Jain Journal 2006 07

Author(s): Jain Bhawan Publication
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VOL XLI
No. 1 JULY
ISSN 0021-4043
॥ जैन भवन ॥
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A QUARTERLY
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2006

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a quarterly on Jainology
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JAIN JOURNAL
Vol. XLI
No. 1 July
2006
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Contents
STUDIES IN JAINA ICONOGRAPHY
A.K. Bhattacharyya
BĀHUBALI: MESSENGER OF PEACE
Hampa Nagarajaiah
MAHĀMUNI JAMBŪSVĀMĪ AND BENGAL
Chitta Ranjan Pal

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Vol. XLI
JAIN JOURNAL

No. 1 July
STUDIES IN JAINA ICONOGRAPHY
A.K. Bhattacharyya Chapter - II
The Symbolism of the Aṣṭamangala
The aṣṭamangalas represent a group of device in figures of which some are mystic and others stand for objects that are apparently auspicious from their very nature. These are sometimes shown before Tirthankara images on entrance to temples and are regarded auspicious generally, at the beginning any undertaking such as the study of the scriptures etc.. The kind of hieroglyphic art that is associated with representations of this kind is not, however, of any particular religious sect, Brahmanic, Buddhistic or Jain but rather deserves study in the light of the peculiar interpretation given to them in each sect. The vocabulary and the forms were equally accessible to all the sects, the difference only in interpretation. The aṣṭamangala in its present composition in Jain art cannot be traced to a very early period in the art representations although some of the symbols were current as being sacred, from long before the Christian era. As we shall presently see, some of the symbols e.g., the fish can be traced back to even the prehistoric periods of art. So far as the Jain literature is concerned some of the anga text notably the Aupapātika Sūtra refers to the group containing all the eight that we find depicted today. The Aupapatika Sutra, sec. 49, mentions that the eight auspicious symbols (atthamangalaga) are to be shown on the Aśoka tree and enumerates them as Sovatthiya, Sirivattha, Nandiyavatta Vaddhamanaga, Bhaddāsana, Kalasa, Maccha and Dappana. In the Buddhist literature, it is interesting to point out, the mangalas as abstract merits numbering 37 were formed into a chant the reciting of which would bring considerable virtue and religious proficiency".
41. Khuddakapatha, Mangala Sutta.
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As regards the number of the symbols in the group, it should be mentioned here that the number of eight of the later ages is not so rigidly constant in early forins. In an Āyāgapata from Mathurā now preserved in the Provincial Museum, Lucknow, referred to above the main auspicious symbols are four in number. These are a svastika at the top and a pair of fish at the bottom while the Srivatsa figures in the right and the Bhadrāsana (?) in the left. The central Jina figure is enclosed within a circle which contains four three-pronged circular figure touching the inner circle of the lotus amidst which the Jina is seated, giving the effect of four nandipadus at the four cardinal points. A circular belt, however, surrounds these four symbols touching the enclosing inner circle. From the same site at Mathurā there is yet another Ayāgapata which in the two rows one at the top and the other at the base shows all the eight classical astamarigalas with a very slight variation. On the upper panel the objects are : a pair of fish, a darpaņa, Srīvatsa, and Vardhamāna Sampuța, while the lower panel has : a nauoipada, a lotus, a bhadrāsana and a purņa-kalasa with lotuses. It is, therefore, interesting that the precise objects as mentioned in the Aupapātika Sūtra are correspondingly represented in Mathurā art of the Kusāņa period.
The Digambara Trilokasāra mentions the eight auspicious symbols which vary in both composition and arrangement. The text written in the 10th cent. A.D., has the objects thus : bhyngāra (a coronation pitcher) kalasa (a vase), darpana (a mirror), vījana (a fan), dhvaja (a flag), camara (a chowrie), ātapatra (an umbrella), and supratişthat. It is further stated that these are to be shown beside a Jina image along with figures of sri-devi, sruta-devī, Sarvälha (or Sarvānha) Yakṣa and Sanatkumāravakşa. 43
The Ācāradinakara of Vardhamāna Sūri records to some extent the significance of these eight kinds of the auspicious marks, some of which, as we shall presently show, were regarded as of great religious
42. Trilokasūra, Vl. 989, cf. bhimgāra-kalasa-dappaņa-viyaņa-dhaya
câmaradavattamahā. savuittha mangalāņi ya attha hiya sayāni patteyam. 43. Ibid, VI. 188

