practices, a geographical principle, dividing the present day Jainas into so many bewildering sections and sub-sections. Buchanan for instance, has observed that the Jainas of Tuļuva are in many respects different from those of Be!go!a above the ghâts. One of the differences he noted was that the former (inspite of there being Bunts among them) denied that there were Sūdras among the Jainas. 144 At present the Hindu Bunts are classed among the Sūdras; but the Jaina Bunts, because of their political status, must have classed themselves among the Kșatriyas in the past. The Amonora-Caritra referred to by Buchanan traces the origin of the Bairasu Wodeyars from Uttara-Madura, and an inscription at Kārkaļ speaks of Virapāndy of the same family as Atalant or belonging to the lunar race (of Ksatriyas ) of the family of Jinadatta. 185 Their
141 Ct, Marathi-J nāna-Kos'a (T), p. 331. 142 Ep. Car. II SB 268, trans., p. 10 nl; cf. Ibid. Introd., pp. 69-70, 89. 143 Cf. Thurston, op, cit., pp, 30-39. • 144 Buchanan, op. cit. III, p. 412. 145 Ibid., p. 81; Hultzsch, Jain Cologgi in South India, Ep. Ind. VII,
pp. 109-11, LL 9-11 of text; Rico, Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, pp. 138-39

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gurus having the titles of Lalitakirti and Carukirti Panditācārya, though originally subject to the Chief Pontiff at Sravaņa Belgola, claimed according to the testimony of Buchanan, a status equal to the chief. 146 The Bunts are a proud race and their peculiar law of inheritance adds to their isolation. The rulers as well as the mass of Jaina population of South Kanara being of this class, it was natural for their Pontiffs to claim independence, just as the secular chiefs attempted to do on the fall of Vijayanagara. 147
Lalitakirti is described as belonging to the Kālogra-gaña which must be identical with (or a branch of) the Pustakagachcha , as he is also stated to be of the Paņasôgê lineage of Dêśigaņa. 148 The Jaina priests of Hottage (Pustaka-gachcha) claimed exclusive jurisdiction over the bastis of Paņsôge and Talekāveri, which Rice thinks must have been the limits of the Cangālva kingdom of Coorg. 149 Since Lalitakirti belonged to the Hottage gachcha and was also the family priest of the Wodeyars of Kārkaļ, it is natural to suppose that his influence below the ghāts must have lasted as long as the supremacy of these kings. But the real pontiff of South Kanara must be considered the Panditācārya of Buchanan, whose fuller title was and still is Cårukirti Panditācarya. He has his seat now at Muļbidrê. The Vêņür inscription which records the erection of the colossus there, by order of Cārukīrti, calls him “the sun of the firmament of the Désigana and the moon in the milkocean of the pontificate of the town named Belguļa. " 150
The pontiff of Belgoļa is, of course, by tradition the Chief Pontiff of most of the Jainas of South India. An inscription at Nāgamangala mentions Laksmīsêna Bhattāraka, Jaina guru of Śravaņa Belgoļa who claimed to be the lord of the thrones of
146 Cf."Ibid., pp. 110, 112-13; Buchanan, op. cit., p. 79. 147 Of. Sturrock, op. cit., p. 189. 148 Rangãohárya, Inscriptions of the Madras Presidency II SK 215;
Holtasch, op. cit., p. 110. 149 Rice, op. cit., p. 142; Coorg Inscriptions, Ep. Car, I, p. 13. 150 Hultasch, op, cit. p. 113,

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169 Delhi, Kolhapur, Jaina Kānci (part of. Conjeevaram) and Penugonda (Anantapur District. ) 161 The foundation of this chief pontificate is attributed to Cãundarāya, who erected the colossus at Sravaņa Belgoļa. To provide for the maintenance and worship of the image he established a Matha and other religious institutions with liberal endowments, and appointed Siddhāntācārya (Nemicandra ?) as guru. There is a full genealogy of successive teachers who followed Siddbåntācārya. From 1117 A. D. these gurus are said to have borne the name
of Cārukirti Panditācārya. 162 We have seen that this has also - been the little of the South Kanara pontiffs. The year of the
change in the little of the Belgoļa pontiffs is significant. It synchronises well with the period of Rāmānuja's personal influence over Bițțidêva Hoysaļa. 153 That was a turning point in the history of Jainism in Mysore. For a time at least the chief centre of Jainism was transferred to South Kanara, symbolised by the removal of important Jaina manuscripts ( like Dhavala and Jayadhavala) to Muļbidre where they are still to be found. 154 It is not to be denied that there was a line of gurus at Sravaņa Belgola even from earlier times; but of this, however, we have no connected records. At the time I visited the Matha (May, 1927) everything was under Government lock and key, the pontifical seat being the subject of severe contention by two rival candidates, reflecting thereby the unfortunate factiousness which everywhere prevails in the community. Amidst the relics reminding one, of the once glorious past, was a genuine naked Digambara ascetic, Vņşabhaséna by name, residing in the Bhandari Basadi built by a treasurer of Narasimha I (Hoysala ).
The Jainas in the Bombay Karnāṭaka as well have their own gurus. The existence of two divisions called respectively Laksmisena-gana and Jina-sena-gana seems to indicate that
161 Ep. Car. IV Ng 43, trans., p. 125. 162 Rice, Mysore and Coorg 1, p. 372. 153 Ramănuja left Mysore in 1118 A. D. 164 Of. Ep. Car. II Introd., p. 28.

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o
the former must have been at one time Vaisnavas (Lit. Lakşmiśayana abode (bed ) of Vişnu's consort); and the latter must have called themselves in imitation of the former's name. It is possible the latter considered themselves a purer division. Both have their chief seat in Kolhāpūr. There is also a Balātkāragana with its head-quarters at Hombas in Mysore. Each sect has its own guru who is invariably an ascetic.155 The Pancamas have their own guru called Lakşmi-sena Swāmi, who also lives at Kolhāpur. The guru of the Setvāls is at Hombad near Honāwar (North Kanara District). That of the Bogars is at Mālkhed, in the Nizam's territory; he is strangely - called Balutkāragun represesenting the name of the sect rather than that of a person. The Caturtharu or Caturthas have also their own teacher at Kurundwād. 166 We have already seen that there is no free social intercourse (i.e. marriage and interdining !) between these various sects and divisions. That even geographical divisions act as great barriers is indicated by the fact that Kannada and Gujarati Jainas do not dine together.167 The Jainas of the extreme South in the same way, form a community by themselves. Their high-priest has his seat at Sittamür in the Tindivanam Taluk of South Arcot District. He claims to have power over all Jainas South of Madras, independently of Belgoļa and Kanara 158 All these Jainas have no marrige relations outside their own small circle. No wonder that year after year their census indicate a steady decline in population. 159
155 Of. Dharwar, op. cit., p. 118. 156 Cf. Belgaum, op. cit., p. 103. There does not appear to be a teacher 157 Cf. Charwar, op. cit., p. 117. of the caturthas at Kurundwad 158 Thurston, op. cit. pp. 439-31. j now; there are teachers at Nandani,
Kolhapur, and Belgaum. 159 During the thirty years from 1891-1991 their decrease for the whole of
India has been 5.8% (1901), 6.4% (1911), and 9.4% (1921). Of. Shah, ' Decreasing Jaina Population,' The Jaina Gazette XX, p. 167. To cite one specific instance, the population of B'ravana Belgola, their chief centre in the South, has decreased from 18, 237 in 1911 to 17,299 in 1921. Mysor. Census Report, 1991, Pt. V, p. 195.

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CONCLUSION Truly, nothing succeeds like success; and the failure of Jainism to hold its own against its numerous rivals in the South, as in the North, has led to many a false estimate of its achievements in the past. Thus, it is largely held that Jainism, like Buddhism, did not strike deep roots in South India and that there was nothing like a Jaina Period in the history of India. 160 With all deference to the scholars who maintain these views, we venture to believe that the study of Jainism in Karnāțak, attempted in the foregoing pages, inadequate as it is in many ways, is sufficient evidence to the contrary. Despite the flux of half a century and more since Fergusson wrote, his observations still remain largely true, viz. that “Until the numerous Jaina inscriptions which exist everywhere in the South are collected and translated, and until plans are made of their buildings, and statistics collected about them, it is idle to speculate either about the time of the introduction of Jainism into the South, or its vicissitudes during its existence there. It is a task which, it is to be feared, few in that Presidency are capable of undertaking, and that fewer still are willing to devote the time and lobour requisite for its successful accomplishment; but it is worthy of being attempted, for, if successfully carried out, it would add to our scant stores of knowledge one of the most interesting chapters still available for the religions and artistic history of the people of India,161 Much research has been done since 1876 when Fergusson made these remarks, but much more still remains to be done. However, with what materials we can gather at present, let us focus together the various problems and their solutions suggested by this our necessarily inadequate study.
160 Cf. Aravamuthan, Kaveri, Maukhāris and the Sangam Era, p. 2
Smith, The Oxford History of India, p. 55. 161 Fergusson, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, I, pp. 466-67
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EXTENT OF INFLUENCE First, as to the extent of influence. Whatever may be the antiquity of Jainism in the South, no one can deny that there is enough conclusive evidence to the effect that, at least from the beginning of the Christian era, down to the epoch-making conversion of Vişnuvardhana Hoysaļa by Rāmānuja in the 12th century A. D., Jainism was the most powerful religion in Karnataka. The fall of the Kalacūris in the Deccan, during the same century was another death-blow that was given to Jainism in Karnāțaka. But even after this it continued to flourish in the Tuļuva country until its overthrow by Sivappa Naik of Ikkêri in the 17th century. Thus, for nearly a millennium and a half Jainism was quite alive and active; and even now unlike Buddhism it has a considerable following in the South, no less than in the North. During the heyday of its power there was not a single dynasty in Karnāțaka, whether large or small, that did not come under its influence at one time or another : The Kadambas, the Gangas, the Rāştrakūțas and the Kalacūris in the Karnāțak among the more powerful; and the Rattas, Silāhāras, Cangāļvas and the Tuļuva rulers of Kanara, among the minor feudatories, counted among them a large number of votaries of the Jaina faith. Two great princes at least among these (viz. Mārasimha Ganga and Indra IV Rāştrakūta) died in the orthodox Jaina fashion of Sallêkhana, in addition to Sântaladevi, a queen of Vişnuvardhana Hoysaļa, thereby showing the firmness of the hold of Jainism upon them. Among the non-Jaina rulers, the Cālukyas and the Vijayanagara kings, as well as the present dynasty of Mysore, no less than some at least among the Coļas, distinguished themselves by their patronage of Jainism. In geographical extent, as well, the permeation of Jainism is indicated by the Jaina vestiges still left intact or in ruins in every district of Karnāțaka to a greater or lesser degree. Its influence among the masses is indicated by the grants made to sacred places by merchants, goldsmiths, and even garland-makers as already noticed; it is also still

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visible in the various castes, customs, and institutions of Karnataka as noticed in the chapter on. Jainism as it came to be,' which have crept into Southern Jainism mainly through the door of large and indiscriminate conversions.
CAUSES OF DISINTEGRATION The question that naturally arises out of this is “How did such a vast force and movement come to be disintegrated ? " The answer is two-fold : Internal causes, and External causes The internal causes have been alieady dealt with ; namely, the transformations within Jainism itself that made it almost indistinguishable from the surrounding creeds and practices. The Jainas were too much divided and subdivided into sects and subsects, and in the words of Indranandi :
Fora stati EET = TITÀI
प्रजाःस्वच्छंदचारिण्यो बभूवुः पापमोहिताः ॥ 162 After the sages Bhadrabāhu and Vikramänka attained to heaven, people have become self-willed through attachment to sin.' The external causes were the rise of revivalist Hindu movements, like Saivism, Vaişņavism, and Lingayatism, the conversion of royal supporters of Jainism like Mahendravarma Pallava, Sundara Pāndya, and Vişnuvardhana Hoysaļa, and last but not least, the Muhommadan conquests in the South. As a corollary to these followed a series of persecutions the truth of which bears close examination. We have made incidental references to these in the previous chapters, but it is well to state a few more here so as to arrive at a definite conclusion regarding them.
PERSECUTIONS Dr. Krishnaswami Aiyangar has observed, “Religious controversies between Jainism, Buddhism and Brāhmaṇism there might have been, but these were apperently under the control of the civil authorities for the time being." 163 Speaking of per162 Indranandi's Samayabhūsana 3, cited by Pathak, Pūjyapada and
the Authorship of Jinendra-Vyākarna Iod. Ant. XII, p. 20. 163 Krishnaswamy Aiyangar, Contributions, p. 314.

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secutions he says that these stories seem to have been concocted by the later hagiologists to enhance the glory of their own particular form of religion; and that "in each one of these cases it can be proved conclusively there is no evidence of a general act of persecution, such as is described, as these religions flourished in undiminished influence even after the period to which these persecutions are ascribed.” 164 The general spirit of toleration in India towards creeds other than one's own has been remarkably revealed in our history at least from the time of Asoka to Akbar; and we have also seen that the Jainas received considerable patronage even from rulers who were not themselves Jainas. But from these instances we cannot emphatically deny the fact of pesecutions in South India. The fact that Jainism continued to flourish even long after the 'alleged persecutions” cannot be considered as proof of the falsity of the allegations any more than we can say that there was no persecution of Christianity in Europe, or of Hinduism under the Muhommadan rulers, since these religions have survived to our own days and continue to flourish if at all with greater vigour. If the several traditions can be explained away as mere concoctions of hagiologists, the following facts are certainly incapable of dubious interpretation :
(1) In the Madura and Tinnevelly Districts a barbarous relic of the old persecutions of the Samanal is still kept up in the ceremonial form koown as Kulavettal (lit. impaling). “The model of a human head is stuck on a pike and carried in a procession ; some sit as if impaled on a stake; others appear to be hanging from the gibbets, etc. The idea of the performance is to suggest mutilation, and there can be little doubt that it is intended to commemorate the savage treatment which the Jainas of old received at the hands of their Saiva persecutors."166
(2) a cave near the Anjaneya temple at Bețţadapura (Coorg) there is a linga on the pedestal of which is written
164 Ibid., pp. 238-39. 165 Tinnevelly Gazetteer 1, pp. 100-102; Madura Gazetteer I, pp. 74, 297.

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173 the word ' Jina' evidently betraying the fact that the place was once used by the Jainas and that the image of Jina was replaced by the symbol of Siva. 186 The Aihoļe temple, a photograph of which is given elsewhere in this volume, is another such example. Such conversions of Jaina temples to Saiva use are by no means rare. How whole cities of Jaina power were often desecrated by the Saivas is indicated by the present condition of Bārkūr in South Kanara, which is only one among several such instances. Bārkūr was once the strong-hold of the Jainas. “Groves and clusters of trees cover most of the area now with here and there a group of houses and a temple, but always a Brāhmin temple; the conquering religion rules there, and no Jaina passes through, for the broken and headless images of his Tīrthankaras may be picked up by the dozen among the grass and bushes that have crept over his shattered temples, and here and there one may be seen laid before the entrance of a Brāhmin temple over which all must tread." 167
There could be little doubt, therefore, that apart from the innate weakening of the Jaina religion, these persecutions were real and largely responsible for the final overthrow of Jainism in South India.
AHIMSA
But it is remarkable that for scores of instances that could be cited of persecutions directed against the Jainas, there is hardly a single instance of retaliation by the latter. The flight of Basava and Cenna-Basava from the Kalacūri capital immediately after the murder of Bijjaļa was due to a sense of guilt rather than active persecution. Hence, as the greatest contribution of the Jainas to Karnataka Culture, as well as to Indian life and character, must be counted the great principle of Ahimsa. It is this which has niade Kamāțaka, largely vegetarian in diet and quiescent in character. But it is not
166 Cf. Mysore Archaeological Report, 1925, p. 15. 167 Sturrock, South Kanara I, p. 92; cf. Smith, Early History of India,
PP. 473, 495.

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right to attribute the failure of Jainism to their emphasis on Ahimsa, as some have done. 168 For, as we have noticed already, this did not stand in the way of their conquests or defence of kingdoms; nor did it stand in the way of kings and judges in the detection and punishment of criminals. The bravery of Jaina kings and generals, no less than that of the rank and file is a common theme of eulogy in Jaina inscriptions. For instance, an inscription in Mysore speaks of a Jaina warrior, Baicappa, as having sent many o the Konkanigas to destruction' and thereby 'gained the heavenly world and attained the feet of Jina.' 169
PESSIMISM Another cause to which the failure of Jainism is usually attributed is its alleged 'pessimism.' This needs a fuller and deeper discussion than we are prepared to enter upon here. The goal of all Indian religions, in fact, is declared to be Death and not Life. Confining ourselves to Jainism for the present, we cull a few remarks from Mrs. Sinclair Stevenson's 'The Heart of Jainism'to understand what this dictum means :--
“The desire of India is to be freed from the cycle of re-births and the dread of India is reincarnation. The rest that most of the spiritual seek through their faith is a state of profound and deathlike 'trance, in which all their powers shall have ceased to move or live, and from which they shall never again be awakened to undergo rebirth in this toilsome and troubled world.
“If, therefore, we would try reverently and sympathetically to grasp the inner meaning of an Indian faith, we must put aside all thought of the perfectly developed personality which is our ideal, and of the joy and zest that come from progress made and powers exercised, and, turning our thoughts backwards, face
168 Cf. Rāmaswami Ayyangar, Studies in S. I. J. I. p. 106. Dr. Saletore
has elaborated this theme in his Mediaeval Jainism (ch. on 'Jaina
Men of Action '). 169 Ep. Oar. VIII, Sb. 152.

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175 for a while another goal, in which death, not life, is the prize, cessation not development the ideal."'170
“Both ( Hinduism and Jainism) use the same words, such as mokṣa and nirvāṇa, and both think of the highest state as attained by those who have completely stultified their personality, and who are not perfected characters but perfectly characterless beings who touch life on as few points as possible."171
" It seems, in fact, impossible for any religion which is not illuminated and irradiated by Hope to become a really missionary faith."172
“The more one studies Jainism, the more one is struck with the pathos of its empty heart."173
In order to realise the nature of the Jaina ideal one has only to stand within one of their richly carved temples, or gaze at the face of one of their great colossi, lost in the exuberance of its peace and contemplation. Their mythology and their literature penetrate the utmost depths and variety of human thought and imagination. Their ethical ideal reaches the boundaries of theoretical perfection. The supreme goal of their life is to be perfect as the Arhat or Jina or Tirthankara is perfect: literally, the Deserving, the Conqueror, the Founder of the Path across the Ford : perfect in the Triple way of Right Faith, Right Knowledge, and Right Conduct. Indeed, the harmonious combination of these three, each in its fullest development, is the supreme ideal to be attained ; and the ideal is attainable by all including the lowest forms of life and existence. Failure in one form of existence is only a steppingstone to another in which to set right the mistakes and resume the lost path. No one, however low and fallen, is doomed; all have salvation. What could be more optimistic or more dynamically optimistic in its outlook!
Indeed this raises the question, 'Who is a pessimist?' and What is pressimism ?' But a discussion of this, as already 170 Mrs. Stevenson, The Heart of Jainism, p. 1. 171 Ibid., pp. 171-72. 172 Ibid., p. 275.
173 Ibid., p. 289.

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"f
remarked, would be a digression too long for our purposes. What Dr. Thomas has said about Buddhism is perhaps more true in the case of Jainism: Buddhism has been called pessimistic," says he, "but it is so only in the sense in which all religions are pessimistic that inculcate asceticism, and place true happiness above the pleasures of the sense."174
The following observations on Christian monasticism are illuminating :
Co
66 The basic idea of monasticism in all its varieties," observes the Catholic Encyclopaedia, is seclusion or withdrawal from the world or society. The object of this is to achieve a life whose ideal is different from and largely at variance with that pursued by the majority of mankind; and the method adopted, no matter what its precise details may be, is always self-abnegation or organised asceticism. Taken in this broad sense monachism may be found in every religious system which has attained to a high degree of ethical development, such as the Brahman, Buddhist, Jewish, Christian and Moslem religions, and even in the system of those modern communistic societies, often antitheological in theory, which are a special feature of recent social development especially in America. Hence, it is claimed that a form of life which flourishes in environments so diverse must be the expression of a principle inherent in human nature and rooted therein no less deeply than the principle of domesticity, though obviously limited to a far smaller portion of mankind... The truth is that the Christian ideal is frankly an ascetic one and monachism is simply the endeavour to effect a material realisation of that ideal.... Two ideas that constantly recur in Eastern theology are that the monastic state is that of Christian perfection and also a state of penance."175
"Love not the world, nor the things that are in the world, " sayeth the Gospel. "If any man love the world, the charity of the Father is not in him. For all that is in the world is con
174 Cf. Thomas, The Life of Buddha,p. 178 n. 175 The Catholic Encyclopaedia X, pp. 459-68.