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merit and spiritual potency from almost the beginning of human thought.
The Mirror (Darpanam) forms the first of the group of Astamaigalas. The delineation of the mirror before a Tirthankara symbolises the fact that people given to rigorous austerities, high charities, abstinence, and service unto others, do so with a view to attaining knowledge about the self (soul) and that a place where such people on attainment of omniscience can reside must be one not only clean and pure in itself but on which everything unclean and impure is clearly reflected."
The second syimbol of the Astamangala group, the Bhadrāsana symbolises the touch of the Jina in one of his associated symbols. It is on the Bhadrasana that the Jina places his feet and because of this it is regarded as endowed with extra-ordinary merit (atiprabhavaih). This second symbol practically is an extension of the first from an ideological point of view. The Bhadrāsana is to be represented as the Pitha to place the feet of the Tīrthankara.45 This bears a close parallel to the mode of represention pādukās in place of the Lord. The Lord's presence was felt through the padukas. Attention may also be drawn to the tradition of repreenting Visņupadas, Buddha-pada" etc.
The third symbol in the group is the Vardhamana Samputa. This symbolises the favour of Lord Mahāvīra through whose grace the devotee (bhavvajana) gets piety, faine, influence, greatness, prosperity, learning, peace and (fulfilment of all) desires. The
44. cf. Ātmālokavidhau janopisakalastivramtapoduscaram
dānambrahmaparopakarakāranar kurvan parisphärjati / so'yam yatra sukhena rājati sa vai Tirthādhipasyāgrato nirmeyah paramārthavịttividurah sajjnanibhir darpanam ! Acāradinakara, pp. 197-98.
45. Cf. Jinendra-pădaih paripūjyaprsthair atiprabhāvair api sannikrstam
Bhadrāsanam bhadrakaram Jinendrapuro likhenamangalasatprayogam Ibid, loc. cit.
46. A.K. Coomaraswamy: History of Indian and Indonesian Art. p. 44.

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Vardhamāna Samputa, therefore, is the embodiment of all the boons conferrable by the Lord Himself.47
The full jar (pürna kalasa) which forms the fourth symbol in the Astamāngalika group symbolises the fact of the Lord being the fulfiller of all wants in the three worlds. This symbol of a purna kalasa is common to Hinduisın as well. That the Lord here is identified with the Kalaśa is quite clear from the representation of the Kalasa which is attributed, in anthropomorphic analogy with a pair of eyes. According to Jain conception, the Lord Jina (Tirthankara) is said to flourish in all his aspects and with all glory in the three worlds like a Full Jar distributing favour and blessings all around''. Indeed the kalasa that is regarded as symbolic all fulfilment, originated from the ocean in course of the 'Great Churning' and contained all the divinities." The Kumbha, therefore, is coeval with the Highest Divinities we can conceive of, and has an origin as sacred and ancient as the amrtatva of the gods in Hindu mythology. It is indeed a distinct borrowing from Brahmanism and is another of clear signs of dependance on the Hindu system of thought and ideology. On one of the jambs of the toraņa gateway from Kankāli Tila, Mathurā, we have a spectacular representation of a kalasa on whose mouth are placed five lotus buds
47. Cf.
punyai yaşaḥ samudayaḥ prabhută mahatvam saubhāgyadhivinayasarmmamanorathāśca vardhanta eva Jina-nāyaka te prasādāt tadvardhamānayugasamputamādadhanah
- Acāradinakara, loc. cit. 48. visvatraye ca svakule Jineso vyākhyāyate Srikalasāyamānah/ ato tra pūrņam kalasam likhitvā Jinārcanākarmakstārthayāmaḥ//
- Ibid, loc. cit. 49. Cf. devadānavasamvāde mathamāne mahodadhau/
utpannosi mahākumbham (?) Vişnunā vidhrkare (?)// tattoye sarvadevāḥ syuḥ sarvadevasamäsritā!
tvayi tişthanti bhūtāni tvayi prāņāḥ pratisthitāḥ// . śivatvam ca gavāśitvam Vişnutvam ca Prajāpatiḥ// adityādyāḥ grahāḥ sarve viśve devāḥ sapitskāh/ tvayi tisthanti kalase yataḥ kāmaphalapradaḥ// tvatprasādāt imain yajñain kartumïhe jalodbhavaḥ// tvadālokanamātrena bhuktimuktiphalai mahat/ sānnidhyain kuru me kumbha prasanno bhava sarvadā//
- Ms. (author's own collection).