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cupiscence of the flesh, and the concupiscence of the eyes, and the pride of life, which is not of the Father, but of the world. And the world passeth away and the concupiscence thereof. But he that doeth the will of God abideth forever.” 176
Jaina asceticism was not based on other ideals : only instead of reliance on a personal God, the Jainas relied upon their Ideal of Perfection embodied in their Jina for all practical purposes. The futility of mere external form and penance has already been indicated in the words of Kundakundācārya, than whom the Southern Jainas produced no greater teacher:
One may understand the true nature of Tirthankara; one may have interest in and devotion to the scripture; one may have self-control and penance: With all these, if one is not capable of realising his own true self, to him Nirvāṇa is beyond reach.'177
NIRVANA And what is it that leads to this Jaina ideal of life? It is non-attachment to things of this world and freedom from anger and sensuous desire :
तस्मानिवृत्तिकामो रागं सर्वत्र करोतु मा किंचित् ।
pita afatilù HOT FAMi a fa u 178 And “Unlimited perception and knowledge are always associated with Jiva and spotless conduct born of these leads to Mokşa.179
" Jiva is the architect of its own form of existence. It is the doer and onjoyer of its own Karmas.
" Atma which is free from the defect of Karma gets to the highest point of the universe, knows all and perceives all, and obtains the transcedental bliss everlasting.
"Thus Ātma, becoming omniscient and all-perceiving through its own effort obtains the infinite bliss which transcends senseexperience, which is free from any imperfection, which is spiritual and self-determined." 180 176 St. John ii. 15-17. 177 8. B. J. III, Pancastikayasira, gātbā 177. 178 Ibid. 179. 179 8. B. J. III, Pancūstikayasdira, gātbā 161. 180 Ibid., gitbaa 27-29.
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IV. KARNATAKA CULTURE Such as the character and history of Jainism have been in Karnāțaka, what is their bearing on Karnāțaka Culture ? Though an answer to this question has been suggested in more than one chapter of this book already, we should here try to focus our attention more pointedly on the main theme we set out to study. It is obvious from what has been set down in the course of our survey that both Jainism and Karnataka Culture have affected each other deeply. A creed that held sway over the lives of princes aud peasants alike, during more than a millennium in Karnāțaka, was bound to leave its indelible marks on the culture of its people. Likewise, the fact that Jainism came to be substantially transformed in Karnataka as witnessed in an earlier chapter, is sufficient proof of the strength of Karnăţaka Culture. From both these points of view, therefore, a closer examination of Karnāțaka Culture becomes quite necessary.
Culture is not an easy word to understand. It might mean different things to different people. Hence, it is desirable to explain its connotation, at least in our present context. Mr. Devudu in the Introduction to his book on Kannada Culture has, we are afraid, given it too general a meaning. Though it is correct to define “Culture" as 'that which differentiates man from the mere animals,' it is necessary to be more specific. He has done this admirably, however, in the body of his work itself. Therein he has dealt with the development of culture among the people of Karnataka as might be learnt from their folk-songs, tales, proverbs, conundrums, etc.' A similar attempt to explore the vital elements in Karnāțaka Culture has been also made by Mr. M. Venkatesa Iyengar, in his Popular Culture

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179 in Karnataka. Though, he, like Mr. Devudu, has made no attempt to cover the whole ground of Karnataka Culture or to deal exhaustively even with the topics selected" (such as the Viraśaiva and Haridāsa movements, and the significance of proverbs, folk-songs and place names), both have tried to interpret the mind and heart of Karnataka on the basis of a very close study of some of its historic phases, and manifestations in its present outlook and life. "A deep and real culture," observes Mr. Iyengar, "has, as it were, transfused the very air that the people are breathing and it appears in all the many acts of their lives and often in the words which they use without realising the full meaning."1 At the same time he rightly says "that no claim is advanced that the popular culture of Karnāțaka is separate or different from the popular culture of other parts of India. The ruling ideas of nearly the whole of India on essential topics relating to life are more or less the same. But cach area wears these ideas with a difference and the men who built up the culture of one locality and the movements which contributed to it are necessarily often different from those of other localities." 2 It is from just this view-point that we might look at Jainism and Karnāțaka Culture.
Culture may not lend itself to a formal and clear-cut definition, but it is not the less tangible because of this elusive character. Though there are certain essential qualities, which are of a universal nature, that distinguish cultured societies from the brutish, it is not difficult to differentiate one species of culture from another. Thus, it is not wrong to speak of Indian Culture, European Culture, Chinese Culture, and so on. In like manner, it is also possible to mark out provincial variations in our national culture. For instance, though all Indian women may be wearing sarees, as distinguished from the gowns of European women or the Kimonos of the Japanese women, the mode or style of wearing the sāree differs from province to province,
1 Papular Culture in Karnataka, p. ll. 8 Ibid., Preface, p. vi.

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and even from caste to caste. This individualiy is, however, not confined to dress alone; it shows itself in speech, manners, diet, customs, art, etc. And though all these may form a synthesis which we describe as culture of a particular brand (Karnāțaka Culture, for instance), it is also possible to analyse its several elements and find therein traces of particular influences. Hence, out of the synthesis of Āryan and Dravidian in South Indian Culture, the worship of spirits, snakes, Māri-amma, and Murugan may be clearly marked out as Dravidian, while the worship of fire, Brahma, and the Vedic deities, as well as the Āryan philosophy and way of life, may equally be clearly. singled out. In like manner should it be possible and useful to find out and assess the contributions of Janism to Karnāțaka
Culture.
In the light of these observations, let us recount the distinctive features of Jainism as pointed out in an earlier chapter. Here it is well to remember that Jainism was meant to be not merely a philosophy', but also 'a way of life'. We have already shown, however, that in Karņāțaka (as perhaps also elsewhere ) it survived only as a philosophy and largely ceased to be a way of life. What happened to Aryanism or Vedism, in general, in the southern Dravidian atmosphere, also happened to Jainism, in particular. Confining its philosophic universalism to the books, it became sectarian in its mode of life. It absorbed into its own system or scheme of life most of the elements and characteristics of non-Jaina Karnataka, and by so doing it ceased to be distinctively Jaina. Except by the practice of not eating the supper after night-fall and the worship of nude images of the Tirthankaras, it is hardly possible to identify a Jaina in Karnataka from the rest of the people. His temples and festivals may be different, but their variation looks only sectarian, even as the Vaişnava might differ from the Saiva. But whatever be the position of the Jainas in Karnataka today, there is no gainsaying their contributions to Karnataka Culture in the past. Outwardly they consist of imparting a

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great impetus to the development of Kannaḍa literature, as shown earlier, and enrichment of the art and architecture of the province by distinctive types of their own. Both in quality and quantity the service rendered by the Jaina writers, artists, and architects to Karnataka Culture was considerable. Yet to attribute the military and political achievements of certain rulers, generals, and ministers to Jainism is hardly warrantable. They achieved their successes in these fields, not on account of any distinctive qualities imparted by their Jaina creed, but more by overlooking the distinctive teachings of Jainism such as ahimsa and asceticism. Such martial and political vigour or acumen was equally well displayed by the non-Jaina kings, generals, and ministers.
Eclecticism was undoubtedly the bedrock of state policy and social relations in those times, with a few equally undeniable exceptions of sectarian bigotry displayed by some rulers and other men. Thus most of the avowedly Jaina or Hindu monarchs, men and women, revealed a remarkably latitudinarian interest in the religious institutions and activities of one another. Numerous instances of these have been cited by other writers in the field, and the curious reader may refer to them. Some typical examples have also been cited by us earlier. However, one fact may be set down to the credit of the Jainas of Karnataka. There were fewer persecutions on account of religion in Karnāṭaka than was the case in the other parts of South India during the same period. This may be, perhaps, attributed to the wider, deeper, and longer permeation of Jainism in Karnataka. We have also observed before that for scores of acts of persecution of the Jainas by the nonJainas, there are hardly any instances of violent reaction on the part of the Jainas. This spirit of toleration could certainly be ascribed to the syadvada of the Anékantamata-vādins. Indeed,
3 E. g. Chapters on Religion and Society in Altekar's Roṣṭrakātus, Saletore's Jainism, and Vijayanagara, Moraes's Kalumbakula, and Krishna Rao's Gangas,

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.
as Mr. J. C. Powys has observed in his The Meaning of Culture, "The sceret of culture is to have a knowledge of relative values in this world."
Another trait widely illustrated in numerous inscriptions in Karnāțaka is that of the spirit of self-abnegation and sacrifice. Sati-stones and Virgals proclaim this in all parts of Karnataka. Though this was a feature of the spirit of the age, the example of hundreds of Jainas voluntarily subjecting themselves to the tribulations of sallekhana and samadhi-marana must indibutably have heartened the votaries of even other sects to do the same, as a matter of honour.
The Jaina basadis were repositories of learning, in all branches, even as their arctitecture afforded a stimulous to artistic expression and their yatis set examples of high spiritual striving. It was Jaina writers who insisted on maintaining the purity of the Kannada language. “Several of the Jaina authors,” observes Mr. R. Narasimhāchār, "who were adyocates of purism in the use of Kannada, have condemned the practice of introducing unnecessary Sanskrit words into Kannada composition. They denounce the practice as the mark of an imperfect education. Nayasena compares it to the mixing of ghee and oil; and Nāgavarma, to the stringing of pearls along with pepper-corns. There were even a few authors who attempted to write works in Kannada without the admixture of Sanskrit words in order to show that the use of Sanskrit is not indispensable for Kannada composition."'4 It was a Jaina poet Nộpatunga who gave us the true extent of Karnāțaka as the country stretching from the Godāvari to the Käveri.
ಕಾವೇರಿಯಿಂದಮಾಗ ದಾವರಿವರರ್ಮಿ ನಾರದಾಕನ್ನಡದೊಳ್ | ಭಾವಿಸಿದ ಜನಪದಂ ವಸು
ಧಾವಳಯವಿಲೀನವಿಷಯವಿಶದವಿಶೇಷಂ 3 It was again the same Nịpatunga (or Amoghavarşa I, 815-77 A Karnātnkas. Ravi-Charitre, Introd., I. p. xvii,

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KARNATAKA CULTURE
183
A. D.) who described the culture of Karnāțaka in the following terms:
ಪದನರಿದು ನುಡಿಯಲುಂ ನುಡಿ ದುದನರಿದಾರಯಲು ಮಾರ್ಪರಾ ನಾಡವರ್ಗಳ್ | ಚದುರರ್ ನಿಜದಿಂ ಕುಜ್ಕೋ ದದಿಯುಂ ಕಾವ್ಯ ಪ್ರಯೋಗಪರಿಣತಮತಿಗಳ್ | ಕುಳತವರಲ್ಲದೆ ಮತ್ತ೦ ಪವಿರುಂ ತಂತಮ್ಮ ನುಡಿಯೊಳೆಲ್ಲಂ ಜಾಣರ್ | ಕಿಟುವಕ್ಕಳು ಮಾಮೂಗರು
ಮಲಪಲ್ಯ ಲಿವರ್ ವಿವೇಕಮಂ ಮಾತುಗಳ೦ | "Skilled are the people of that region in making speeches with apt words and also in understanding and pondering over (other's) speeches, Naturally intelligent, they are, even without special study, versed in the usages of poetry. All are skiliul in their speech. Even young children and the dumb learn wisdom and words respectively at a hint."
And lastly, in the words of the Kuppatur inscription (d. 1408 A. D.).
“Among the many beautiful countries it contained, an abode of the Jina dharma, a mine of good discipline, like the dwelling of Padmasana (Brahma), having acquired great fame, the birthplace of learning and wealth, the home of unequalled splendid earnestness, thus distinguished in many ways was the lovely Karnataka country."