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signifying śri or Lakṣmi whose symbol par excellence is the lotus. The kalasa together with the surmounting lotus buds shown with a devotee playing the symbals (or blowing the conch?) just above, curved in relief in the niche of an arch is depicted as being carried over the back (?) of a person, who places a hand on the kalasa and whose head only is visibles. The entire composition, therefore, cannot but stand for a religious motif and kalasa as the centre of the composition, as it obtains now, undoubtedly stands for the purnakalasa, so familiar in later mythology and art. This Kusana sculpture, therefore, marks the beginning of the acceptance of the pūrṇa-kalasa as an auspicious religious symbol which was later on taken in the group of the aştamangalas by the Jains.
The next symbol, 5th in the list, coming under the same group is the śrī-vatsa. It is a geometrical pattern of a four petalled flower, the petals being arranged at right angles. The choice for a flower is very significant here. The purity and whiteness of a flower is designed to represent the pure knowledge, the Kevala Jñana of the Lord which he holds in his heart within'. This śri-vatsa symbol, it may be noted here, is common to Vaisnava and Jain icons where in the former it is a symbol of Vişnuite images. The śri-vatsa is a lunar symbol according to a Brahmanic tradition. It is clearly proved when we accept its being borrowed from the orthodox Hindu ideas. The śri-vatsa as the ornamental mark representing a jem on the breast of Visnu is said in Brāhmaṇic conception, to stand for the moon while the Kaustabha stands for the sun." 52
The next symbol is that of a pair of Fish. The insignia of the Fish formed the distinctive characteristic of the Minas of the Mahenjo
50. See, pl. Sm. fig. 6
51. Cf. antaḥ paramajñānam yadbhāti Jinādhināthahṛdayasya
11
tacchri-vatsavyājat prakaṭībhūtaṁ vahirvande.
- Acaradinakara, loc. cit.
52. Cf. maleyam bhutamātā te kanthe tişthatu sarvadā/ Śrivatsa-kaustubhau cemau Candradityacchalena ha.// -Varahapurana, ch. 31. v. 16.

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Daro peoples. Whether as one of the eight forms of Siva, the Fish was one of the eight constellations of the Mahenjo-Daro zodiac. Indeed one of the most popular forins of God with the Mahenjo-Daro peoples was certainly the Fish. One of the inscriptions excavated out of Mahenjo-Daro (110. 42 of Marshall in his Mahenjo-Daro) has a representation of a large sized ram with the head of a fish bearing horns of both sides. An, the Mahenjo-Darian god, is called' Fisheyed'. The connection of the 'Fish-eyed An of Mahenjo-Daro with the paurāṇic Siva has already been established and the Fish forms one of the connecting links, between them. The later texts like Kālikā-Purrāna states that the cupid (kūma) became devoted to Siva after being restored to life so much so that he installed the image of Siva in his fish-form . Studied in the light of the allied pauranic conception of the Fish-form of Lord Vişnu, in which he appeared in one of his ten Avatāras, the fish ideology seems to have inspired the pauranic seers with a sense of reverance for the symbol as embodying the idea of beauty and creation. With the idea of creation and abundance in view, the fish is also associated with the inother-goddess. Indeed, souch a figure has been actually excavated out of the ruins at Rairh in Jaipore State. The modern practice in Hindu homes, specially in Bengal and some other places is to put a fish in the hands of a newly wedded bride on her first arrival at the place of her husband perhaps symbolising the idea of fertility and abundance of the
53. Cf. Marshall: Mahenjo-daro : Ins. no. 214- "The Supreme Being of the Fish
God (is) in front”. 54. A.P. Karmarkar: The Fish in Indian Folk Lore (Annals of the Bhandarkar Or.
Res. Institute, Vol. XXIV, p. 191f. 55. Kalikāpurāna, ch.82, vv. 50-52. 56. Excavations at Rairh, Archl. Department, Jaipore, pp. 28-29. 57. The custom prevails also among some Southern People, e.g., the Holeyaras
of Canara, that the newly wedded couple is taken to a river and are made to catch some fish with the wedding mat woven by birds, signifying the fertility of the couple. A.P. Karmarkar : The Fish in Indian Folk Lore (Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Vol. XXIV. p. 196.