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V. APPENDICES
.
A. GENEALOGIES The antiquity of the separation between the Svetāmbara and Digambara sections of the Jaina community is well indicated in the following lists of the gurus or teachers preserved by them: Digambara
Svetāmbara 1. Mahāvīra 2. Gautama
2. Gautama 3. Sudharma
3. Sudharma 4. Jambu
4. Jambu 5. Vişņunandin
5. Prabhava 6. Nandimitra
6. Yaśobhadra 7. Aparajita
7. Sambhūtavijaya 8. Govardhana
8. Bhadrabahu 9. Bhadrabāhu Up to the fourth successor from Mahāvīra their teachers are common. Then they diverge for about two or more generations, but meet again in Bhadrabāhu after whom there is no conformity whatsoever except in the singular instance of Samantabhadra. This teacher is placed sixteenth or nineteenth in the Svetambara lists and about 34th in the Digambara lists. The continuations of these lines given below will show beyond doubt that after Bhadrabāhu the Svetambara and Digambara lists never meet again :Digambara
Svetāmbara 10. Visakha
9. Sthūlabhadra II. Proşthila
10. Arya Mahāgiri 12. Kșatriya
II. Ārya Suhastin 13. Jayasena
12. Ārya Susthiţa 14. Någasena
13. Indradinna

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15. Siddhartha
16. Dhristisena
17. Vijayasena
18.
Buddhilinga
Dharmasena
19.
20. Nakṣatra
21. Jayapāla
22. Pandava
23. Dharmasena
24. Kamsa
25. Subhadra
APPENDICES
14. Dinna
15. Simhagiri
16. Vajra
or (Guptigupta)
17. Vajrasena
18. Candra
19. Samantabhadra
20. Dêva
21. Pradyotana
22. Mānadêva
23. Vira
24. Vira 25.
Kalaka
These names are abstracted from the Paṭṭavalis published by Klatt and Hoernle in the Indian Antiquary.' The order of succession has not been tampered with, but only the details connected with each name have been omitted. It is significant to note that in the Svetambara Paṭṭāvalis given by Klatt, Sthulabhadra, the junior contemporary of Bhadrabahu, is stated to have been a contemporary also of Candragupta who overthrew the last of the Nandas: ergo, the contemporaneity of Bhadrabāhu I (Śrutakevali) with Candragupta Maurya is unquestionable. After Subhadra, (25) in the Digambara list given above, we have the following:
Yaśobhadra
26. 27. Bhadrabāhu II
31. Dharasena
28. Lohācārya 29. Arhadbalin
Samantabhadra 3
30. Maghanandin The list need not be continued further. It is well to consider the following observations by Hoernle in the light of the above:
"All paṭṭāvalis agree in representing Maghanandin as the actual founder of the Saraswati Gachcha, whence it is also
185
32. Kundakunda Umāsväti
33.
34.
(Jinacandra)
1. Klatt, Extracts from the Historical Records of the Jainas, Ind. Ant. XI, pp. 245 ff; Hoerale, Three Further Paṭṭavalis of the Digambaras, ibid. XXI, pp. 57 ff.
2. Klatt, op. cit., p. 251 n 35.
3. Cf. Hoerule, op. cit., p. 74 and Ep. Car, II SB 254, Introd., p. 87. J.K.C.-2528-24

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JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE
called the Amnaya or Line of Nandin. At the same time they also all agree in making the paṭṭāvalis proper of the Gachcha to begin with Bhadrabahu, two steps before Maghanandin. This it appears to me can have but one meaning: before Bhadrbahu the Jain community was undivided; with him the Digambaras separated from the Svetāmbaras, but remained united themselves; with Maghanandin the Digambaras themselves separated into four divisions, the most important of which would seem to have been that named after Maghanandin.....
......
Co
• Now, it is well-known that the Digambaras place the great separation of themselves and the Svetambaras in Sam. 136° (or A. D. 79). This tradition of theirs is not borne out by their own paṭṭāvalis, as represented in A, B, C, D. For they place Bhadrabahu in Sam. 4 (or B. C. 53, and even Maghanandin is placed in Sam. 36 (or B. C. 21). Therefore one of two things: either the tradition about the separation in Sam. 136 is false, or the separation took place long after Mäghanandin. "We have undoubtedly here two contradictory traditions of the Digambaras disclosed to us; that of their paṭṭāvalis places the great separation considerably earlier than Sam. 136, in the time of Bhadrabahu. The question is who this Bhadrabahu The Svetambara pattavalis know only one Bhadrabāhu, who from the dates assigned to him by the Svetāmbaras and Digambaras alike, must be identified with Bhadrabāhu I, who died 162 A. V. according to Digambaras, or 170 A. V. according to the Svetambaras. The final and definite schism may then have occured later in Sam. 136, or according to the Svetämbaras, Sam. 139."
was.
B. DOCUMENTS
The sources that are still open to the student of South Indian Jainism may be gauged somewhat from the number of Jaina MSS. libraries that are scattered throughout South India. Many of them are still unknown. Detailed lists of some have
4. Ibid., pp. 59-60.

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APPENDICES
187 been collected in the Sri Ailak Pannālal Digambara Jaina Saraswati Bhavana, Bombay. The information has been classified under the following principal heads :--
1. Name of Work. 2. Language of the original. 3. Author's name. 4. Commentaries if any and Lang. of commentary. 5. Place where MS. is found. 6. Subject of Work. 7. Complete or not. 8. Number of pages. 9. Number of Slokas.
10. Date of Copy. The lists, however, have been copied just as they were received, and hence there is no order in them either of place, subject or even language. We give below an abstract of them which may serve research scholars competent to make use of them :Places where MSS. are found and the total number of
volumes that are known to exist :
Presidenci Province or
State
Place of Find
Total No. of Works.
Remarks
Bombay
444
| Bombay City : 1. Saraswati Bhavana 2410 | 962 are MSS. out of
which 116 are on
palm-leaves. 2. Candraprabha
Caityalaya Dhannālal's 4. Manekcand
Caityalaya 5. Not specified | 328 165 in Hindi
Bhusāval Sātāra; Ankali
L
155

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188
JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE
Presidency Province or
State
Place of Find
Total No. of Works
Remarks
Nandagaon
254 (Nasik ) Surat: Narsimhapūr 2:28: 566 Sholāpūr
718 Belgaum
III: 33 89 are printed,
3 in Kannada Mudhol Dhārwar
7 in Kannada Hubli
16 Kannada Kārwār Banavāse
8 Kannada,
1 Tamil, Sirsi
253 31 Kannada Kolhapur
109 Kannada, 8 Marāțhi,
I Tamil Ichalkaranji
29 Sāngli
Ібо Terda!
I10
Kolhapūr
9. SI
Mysore
Mysore : 1. Oriental Library 2. Private Libraries
Śravana Belgola Humcha Nāgamangalam Sāgar
186 332 49 Kannada 999 124 Kannada 689 192 Kannada 211 68
Madras
Madras Oriental Library Mudbidrê
317 2518
224
Kārka! Hebri Yenür
453 Kannada,
I Marāțhi 54 Kannada | 9 Kannada 10 Kannada
38
23
Making due allowances for a sprinkling of printed works, at least 10,000 out of these 12,812 volumes are in manuscript

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APPENDICES
189
form. A systematic search should certainly reveal more. There are no doubt copies of the same manuscript in several places, but sometimes these hidden libraries also contain very rare and unpublished works like the Jayadhavala at Mudbidre.' From the 'Remarks' column, above, it is also evident that a large number of MSS. is in Kannada; the rest are mostly in Sanskệt, a few in Prākst. and some also in Hindi, Marāthi and Tamil. The subjects dealt with are various : Religion, Ethics, Mythology, Medicine, Grammar, Prosody, Lexicography, etc. We also often come across works like Yantra-Vidyā, Nakşatraphala and Padmāvati Kalpa. The value of these manuscripts may be gathered from the extracts published by the Saraswati Bhavana in its Annual Reports. One of these, for example, entitled Vytakatha-kośa by Sakala Kirti contains stories of the following vytas observed by the Jainas:
1. Méghamālāvșta. 2. Ekāvaļivsta. 3. Dwikāvaļivșta. 4. Ratnāvaļivsta. 5. Nandiśwara panktivịta. 6. Silakalyāņavsta. 7. Nakşatramalā. 8. Vimāna pankti. 9. Srutaskandhavsta. 10. Mêrupankti. II. Śrävaņadwādaśivsta.
12. Ākāśapancami etc. 8 The following passages from the Trivarṇācāra by Brahmasûri are an ample commentary on the Social outlook of the later Jainas :--
अयोच्यते त्रिवर्णानां शौचाचार विधिकमः।
शौचाचारविधि प्राप्तौ देहं संस्कर्तुमर्हसि ॥ १॥ 1 Of. Haralal, Catalogue of MSS. in O. P. and Berar, Introd., p. xxiji.
Now being published by Prof. Hiralal of Amravati Berar. 9 Cf. Sri Ailak Paanäläl Digambara Jaioa Saraswati Bhavana Fourth
Annual Report, pp. 81 ff.

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190
JAINISM AND KARNATAKA ULTURE संस्कृत देह एवासौ दीक्षणाय विसंमतः। विशिष्टान्वयजोप्यस्मै नेष्यते यमसंस्कृतः ॥२॥ गुगद्वयादृतुमति सूतिकास्तु युगत्रयात् । चांडाला श्वपचादींश्च तथा युगचतुष्टयात् ॥ भशौचाते च रोगांते शवानुगमने तथा। चांगलसूतिकादीनां स्पर्शनेप्येवमाचरेत् ।। प्रसता याश्च पुष्पिण्या अस्पृश्यस्य जनस्य वा। दर्शनेवाथ तच्छब्दश्रुतौ भुक्तिं परित्यजेत् ।। अथ कन्या सजातीया पितृदत्तानिसाधिकम् । विवायते वरेण्यति विवाहः परिकीर्त्यते ॥ २२५ ॥ भिनगोत्रभवां कन्यां शुभलक्षणलक्षिताम् ॥ मृते भर्तरि तजाया द्वादशान्हि जलाशये । विधवायास्ततो नार्या जनदीधा स्वमाश्रयः श्रेयानुता स्विद्वैधव्यदीक्षा वा ग्राह्यते तदा ॥ इत्यं चतुर्विधमुदीरितमार्तवादि श्रावादिवशत। [१] खल्ल पुक्तिमुक्तं । अशौचमाचरति यः शुचितामुपैति
सब्रम्ह वर्चसपरः सुजनैकसेव्यः॥३ The writers seem to have been conscious of the calamities that awaited some of their laboured works, and we find Ašādhara closing his manuscript with
उनकानल चौरेभ्यो मूषकेभ्यस्तथैवच ।
रक्षणीयः प्रयत्लेन कष्टेन लिखितं मया ।। And finally :
मंगलं लेखकस्यापि पाठकस्यापि मंगलं । मंगलं सर्वलोकानां भूमि भूपति मंगलम् ॥
श्री: स्यात् ॥
.
Ibid., pp. 90-91. For 74 gofras, Fravaras, Sūtram, and Sakha followed by the Tamil Jaidas, fogad in a Tamil M88 see The Jaina Gaxatte XXIII, pp. 229-31, cf. Comments thereon by Mr. Kamta Prasad Jain, ibid., pp. 293-96. Pratislängroddhāra, cf. Sri Pannālāl Digambara Jaiga Saraswati Bhavans Second Annual Report, p.69.