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household. In so remote an age as that of the pre-historic MahenjoDaro, specific symbolism of fertility had been conveyed by the fish in that the Spring Fish of one of the inscriptions of the Indus Valley civilization has been interpreted as standing for the Spring God.58
In the Gupta age, among the paintings at Ellora, there is a curious composition of two fishes above the stem of an inverted lotus touching each other at their mouths. An emblem of a linga surmounted by two others is placed in between the two fishes. This is clearly a mode of representing the older tradition of fertility as perhaps origination in the third millennium before Christ in the Indus Valley Civilization. The age of the epic beginning roughly from the fourth century B.C., the fish played a very important part in the life of Indian Peoples. The story of King Matsya, in the Mahabharata, has it that the king was born along with Matsyagandhā Satyavatī from the womb of a fish. The Harivamsa corroborates the above stories along with a number of others. The pearcing of the eye of the fish in the Svayambara ceremony of Draupadi is a major episode in the great drama of the Kuru-battle. The Jain images of Tīrthankaras came to be associated each with an emblem at a late stage of their development.60 The images of the 9th Tirthankara Puspadanta has the insignia of a Makara or a fish. The fourteen dreams of Jina-mothers include a pond with playing fishes, signifying creation, freedom and prosperity. In Buddhism, too, the artist's eye did not leave the fish out in their search for art-forms. A Buddhist votive tablet or soapstone from Taxila, belonging to the Ist cent. A.D., has the figure of a fish embossed on it along with a number of other auspicious symbols, such as, the blowing conch etc. This shows how the Buddhist took the piscal symbol as very sacred at so remote an age as the Ist cent. of the Christain era. It is, indeed, worthy of note that the same ayagapata contains a figure
13
58. Rev. Heras: Mahenjo-Daro, the People and the Land (Indian Culture Vol. III).
59. Harivamsa, i, 32. 91-93.
60.
See, infra.

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of Svastika on the right hand side with its outer arms turned to the right. Although exactly there is nothing to prove the Buddhist affiliation of the find under discussion, we have reasons to believe in consideration of the associate objects, from Tofkiān at Taxila where the present ayāgapata was found that it is a Buddhist votive tablet. Indeed in some of the other tablets of offering (votive) attributed to the Buddhist and excavated out of the Taxilian sites we have definite and conclusive evidence of a pair of fish as a sacred symbol. In another terracotta votive tablet referred to above we have a pair of fish on its left corner at the bottoin, surmounted by the figure of a lady dressed in flowing robes in the fashion of the Indo-Greeks, with both hands raised upwards as if holding the jar above. The foliage ornamentation, the shape and conception of the jar (purna kalasa) at the centre on the above together with the peculiar dress of the female figures on the outer border, speak of the Kuşāņa period of the tablet when it seems, the fish-motif and the Purņa-kalasa design were regarded, as in later years, as some of the most common symbols signifying auspiciousness irrespective of all religions or sects. In fact, it is with same popularity as an auspicious symbol that the fish-motif continued to be used on votive tablets and other objects down upto the Gupta and the postGupta era. In the recent excavations at Ahicchatra, we have the alternation of fish-designs on a potsherd interspersed with a figure resembling a cakra”. The composition, if it could be found in entirety, might well have established the pouplar acceptance of the piscal symbology in the late Gupta period.
The Jain representation of the pair of fish as an auspicious symbol has a peculiarity of its own. In the Kuşāņa art from Mathurā a pair of fish as an auspicious symbol in āvāgapatas is always shown with their mouth drawn towards each other and holding in their mouths a string sometimes with a floral design attached to it. The Acāradinakara recording a Svetāmbara tradition explains the symbology in a very
61.
The Report of the excavations at Ahicchatra has not been published yet. A sketch of the design in pencil was given to me by Sri A. Gosh, Supdt. Excavations, Archl. Survey, for my use.