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APPÉNDICES
tgt
C. NOTES Two technical terms that we have often used in the course of this work need elucidation; they are Syādvāda and Sallékhana. The former relates to Jaina doctrine and the latter to their practice. Both are in a sense peculiar to the Jainas. The Jainas call their religion
SYADVĀDA, This has often been described as the doctrine of Scepticism', 5 but it is more correct to call it the Science of the assertion of Alternative Possibilities'. 8 It neither affirms nor denies the existence of a thing, but only states that a thing is, or is not, or is what it is described to be only from one out of several points of view with which reality might be comprehended. In other words our perception of reality is only relative to our point of view, but the thing in itself' is so complex that we can at a time but express only one out of its several aspects. No better example of the clarity, subtlety, and profundity of the Jaina intellect could be given than this. Yet, it is highly technical and we can do no better than reproduce the following exposition of it which is perhaps the most lucid one could think of :
“The great contention of the Advaitins was that there is only one really existing entity, the Atman, the One only-without-a second (kamêvadvitiyam), and that this is permanent (nitya) all else being non-existent ( a-sat), a mere illusion. Hence it was called the atma-vāda, éka-vāda, and nitya-vāda. Their stock argument was that just as there are no such entities such as cup, jar, etc., these being only clay under various names and shapes- so all the phenomena of the universe are only various manifestations of the sole entity, ātman. The Buddhists on the other hand, said that man had no real knowledge of any such permanent entity; it was pure speculation, man's knowledge 6 Of. Holtzsch Jain Colossi in South India, Ep. Ind. VII. p. 113. 6 Cf. Flest, sans, and 0. O. Inscriptions, Ind. Ant. VII, p. 107.

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192
JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE
being confined to changing phenomena-growth, decay, death. Their tloctrine was therefore called anitya-vada. Clay, as substance may be permanent; but as a jar it is impermanent— may come into existence, and perish. In other words, Being is not simple, as Advaitins assert, but complex; and any statement about it is only part of the truth. The various possibilities were classed under seven heads (saptabhangi), each beginning with the word syad, which is combined with one or more of these terms asti ('is'), nāsti ('is not'), and avaktavya ('cannot be expressed'). Thus, you can affirm existence of a thing from one point of view (syad asti), deny it from another (syād nāsti); and affirm both existence and non-existence with reference to it at different times syad asti nästi. If you should think of affirming both existence and non-existence at the same time from the same point of view, you must say that the thing cannot be spoken of syād avaktavyah. Similarly, under certain circumstances, the affirmation of existence is not possible (syād asti avaktavyah; and also both syad asti nästi avaktavyah). What is meant by these seven modes is that a thing should not be considered as existing everywhere, at all times, in all ways, and in the form of everything. It may exist in one place and not in another, and at one time and not at another."?
SALLE KHANA
This is the peculiar rite of the Jainas by which one starves himself to death under given conditions. It is held that this act leads to Môkṣā or liberation from the miseries of earthly existence. The psychology underlying this may be stated in the argument of the Uttaradhyayana-sutra, viz., that death, willing or unwilling, is inevitable; the latter belongs to helpless fools: the former is called pandita-marana or death according to wise men. 8 Whatever the modern mind might think about it the logic of the Jaina was inexorable: According to him man
7 Cf. Bhandarkar, Report on San. MSS. 1883-84, pp. 95-6; Rice (E. P.), Kanarese Literature, pp. 23-4.
8 8. B. E XLV, Uttaradhyayana-sülra, v. 20-84.

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APPENDICËS
193 was made up of soul and body; matter was the bondage of the spirit. Liberation of the soul from material bondage was the Ideal. What could be more logical then, than to train the soul like the caterpillar to slowly but surely relinquish the cocoon? Misguided you might call them, but no better test of the hold of a religion upon the mind of a people could be given. The number of people who died by this vow is certainly impressive. It is not every instance that occurs that is recorded; yet no less than 94 individual cases are recorded at Sravana Belgoļa alone, besides the 700 who are said to have followed the example of Prabhācandra in performing Sallékhana noted in SB No. 1. The other inscriptions of Śravaņa Beļgoļa which record such deaths are Nos. 11,64-66, 117, 118, 126-129, 159, 389 and 477 and eighty others. The earliest goes back to the 7th century A. D. These include both men and women, mostly monks and puns: 64 males and 16 females. Out of these 48 of the former and 11 of the latter died between the 7th and 8th centuries. Samādhi and Sanyasana are the synonyms of Sallékhana used in the epigraphs.
According to the Dharmāmita by Aśädhara, “Firm faith in Jainism, observance of Anu-guna- and sikşa-vratas, and sallékhana according to rules at the time of death-these complete the duties of a householder."
But Sallékhana was not to be performed without the guru's permission, as evidenced by Samantabhadra.10 It was to be performed only in cases where ordinary death was felt imminent, as
उपसर्ग दुभिधे जरसि रुजायां च निःप्रतीकारे ।
धर्माय तनुविमोचनमाहुः सल्लेखनामार्याः ॥१॥ Even then, it was to be done according to rule
सल्लेखनायां भव्यैनियमेनप्रयत्नतः कर्तव्योऽत आह:अंतःक्रियाधिकरणं तपः फलं सकलदर्शिनः मुक्ते।
तस्मायावद्विभवं समाधिमरणे प्रतितम्यम् ॥२॥ 9 Of. Ep. Car. II Introd., pp. 69-70. 10 Ibid., p. 83 2. 4.

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JAINISM AND KARNĀTAKA CULTURE After pacifying all, with a pure mind
स्नेह वैरं संगं परिग्रहं चापहाय शुद्धमनाः। स्वजनं परिजनमपि च धात्वा क्षमयेत्प्रियवचनैः ॥ ३ ॥ सोकं भयमवसादं क्लेदं कालुभ्यमरतिमपि हित्वा। सत्वोत्साहमुदीर्य च मनः प्रसाचं श्रुतैरमृतैः॥४॥ आहारं परिहाप्य क्रमशः स्निग्धं विवर्धयेत्पानं । स्निग्धं च हापयित्वा खरपानं पूरयेक्रमशः ॥५॥ खरपानहापनामपि कृत्वा कृत्वोपवासमपि शक्तया ।
पञ्चनमस्कारमनास्ततुं त्यजेत्सर्व यत्लेन ॥६॥ The mind was not to be ruffled or agitated with either desire for life or for death and all the hopes and fears connected therewith-Deither memories of friendly attachments nor anxiety for heavenly bliss. This is the rule expounded by the Jinéndras :
जीवितमरणाशंसे भय मित्र स्मृति निदान नामानः।
सल्लेखनातिचरः पञ्चजिनदैः समादिष्टाः ॥ ७ ॥ To those who follow these precepts the highest happiness is promised: एवं विधैरतिचाररहितां सल्लेखनां अनुतिष्ठन् कीदृशं फलमामोत्याहः
निश्रेयसमभ्युदयं निस्तारं दुस्तरं सुखांचुनिधिम् । नि:पिरति पनिधर्मा सवै खैरनालीढः ॥ ८॥
जन्मजरामयमरणैः शोकैर्दुःखैर्भयैश्च परिमुक्तम् ।
निर्वाणशुखसुखं निःश्रेयसमिष्यते नित्यम् ॥९॥ One instance of Sallékhana performed in this classical fashion by Maladhāri-déva, is thus described in an inscription :
" At the tirtha of Dhavala-sarasa (Belgola) he (Maladharideva ) striving at ripeness which was blessed by renunciation, full of joy, with firm mind, (and ) exercising (his body) in the (five) methods (of kāyôtsarga 18 abandoned (bis) unstable body in order to produce, as it were, the complete destruction of (cupid) who springs from the body."18
11 Rainakarandaka-8'rāva kācára v., M. D. J, G. XXIV, pp. 89-99. 13 Cf. Jacobi, Death and Disposal of the Dead, E. R. E. IV, pp. 484-85. 13 Cf. Ep. Oar. II Pp, 108-07.

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D. BIBLIOGRAPHY
A. Sources
i. Archaeological ANNUAL REPORTS of the Mysore Archaeological Dept.
1921-1925. BARNETT. Nilgunda Plates of Vikramaditya VI, Epigraphia
Indica XII. BURGESS. Archaeological Survey of Western India, Report
of the First Season's Operations in the Belgaum and
Kaladgi Districts.--India Museum, London, 1884. Report on the Elura Cave Temples and the Brahmanical
and Jaina Caves in Western India.--Trübner, London,
1883. BURGESS AND COUSENS. Revised Lists of Antiquarian
Remains in the Bombay Presidency VIII.-Bombay, 1897. ELLIOT, SIR WALTER. Coins of South India.-Trübner
London, 1886. FLEET, J. F. Sanskst and Old Canarese Inscriptions in the
Indian Antiquary Vols. VI, VII, VIII, X, XI and XVIII. Inscriptions of the Early Gupta Kings, Corpus Inscriptionum
Indicarum III.--Calcutta, 1838. Spurious Sudi Plates, Epigraphia Indica III. Some Råştrakūta Records; Kalacumbarru Grant of Amma II,
Ibid. VII. Sanskst and Old Canarese Inscriptions Relating to the Ratta Chieftains of Saundatti and Belgaum: Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society X.-London,
1875.

Page #242

196
JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE
HULTZSCH, E. Inscriptions of Asoka, Corpus Inscriptionum
Indicarum I.-New Edition, Clarendon Press, Oxford,
1925. South Indian Inscriptions Vols. I, II and III (parts i-ii ),
-Govt. Press, Madras, 1890-1920. Jaina Colossi in South India, Epigraphia Indica VII. HULTZSCH, E. Maliya pundi Grant of Ammaraja II, Epigra
phia Indica IX. Tirumalai Rock Inscription of Rajendra-Coļa I, Epigraphia
Indica IX. KEILHORN, F. Udayendiram Plates of the Bāņa King
Vikramāditya II, Epigraphia Indica, III. Tálgunda Pillar inscription of Kākutsthavarma, Epigraphia
Indica VIII. Madras Epigraphical Report 1916–17. MANGEŚA RAO, P. Inscriptions in the Hosa Basti of
Mūdbidre, Karnāțaka Sahitya Sammelana Report XII.
Mangalore, 1927. NARASIMHĀCĀRYA, R. Śravaņa Belgola Inscriptions,
Epigraphia Carnatica II.--Mysore Archaeological Series,
Bangalore, 1923. Sāsana-padya-manjari or Poetical Extracts from Inscrip
tions.--Bangalore, 1923. PĀȚHAK, K. B. An Old Kanarese Inscription at Terdal,
Indian Antiquary XIV. RANGĀCĂRYA, V, Inscriptions of the Madras Presidency,
Vols, I, II and III.-Govt. Press, Madras, 1919. RICE, LEWIS. Coorg Inscriptions--Epigraphia Carnatica I.
Revised Edition. Inscriptions in the Epigraphia Carnatica Vols. III, IV, V,
VII and VIII. . Two Kongu and Cera Grants, Indian Antiquary V. A Răstrakūta Grant from Mysore, Indian Antiquary XII.