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interesting way. According to it, the fish represents the fact of the defeat of Cupid before the Lord. The pair of Fish which represents the cognisance for Cupid on his banner is shown to be serving the Lord in humble submission.
The seventh symbol, the Svastika, in the Aştamangala group has a very wide application in art and is of a very ancient tradition in the history of world thought. The Jain interpretation of the Svastika as given in the Acāradinakura is but quite simple. According to that text the symbol being only an auspicious mark is to be drawn in front of the Lord as signifying peace and prosperity that reigned on earth on the eve of the birth of the Tīrthankara". The discovery of the Svastika in the lowest stratum at Susa suggests the connecting link between the Sumerian and other western Asiatic countries and the Indian or the Aryan. This is in fact one of the constituent elements in Indian art that are not peculiarly Indian but properly speaking, found in common with many of the countries in western Asia." In the Hathigumpha caves at Khaņdagiri hills, this Svastika symbol has been found to exist as early as the Ist century A.D. Numismatic evidence too points to the same conclusion that along with other symbols like the wheel, taurine etc., the Svastika was used as a coin mark on the early coinages from the 2nd and 3rd cent. B.C. An anonymous coin from Kosam " and another from Avanti and a third
62. Cf. tvadvandhya-pancaśarake tanabhāvakliptam kartam mudhā
bhuvananātha nijāparātham/ sevām tanoti puratastava minayugmam sraddhaih puro
vilikhitorunijāngayuktyā./! - Acāradinakara, p. 197. 63. The symbol of Pathyāsvasti' accepted by the Svetāmbaras has been dis
cussed by H.D. Bhattacharyya in K.B. Pathak Com. Vol. p. 40. See, also,
Kausitaki Brāhmaṇa, VII. 6 etc. 64. Cf. svastibhūgaganānāgaviştapeşūditam Jinavarodaye kşaņāt/ svastikam tadanumānato Jinasyāgrato budhajanairvilikhyatell
- Ācāradinakara, loc. cit. 65. A.K. Coomaraswamy: History of Indian and Indonesian Arl, p. 13. 66. V.A. Smith: Catalogue of the Coins in the Indian Museum, Cal, (London
1906), Vol. I, p. 155, pl. XX. fig. 5.

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from Taxila show this symbol. The Svastika along with the taurine etc., is thus very ancient. The Sathia (Sovatthiya of the the Angas) as it is called in modern Gujarati, is the most important of all the eight auspicious marks of the group. This alone sometimes represents the entire group and is shown as such on the temples, before the images and at the beginning of all auspicious ceremonies. The most comprehensive meaning put to the Svastika and the figures of three dots above surmounted by a crescent and a dot is that the four arms of the Svastika represent the gati or state in which a jiva may be born as either a denizen of hell (naraki) or of heaven (devatā), a man (manusya) or a beast (tiryañc), the three little dots or heaps symbolizing the three jewels of Right Knowledge, Right Faith, and Right conduct, which enable a man to reach Mokṣa represented by the sign of the crescent and the dot above it. The Svastika, it is curious to note, has variegated forms in application in art. There are indications in the figures incised on the group of bricks unearthed from Bhomala, Taxila region, preserved in the Taxila Museum that at least the Svastika is a decorative motif.
The last but not least is the Nandyavarta belonging to the Aṣṭamangala group. The figure is a geometrical device like the Svastika but shows a more developed stage of the art and is clearly of a deeper significance than the former. The adaptation of this device in art and archaeology is very late, at least, far later than the Svastika. It is a double lined figure rectangular in shape and the lines are interwoven, so to say, as to form a nine-coned figure. The Acāradinakara explains the symbol as signifying the fact of the devotee of Jina as recipient of all sacred treasures that remain glowing at his service through the grace of the Lord."9
67. Ibid, p. 153, pl. XX. fig.2, and p. 156, pl. XX. fig. 6.
68. See, pl. Sm. fig. 1.
69.
Cf. tvatsevakānam Jinanatha Dikṣu sarvāsu sarve nidhayaḥ sphuranti
ataścaturdha ṇavakoṇanandyavartaḥ satām vartayatām sukhani.

- Acaradinakara. loc. cit.