Page #243

APPENDICES
197
ii. Literary BHĀNDĀRKAR, R. G. Report on the Search for Sanskft
Manuscripts in the Bombay Presidency during the year
1883-84.-—Bombay, 1887. CHAKRAVARTI, A. Panchastikāyasāra by Kundakundā
cārya, Sacred Books of the Jainas, III.-Arrah, 1920. GHOŚAL, SARAT CHANDRA. Dravyasamgraha by Nemi
candra, Sacred Books of the Jainas I.--Central Jaina
Publishing House, Arrah, 1917. GURJAR, JANARDHANA MÅHĀDEV. Manusmrti Prä.
kyta Bhāṣāntara Sahita.--Bombay, 1877. IYER, V. V. S. Kural. Madras. JACOBI, H. Achāranga Sūtra and Kalpa Sūtra, Sacred Books
of the East XXII. Uttarādhyayana and Sutra-Kytānga, Sacred Books of the East
XLV.-Clarenden Press, Oxford, 1895. JUGALKISHOR MUKHTĀR. Ratnakarandaka-Śrāvakācāra
by Samantabhadracarya, Manekcandra Digambara Jaina
Granthamăla XXIV.-Karnatak Press, Bombay.. PANNĀLĀL SONI. Bhāvasamgraha by Devasena Sūri,
Manekcandra Digambara Jaina Granthamälä XX.
Karnatak Press, Bombay. Nitivākyāmīta by Somadeva Sūri, ibid. XXII. PETERSON, P. Report of Operations in Search of Sanskrt
Manuscripts in the Bombay Circles. II ( 1883-84), III (1884-86 ), and IV ( 1886-92 ). --Trübner, London, 1884,
1887 and 1894. POPE, REV. G. U. The Sacred Kurral of Tiruvalluvar,
Allen & Co., London. The Naladiyar, The Tiruvacagam or Sacred Utterances.
Oxford, 1893.

Page #244

198
JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE
RĀJENDRALĀL MITRA. Notices of Sanskrit Manuscripts
VI.-Calcutta, 1882. RĀMA PRASAD. Patanjali's Yoga Sūtras, The Sacred Books
of the Hindus..Pāņini Office, Allahabad, 1912. Sri Ailak Pannālal Digambara Jaina Saraswati Bhavana
Annual Reports Containing Prasastis I to IV.--Bombay. WATTERS, THOMAS. On Yuan Chwang II, Oriental Trans
lation Fund Series.-London, 1905.
B. Literature
Articles
AJIT GHOSE. A Comparative Survey of Indian Painting.
The Indian Historical Quarterly, II, June 1926. (Calcutta). BANERJI SĀSTRI. The Ajivikas, Journal of Behar and
Orissa Research Society XII. BARUA. Ajivikas—What it Means, Annals of the Bhandarkar
Institute VIII; Aśoka's Religion, A Reply to Rev.
H. Heras, Buddhist India I. BHĀNDĀRKAR, R. G. The Rāştrakūta King Kệşşarāja
and Elāpura, Indian Antiquary XII. BUHLER. Notice of Bhåndārkar's Second Report on Sanskệt
MSS., Indian Antiquary XVIII. CHARPENTIER. Chapter VI on Jainism, The Cambridge
History of India.--Cambridge, 1922. CHAKRAVARTI, P. C. Patanjali, The Indian Historical
Quarterly II, March and June, 1926.-( Calcutta ). FLEET, J. F. Bhadrabahu, Chandragupta and Sravana
Belgola, Indian Antiquary XXI. FRAZER. Dravidians ( South India ), Encyclopaedia of
Religion and Ethics, Ed. Hastings.-Edinburgh, 1912.

Page #245

APPENDICES
199
GOVINDA PAI, M. Jaina References in the Dhammapada,
The Indian Historical Quarterly III Septeniber 1927.
( Calcutta ). GRIERSON. Vernacular Literature, Imperial Gazetteer of
India II.--New Edition, Oxford, 1908. HERAS, REV. H. Asoka's Dharma and Religion, The
Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society XVII April 1927.
(Bangalore ). HOERNLE. Two Pațțāvalis of the Saraswati Gaccha of the · Digambara Jainas, Indian Antiquary XX; Three Further
Pațțāvalis of the Digambaras, ibid. XXI. JACOBI, H. Death and Disposal of the Dead (Jain); Demons
and Spirits ( Jaio ); and Jain Cosmography, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics IV, Ed. Hastings; Jainism, ibid.
VII.-Edinburgh, 1911 and 1914. JAGADISA AYYAR. Periyapurăņam, The Quarterly Journal
of the Mythic Society XIII. -New Series, Bangalore. JAINA GAZETTE, THE. Various Articles in Vols. XVIII,
XX, XXII and XXIII.-Madras. JAINA HITAISHI. Articles in Vols, X and XII.--Bombay. JOLLY, J. Introduction, The Arthaśāstra of Kautilya, The
Punjab Sanskrt Series.-Lahore, 1923. KĀMTĀ PRASAD JAIN. The Jaina References in the
Buddhist Literature, The Indian Historical Quarterly II,
December 1926, ( Calcutta ). KANAKASABHAI PILLAI, V. Tamil Historical Texts,
Indian Antiquary XVIII. KETKAR, S. V. Article on Jainism, Marathi Lasūnakośa
XIII. Poona, 1925. KLATT. Extracts From the Historical Records of the Jainas,
Indian Antiquary XI.

Page #246

..
200
JAINISM AND KARNĀTAKA CULTURE KUPPUSWAMI SĀSTRI. Problems of Identity, Journal of
Oriental Research I.-Madras, 1927. LAZARUS, Rev. J. Tamil Proverbs, Tamilian Antiquary II.
Trichinopoly, 1913. MUZUMDAR. Embassy of Kaikhosru to Pulakesi II, Journal
of Indian History I. NARIMAN, G. K. The Indian Daily Mail Annual 1926,
(Bombay). PĀȚHAK, K. B. Pujyapada and the Authorship of Jinendra
Vyakarana, Indian Antiquary XII; and Jain sākațāyana
Contemporary with Amoghavarșa I, ibid, XLIII. PURNALINGAM PILLAI. Sage Pāvanandhi, Critic and
Teacher, Tamilian Antiquary. Trichinopoly, 1913. ŚRIKANTAYYA. The Hoysala Empire, The Quarterly
Journal of the Mythic Society VII. – New Series,
Bangalore. ŚRINIVASACHARI, C. S. The Ancient Tamils and the
Någas, The Indian Historical Quarterly III September,
1927. ( Calcutta ). SUBRAHMANIAM, T. N, The Kalabhras, The Quarterly
Journal of the Mythic Society XII.–New Series,
Bangalore. SUBRAMANYA AIYAR, K. V. Origin and Decline
of Buddhism and Jainism in South India, Indian
Antiquary XL. SUNDERAM PILLAI. The Age of Tirunānasambandha.
Indian Antiquary XXV. WALHOUSE. Archaeological Notes, Indian Antiquary V. WALTER ELLIOT. Hindu Inscriptions, Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society IV.-London, 1837. WURTH. Basava Puraga and Cenna Basava Purăņa, Journal
of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. VIII.

Page #247

APPENDICES
201
2. Works ALTEKAR, A. S., The Rastrakūtas and Their Times, Oriental
Book Agency, Poona, 1934. ARAVAMUTHAN, T. G. The Kāveri, Maukharis and The
Sangam Age.—Madras, 1925. BARODIA, U. D. History and Literature of Jainism.
Bombay, 1909. BARTH. The Religions of India. BELVALKAR & RANADE. History of Indian Philosophy
II.-Poona, 1927. BHĀNDĀRKAR, D. R. Asoka.- Calcutta, 1925. BHĀNDĀRKAR, R. G. Early History of the Dekkan.
Bombay, 1895. BOMBAY GAZETTEERS. Vol. XXI (Belgaum ); Vol.
XXII ( Dharwar ). BUCHANAN. A Journey from Madras through the Countries
of Mysore, Canara and Malabar. I-III, London, 1807. BÜHLER. The Indian Sect of the Jainas, Tr. by Burgess
with an Outline of Jaina Mythology.-London, 1903. BURGESS. Digambara Jaina Iconography. Bombay, 1904. CALDWELL, REV. R. A Comparative Grammar of the
Dravidian or South Indian Family of Languages.--Second
Edition, Trübner, London, 1875. CHARPENTIER, J. E. Buddhism and Christianity: A
Parallel and a Contrast.-Hodder and Stoughton, London,
1923. COOMĀRASWAMY, A. K. History of Indian and Indonesian
Art.--Edward Goldston, London, 1927 ; Introduction to
Indian Art, Madras, 1923. CUNNINGHAM. Ancient Geography, Edited by Surendranatha
Šāstri, Calcutta, 1924. MO1643-26

Page #248

202
JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE
„
„1906.
DEVUDU, N. S. Karnataka Culture ( Kanarese ), Bangalore,
1935. ELMORE, W. T, Dravidian Gods in the Hindu Pantheon,
Christian Literature Society, Madras, 1925. FERGUSSON. History of Indian and Eastern Architecture,
Vols. I and II-Revised by Burgess, London, 1910. FERGUSSON & BURGESS. The Cave Temples of India.
Trübner, London, 1880. FRANCIS, W. Gazetteer of the Anantapura District, Madras,
1905. , „ Bellary „ „ 1904.
Madura
„ Vizāgapatam „ „1907. FLEET, J. F. Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts of the
Bombay Presidency.-Bombay, 1882. GUIDE TO AJANTA FRESCOES. Govt. Press, Hyderabad
( Deccan ) 1924. HAVELL, E. B. Ancient Mediaeval Architecture of India
John Murray, London, 1915. HAYAVADANA RAO. Mysore Gazetteer, Mysore, 1930. HELMUTH V. GLASENAPP. Der Jainismus: Eine Indische
Erlösungsreligion. Berlin, 1925. HEMINGWAY, F. R. Gazetteer of the Godavari District,
Madras, 1907. HERAS, REV. H. The Aravidu Dynasty of Vijayanagara,
Vol. I. Madras, 1927. HIRĀLĀL. A Catalogue of Sanskst and Prakst Manuscripts
in?C. P. and Berar. --Nagpur, 1926. HOPKINS, E. W. The Religions of India.-London, 1896. IYENGAR, M. V. Popular Culture in Karnataka, Bangalore,
1937

Page #249

APPENDICES
203 JAINI, J. L. Outlines of Jainism.--Cambridge, 1916. JHAVERI, H. L. The First Principles of the Jaina
Philosophy. London, 1910. JNANÉŚWAR PANDIT. Bettavardhana athavā Vishnu
vardhana Charitrê. Bangalore, 1892. JOUVEAN-DUBREUIL, G. The Pallavas; Ancient History
of the Deccan-Tr. Swāminātha Dikṣitar- Pondicherry
1917 and 1920. KANAKASABHAI PILLAI. The Tamils Eighteen Hundred - . Years Ago.-Higgin Botham, Madras, 1904. KRIŞNA RAO, M. V. The Gangas of Talkad-B. G. Paul
and Co., Madras, 1936. KRIŞNASWĀMI AIYANGĀR, S. Ancient India-- Luzac,
London, 1911; Some Contributions of South India to
Indian Culture. Calcutta, 1923. LATTHE, A. B. Introduction to Jainism.--Bombay, 1905. LOGAN, W. Manual of the Malabar District.- Madras, 1906. LONGHURST, A. H. Hampi Ruins Described and Illustra
ted.-Calcutta, 1925. MACDONELL, A. A. India's Past : A Survey of Her Litera
ture, Religions, Languages and Antiquities.-Oxford, 1927. MAZUMDAR, B. C. Orissa in the Making.--Calcutta, 1925. MEHTA. Studies in Indian Painting.--Bombay, 1927. MORAES, G. M. The Kadamba Kula, Bombay, 1931. NARASIMHĀCHĀRYA, R. Karnāțaka Kavicaritre 1.
Revised Edition, Bangalore, 1925. NĀTHURAM PREMI. Vidwadratnamālā I.--Bombay, 1912. PADMANABHA MENON. History of Kerala I.-Ernakulam,
1924. PATE, H. R. Gazetteer of the Tinnevelly District. --Madras,
1917.

Page #250

204 JAINISM AND KARNATAKA ULTURE PIETRO DELLA VALLE. The Travels of Pietro della Valle,
A Noble Roman, into the East Indies.- London, 1665. RĀDHĀKUMUD MUKERJI. Indian Shipping.- London,
1912; Men and Thoughts in Ancient India, - Macmillan,
1924. RĂMASWAMI AYYANGAR & SHEŞAGIRI RAO. Studies
· in South Indian Jainism. Madras, 1922. RHYS DAVIDS Buddhism.-S. P. C. K., London, 1920 ;
Buddhist India, The Story of the Nations.-Sixth Impres
sion, London, 1926. a RICE, E. P. "Kanarese Literature, The Heritage of India
Series --Second Edition, Calcutta, 1921. RICE, LEWIS. Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions.--
Constable and Co. London, 1909; Mysore and Coorg I,
Bangalore 1877; Mysore Gazetteer I. RUSSEL, BERTRAND. The Problem of China.- London,
1922. SALETORE, B. A. Mediaeval Jainism, Karnāțak Publishing
House, Bombay, 1938. SHEȘA IYENGĀR, T. R. Dravidian India I. Madras,
1925. SLATER, GILBERT. The Dravidian Element in Indian
Culture. London, 1924. SMITH, V. A. A History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon,
Oxford, 1911; The Oxford History of India, Oxford, 1923; The Early History of India, Fourth Edition, Revised
by S. M. Edwardes, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1924. SRINIVASA AIYANGÅR, M. Tamil Studies, First Series.
Govt. Press, Madras, 1914. ŚR INIVĀSA AYYANGĀR, P. T. The Age in India. Madras,
1926.

Page #251

APPENDICES
205
STEVENSON, MRS. SINCLAIR. The Heart of Jainism.
Oxford U. Press, 1915. STURROCK, J. South Canara I, Madras District Manual.
Madras, 1894. SURYANĀRĀIN ROW. The Never to be Forgotten Empire :
Vijayanagara. Madras, 1915. THOMAS, E. J. The Life of Buddha : As Legend and
History, London, 1927. THURSTON, E. Castes and Tribes of Southern India II.. Govt. Press, Madras, 1909. VAIDYA, C. V. History of Mediaeval Hindu India Vols. I
and III. Poona, 1921. WARREN, H. Jainism.--Arrah, 1916.

Page #252

INDEX
Abhinava Cărukirti
Paņditācārya, 44, 57 Abhinava Pampa, 89 Ablür, 35
Acarũnga Sutra, I29, I5I Addakali Gaccha, 28 Adi Pampa, 89 Adi Purāna, 31, 32, 75, 82, 83 Abavamalla, 26, 95 Abimsā, 133-136, 148-151,
156, 173-174 Aihole, 114, 121, 173 Ajalars, 52 Ajanta, 21, 123 Ajitasena, 20 Akalarka, 30, 68; works of,
74-75 ; 149 Akalanka-Carita, 30 Alaktanagara, 22 Aliya-santāna, 157 Amma II, 27, 28 Amoghavarşa, 17, 30, 31, 32,
64, 75, 91, 182 Arhadbalin, 151 Arhadbhațțäraka, 15, 17 Arhanandi, 28 Arikesari, 24-25, 64, 86, 95 Arikirti, 30 Ārya-Mahāgiri, 130 Asoka, 697 Ašvamedha, 10, 14 Atheism, 131 Avinita, 16, 17, 20,93
Bādāmi, 21, 104, 122 Bahubali, 115, 116 Bahubali-Carita, 19 Bairadevi, 61, 62 Bairāsu Wodeyars, 59, 60, 165 Baladeva, 36 Balātkāragaña, 43, 65, 168 Ballāļarāya, 40, IOI Bāņa, 85 Baņajigas, 158 Banavāse, 33, I0I Bangars, 51-52 Bankäpura, 85 Bārkūr, 59, 61, 113, 173 Basava, 38, 173 Basava-Purāna, 25, 35 Bastis, 112-115, 182 Bednūr, 47, 61 Belgäum, 113, 117 Belgoļa, 5, 6, 19, 20, 21, 26,
33, 39, 40, 42, 44, 45, 47, 48, 59, 69, 74, 81, 91, 94, 103, 104, 110, 118, 123, 127,
143, 151, 155, 162, 166, 167 Belûr, 41 Bhadrabāhu, 4-6, 8, 123, 124,
129, 130, 171 Bhairava, 53, 54 Bhaktāmara-stotra, 125 Bhaktas, 44 Bhakti Movement, 144-146 Bhallatakipura, 52 Bhandari Basti, 42

Page #253

INDEX
207 Bhānusakti, 13
Cårukirti Panditadeva, 46, 47 Bhanuvarma, II, 13
Caturthas, 157, 168 Bharata, 104
Cāundaraya, 17, 19, 20, 42, Bhāravi, 92
48, 94, 125 Bhartshari, 85
Căundarāya Purāna, 19, 64 Bhatkal, 52, 59, 61
Cautars, 51, I16 Bhattadeva, 28
Chandombudhi, 94 Bhattākalanka, 91
Cikkadevarāya, 47 Bhāvasangraha, 163
Coļas, 25, 26, 39, 40, 69, 170 Bhavyas, 44
Cūdāmani, 90 *Bhojaka, IO, I1, 13
Dadiga, 15 Bhoja II, 48
Dāmakirti, 10, 11, 12 Bijjaļa, 27, 29, 34, 35
Dandin, go Bimādevi, 44
Darsana-sāra-samgraha (on Bittideva, 40, 41, 167
disabilities of women ), 139 Bogars, 157, 159, 168
Daulatābād, 38 Brāhmanical influence, 16 Desinga, 25-26 Brhat-Katha-Kośa, 6
Devagaña, 23 Buddhism, 148-9 n.
Devanardi, 72, 73 Buddhist asceticism, 139 Devaraja Wodeyar, 45 Bukkarāya, 44-45
Devarāya, 44, 45-6, 56, 92 Bütuga, 17, 93
Deva-samgha, 30
Dharmanandi, 14 Calukyas, 21-29, 39, 64, 86,
Dhavala, 167 95, 122, 170
Digambaras, 30, 66, 67, 69, Cāmraja Wodeyar, 47
73, 83, 109, 118, 119, 122, Candragiri, 5, 6, 104
124, 125, 129, 130, 131, 151, Candragupta, 5, 6, 123, 128, 161, 163, 165, 167 129
Dravida-Saṁgha, 73 Candraprabhå, 49
Dravya-Samgraha, 20 Cangāļvas, 60, 170
Durgāśakti, 22 Canna Basava, 38, 173 Durvinita, 17, 73, 97 Canna Basava Purāņa, 26, 38
Ekäntada Ramayya, 35, 37 Cārvaka, 132 Cârukirti Paņạitācārya, 166,
Ekāntamata, 18, 149 167
Elācārya, 8, 65

Page #254

208
JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE
Ellora, 32, 113, 119-122, 126 Harivarma, 13, 16 Ereganga, 17, 39, 40
Harşavardhana, 21 Ereyappa, 93, 94
Hastimalla, 126 Fa Hian, 70
Hemacandra, 72
Hiuen Tsang, 21, 70 Gāņagitti temple, 45, 163 Hollayya, 37 Gaņdarāditya, 48
Hombad, 168 Ganganatha, 41
Hombas, 168 Gangarāja, 41, 42, 161
Honāvar, 52 Gangas, 9, 14-20, 24, 33, 64, Hottagê (Pustakagaccha ), 60 92, 148, 170
^ Hottalakere (Pottalakerė), 25 Gangawāļi, 41
Hoysaļas, 16, 20, 34, 38, 39, Ganita-Sāra-Sangraha, 31
43, IOI Ganti, Śrimati, 162, 163
Hulla, 19 Gaudas, 157-58
Hylozoitic theory, 133 Genealogies, 184-86 Gersoppa, 52, 53, 55, 60, 61,
Iconography, 102 115, 118
Ikkeri, 47, 61, 62, 170 Gommața, 19, 20, 48, 81, 103, Indrabețța, 20, 41 104, 122, 165
Indranandi, 33 Gopanandi, 20
Indrasabhā, 120 Govinda III, 24, 30
Indra III, 18; IV, 33, 34, 170 Grammarians, 87
Irugapa, 45, 64 Gşdhra-pincha, 65
Jagadeva, 47 Guņabhadra, 31, 32, 64, 84,
Jagannatha-group (Ellora ), 85, 90
120 Guņacandra, 21
Jaina Architecture, 110 ff. Gunavarma, 94
Art, 102-127 Guruvayyana-Kere, 114
Caste-marks, 150-162 Hāla, 7
Caves, 119, 121-23 Haļebid, 41
Darśana, 44 Hampi, 45, 126
Disintegration, 171 Haribhadra-sūri, 69
Heterodoxy, 155 Haribara I, 43; II, 45, 55, 65 Influence, 170 Harivansa-Purāna, 30, 81, 82 Literature, 64-102

Page #255

INDEX
209
Nuns, 163 Paintings, 123-24 Pessimism, 174-77 Pillars, 109-10, 113 Pontiffs, 165-68 Ramānujas, 158 Restrictions, 168 Sacred-thread, 161-2 Schism, 8 Social divisions, 151 ff. Social organisation, 137 ff. Sub-sections, 156-59 Views compared with others,
140-41 Jainendra, 72, 73 Jākiyabbê, 164 Jayadhavala, 167
Tikā, 31, 83 Jayasimha, 21, 22; II 23, 73;
III, 25, 26 Jina as Creator, 143 Jinadatta, 59, 60, 165 Jinasena, 19, 64, 75, 83, 85, 90 Jinasenācārya on creation 131 Jvālāmālini-stotra, 34 Kadambas, 9-14, 101, 170 Kailās, 119 Kākutsthavarma, 9, 10, II Kālacūri, 27, 29, 34-38, 170,
173 Kālakācārya, 7, 124 Kalidasa, 85 Kalkuda, 105-108 Kalpa-sútra, 124, 130 Kalyāņi, 27, 47, 48
Kanara Catholics, 160;
Jainas, 157 Kānci, 13, 70, 74 Kannada writers, 89-102 Kānti, 101 Kappaļi Sangameshwara, 36 Kareya sect, 49 Karhāțaka, 70 Kārkaļa, 52, 59, 60, 61, 103
105, 114, 165, 166 Karnāțaka culture, 178–183 • Jainas, 167-68 Kārtiviryadeva, 51, 143 Kathā-Kośa, 30 Kavicakravarti, 28 Kaviparameșthi, 90 Kavirājamārga, 91, 92 Khicari of beliefs, 147 Kirtivarma I, 22;
Kirtivarma II, 24 Kogali, 43 Kokka II, 34 Kolhapūr, 48, 167, 168 Konguņi II, 16, 17 Konguņivarma, 15 Konūr, 49 Kopaņa, 41 Krşņa I, 30, 31 ; II, 32, 33;
III, 33, 86 Kșşņadeva, 49 Krşņadevarāya, 46, 47, 48 Kļşņarāja, 94, 95 Krşņarāja Odeyar, 129 Krsnarāya, 52 Ksatriya Jaidas, 158 Kubja-Vişnuvardhana, 27

Page #256

210
JAINISM AND KARNATAKA CULTURE
...
Kudlūr, 15, 17, 18, 64, 93, 126 Mānakabbē, 163 Kundakundācārya, 7, 8, 9, 50, Mānasāra, 102
65, 66, 67, 132, 133, 136, Mangalore, 57, 61 137, 149
Mangaļūra-rajya, 45 Kundakundānvaya, 43, 155 Mangarāja, 73 Kundakunda's works, 65-66 Mangarasa, 55 Kürcakas, II, 13
Manusmyti, 134, 140 Kuvalála, 15
Mānyakheta, 7, 8, 30, 33, 34, Lakşmeswar (Puligere ), 18,
49, 74, 94
Mārasimha, 15, 17, 18, 19, 48, 22, 25, 26 Lalitakīrti, 166
64, 93, 126, 170 Laxmidevi, 54
Meguti temple, 23 Libraries of Jaina Mss. 186-190
Metamorphoses in religions, Lilávati, 101
142 Lingāyat, 26, 35, 49, 61, 90
Mokşa, 67, 71, 83
Mrgeśavarma, 10, II Lingāyatism, 47, 171 Literature of the Jainas 64-102
Mūdbidrë, 51, 52, 55, 56, 57,
109, 112, 116, 127, 166, 167 Linguistic works, 97-98; Religious works, 99-100;
Mukti, 164 Scientific works, 98-99
Mūlars, 52 Lokāditya, 33
Mūlasamgha, 23, 43, 155
Mulgunda, 33 Mādhava, 15, 17, 93
Munivamśābhyudaya, 80 Madalambikā, 36
Muskara (Mukhara), 17 Madirāja, 36 Madhurayya, 37
Nāgacandra, 77 Māgha, 85
Nāgadeva, 42 Māghanandi, 149
Nāgakumāra-carita, 33 Mahābhārata, 30, 81, 89 Nāgaladevi, 54 Mahāpurāņa, 33, 82, 84 Nagara (Nagira), 52, 55, Mahavira, 4, 76, 128, 129, 139 Năgavarma, 94, 95, 182 Mahendravarma Pallava, 171 Nemicandra, 20, 101 Maladbāri, 50, 51, 66
Nānārtha-ratnamāla, 45,64 Mallikāmoda Santiśa, 21 Nandi-gaccha, 29 Mälva, 70
Narasiraha Hoysaļa, 19, 167

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INDEX
211
Pravacanasāra, 65, 66 Pūjyapāda, 17, 23, 68, 72, 73 Pulakesin, 21, 22, 64 Pulikara, 23 Punnāțagaña, 82 Purānas, 96
Narasimha I, 42; II, 43; III,
43 Nāsik, 122 Nayakirti, 43 Nayasena, 182 Niravadya Pandita, 23, 73 Nirgranthas, II, 131, 136 Nirvāņa, 67, 138, 177 Nitivākyāmrta, 87 Nộpatunga, 182 Padaliptācārya, 7 Padmanardi, 65 Padmapurāņa, 76 Palāśikā ( Hälsi ), II, 12, 13 Pallavas, 70 Pampa Bhārata, 24, 64, 81,
95, 125 Pampa Rāmāyana, 77 Pancama Jainas 157, 159, 161 Pancāstikāyasāra, 65, 66, 132 Paņạitādevi, 54 Pāņini, 73 Paņsogê ( Haņsogê ), 60 Pārśvābhyudaya, 31, 84, 85 Pāțaliputra, 70, 128, 130 Patañjali, 68 Patļāvalis, 8, 65, 69 Pattipombucãdripura
(Humca ), 60 Permāļi Ganga, 26, 50, 126 Persecutions, 171-173 Perumāladeva, 56 Ponna, 95 Prabhācandra, 5, 68, 75 Praśnottara-mālika, 64
Rācamalla, 17, 48, 64, 93 Rājāvalikathē, 48 Rāmacarita, 76 Rāmānuja, 39, 40, 41, 46, 51, . 170 Rāmāyana, 76, 81,90 Rasavikrama. 17 Ranna, 95 Rāştrakūtas, 24, 25, 28, 29-34
49, 64, 75, 83, 86, 91, 94, 95
170 Ratnamālika, 31, 32 Rattas, 48, 49, 50, 51, 111,
143, 170 Ravikirti, 22,64 Ravisena, II Ravivarma, II, 12, 13
Śabda-caturmukha, 26 Sabda-maņi-darpana, 101 Sabdarnava-candrika, 48 Sadāśivarāya, 56 Saivas, 23, 25, 26, 32, 33, 38,
39, 42, 62, 70 Saivism, 10, 171 Sākațāyana, 75 Sallekhanā, 6, 18, 33, 34, 71,
164, 165, 170, 182, 191 ff. Sāļvamalla, 52, 53, 64
.

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212
JAINISM AND KARNĀTAKA CULTURE
Samādhi, 5, 162–165 Samādhi-maraña, 182. Samantabhadra, 8, 68, 69, 70,
71, 72 Sambandar, 40 Samprati, 7 Samyaktva-saptati, 7 Sangitapura, 56 Sāntideva, 39 śāntaladevi, 41, 42, 170 śāntiśa, 6 śāntivarma, 10 Sanyasana, 163, 164 Saraswati-gaccha, 43 Sarvalokāśraya Jina Bhavana,
Sri Vaişņavas, 44 Śrivardhadeva, 90, 91 Śrutakevalis, 6, 130 Śrutakirti, 9, 11 Śrutasāgara, 68 Sthūlabhadra, 130 Subhacandra, 50, 132 śubhatunga, 30, 33, 74 Suggaladevi, 25 Suhastin, 7 Sundara Pāņdya, 25, 40, 171 Sūtrakrtānga, 139 Śvetāmbaras, 7, 8, 11, 66, 67, 69, 72, 104, 109, 124, 129.
130, 131, 138, 139, 151 Syādvāda, 70, 181, 191-92 Syādvāda-vidyā, 46
.
27, 28
Śatpāhuda, 66 Satprābhrta-tikā, 66 Saundatti, 33, 48, III Sāvants, 52 Schism among Jainas, 66 Sena-gaņa, 82 Sendrakas, 13 Sețțis, 57-59 sețvāls, 157 Siddhakedára, 14 Silāhāras, 48, 170 Simhanandi, 15, 45, 148 Sivamära, 17 Śivappa Nāik, 61, 170 Somadeva, 48, 85, 86, 87, 88,
162. Someswara, 26–27, 29, 34 Śramaņas, 6-7, 14, 154 Sri Puruşa, 17
Taila II, 25, 29, 34, Takka, 70 Talgunda, 10 Tamil Jainas, 157 Tārkika-cakravarti, 41 Timmarāja, 20 Tirthankara, 67 Tiruvalluvar, 135 Trilokasāra, 20, 125, Tuļuva, 52, 55, 61, 165, 170
Udayadeva Pandita, 23 Umāsvāti, 8, 67, 68, 73 Uragapura (Uraiyoor), 69 Uttarādhyayana-sūtra,
135-136 Uttara-purāņa, 31, 32, 85

Page #259

INDEX
:
213
Vādighangala Bhatta, 93, 94,
Ібі Vādirāja, 22 Vaidya-nigantu-sāra, 47 Vaijayanti, 10 Vaişņavas, 26, 44 Vaişņavism, 39, 41, 42, 171 Vakragriva, 65 Valahärigana, 28 Vasucandra (Bāla-Saraswati),
22 Vengi, 27, 28 Venkațappa Näik, 61, 62 Veņupura, 53, 56, Veņūr, 166 Vidiśā (Bhilsa), 70 Vidyananda, 68, 75 Vijayadeva Paņdita, 23, 24 Vijayaditya, 23, 48 Vijayakirti, 16, 30 Vijayanagara, 43-46, 47, 51,
56, 64, 65, 92, 163, 166 Vikramaditya II, 23, 24; VI,
39 Vimalacandra, 70 Vimalāditya, 24, 30
Vinayāditya, 23, 39 Vinayasena, 85 Vira Ballāļa, 16, 42, 43 Vira-gallu, 55 Vira Manmathadeva, 43 Vira Pāņdya, 59, 60, 165 · Vira Saiva, 34, 38 Virasena, 53, 83 Virasenācārya, 13, 31 Virūpākşa, 46 Vişnuvardhana, 16, 19, 40, 41,
42, 46, 51, 170, 171 Vişnuvarma, IO Višvakarma, 126 Vţsabhasena, 42, 167 Vyavahāra-naya, 162
Wodeyars, 51, 108, 113, 166
Yadavas, 34, 38 Yakşavarma, 75 Yăpaniyas, 14, 29 Yaśastilaka-campu, 30, 34, 85,
133-34 Yasodhara-Kavya, 33 Yeņūr, 20, 103, 109

Page #260

OTHER WORKS BY
Prof. S. R. SHARMA, M.A.
Mughal Empire in India:
A systematic and thorough study based on source materials.
44
Apart from the fact that this book is one of the best on the subject, it is further distinguished by a new method of treatment which the author has adopted; the historical events are narrated, as far as possible, in the very words of eye-witnesses, contemporary historians and chroniclers......... The book is on the whole very carefully written and well documented and will prove of use and interest not only to the advanced student but also to the general reader. "The Times of India.
"......has the happy gift of presenting his subject methodically, lucidly, yet critically."-Indian Culture.
The Crescent in India: A systematic study of Muslim History from the 8th to the 18th century. "...enhances his reputation as a brilliant writer."-The Servant of India.
A Brief Survey of Human History: Specially intended for Indian readers. Comprises a complete survey of civilisation, Eastern as well as Western.
"The author's knowledge of his subject is both intensive and comprehensive, and his method of presentation and style are singularly attractive, "The Hindustan Review.
Publishers:
KARNATAK PUBLISHING HOUSE,
BOMBAY.

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4.
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CATALOGUED.
294. u arins Jain latereture a Isaya. Karnataka Santa L a
allmal Hola

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. D.G.A. 80. CENTRAL AROHA DOLOGICAL LIBRARY NEW DELHI. www. Borrowerle Record.... Catalogue Nog94.4/Sha' 7365 Author Sharna, .A. mit Jalalba arnataka cultor Borrower A Date of Iosue Date of Boten