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In connection with this we must also try to appreciate critically the symbols or the auspicious objects to be seen in dream by the expectant mothers of the Tirthankaras. The Svetambara traditions, be it noted here, has the number fourteen while the Digambaras add two more to the list and make slight alterations as to the specific objects. The Kalpasūtra mentions the fourteen dreams as seen by Devanandā thus Gaya, Vasaha, Siha, Abhiseya, Dama, Sasi, Dinayaram, Jhayam, Kumbham, Paumasara, Sagara, Vimana, Bhavana,7 Rayanuccaya and Sihi". In late text of the 12th-13th cents of the Christian era, the same tradition is followed and the name and the number remain unaltered.72
One of the objects seen in the dream viz., the smokeless flame of fire has already been discussed. The fourteen kinds of dreams as represented in art has a history as ancient as that of Indian art itself. The dream of Maya in connection with the birth of the Buddha found expression in art-forms carved in relief long before the Lord Himself came to be represented anthropomorphically. It would be no surprise, however, if we discover in a medieval sculpture from Rajgir the figure of a Jina-mother carved in relief below the pedestal of a central image of Tirthankara. The Jina-matrikās were held in late texts of the sects in high esteem so much so that it is quite likely that they were given also the exalted position of the mother of Buddha in art and iconography.73
70.
71. Kalpasutra (ed. by H. Jacobi), p. 34.
72. Triṣaṣṭiśālākäpuruṣacaritra, Parva X. sarga II, 19-21 gajo vrso hariḥ sabhisekasriḥ srak śasi raviḥ
mahādhvajaḥ pūrṇakumbhaḥ padmasaraḥ saritpatiḥ // vimanam ratnapuñjaśca nirdhūmogniriti kramāt dadarśasya (va) mini svapnan mukhe praviśatastadā. See, also, Uttarapuraṇa, (ed. by L.R.Jain, Indore), parva 73, pp. 572 ff.
See, pl. Tk. figs. 27 & 28
73.
17
Vimana and Bhavana are alternates, the former being only in the case where the person entering the womb descends from heaven while the latter is seen where he comes from below (nāraka). cf. Pradipika by Vijaya Gani on the Kalpasūtra.

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It is also a curious concidence which speaks well for mutual influence, that the elephant usually a white one which is shown to enter the womb of Māyā in Buddhist art is also the first of the auspicious dreams that Devānandā and Trišalā are said to have seen on the eve of Mahāvīr's advent. The Kalpasūtra of Bhadrabāhu elaborately describes the theriomorphism of the animals included in the list of auspicious dreams. This tradition of the pre-Christian era goes on to describe that the elephant has four tusks, looking like radiant drops of dew, or a heap of pearls, or the sea of milk, possessing a radiance like the moon, huge as the silvery mountain Vaitādhya, while from his temples oozed out the sweet liquid that attracts the swarns of bees.24
The bull which we know to be an early symbol for Sivă Himself is the second in order of the auspicious dreams. The mode of representing Nandipada has, in fact, a very old history. A humped bull alone formed at first the symbol for Siva.? The coin with this representation, which belongs to Appollodotus of the 2nd cent. B.C., bears, curiously enough, the effigy of an elephant on its obverse. This association of the elephant with the bull in Saiva coins, is, therefore, of a special significance and was already current is so early an age as the 2nd cent. B.C. The bull is the cognisance of the first Tīrthankara Adinātha and probably accounts for the name Rşabhadeva.76 In fact, the bull and the elephant came to be associated with the Tirthankara and their Yakşas and Yakṣiṇīs so often that it seems that the two symbols were very much in favour with the Jains as well, perhaps owing to their prevalence and popularity in the more influential sect of Aryāvarta, Brāhmanism, and more particularly of Saivism. Bhadrabāhu draws our attention to the conspicuous hump greatly ornamented as it is (aisiribhava-pillaņā-Visappaita-kamta-sohartu
74. Kalpasūtru (tr. by J. Stevenson), p. 42. 75. pl. XXX, fig. 109, H. I. I. A. 76. Nirvanākalikā, p. 34, cf, - tatrādyam kanakāvadātavļsalānchanamuttarāşadhājātam
dhanūrāsim ceti, also, Hemacandra: Abhidhāna-cintāmaņi : urvo výsabhalānchanamabhūd bhagavato jananyä сa caturdasanām svapnanamadavrṣabho drstastena rşabhah (vide, also, Mrs. Stevenson : Heart of Jainism, p. 22, fn.3)

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A.K. Bhattacharyya: Studies in Jaina Iconography
caru-kakuhaṁ). The horns are circular, smooth and elevated (ghanavatta-lattha) and his teeth are harmless and clean (sohaṁta-suddhadamtam)."
77
The third in order is the lion that Triśalā is represented to have seen on the eve of Mahāvīra's birth. The figure of lion that we meet with in ms. illustrations of the 14-16 cents. A.D. both on palm-leaf and paper calls for some special remarks. The lion is generally of a blue colour with a very thin belly. The manes of the Lion are very. seldom made vissibly prominent, and the tail generally coiled up. The Kalpasutra has it that the Lion is to be of a 'dazzling white coulour', strong, muscular and fat with his members all properly rounded in the most elegant way. He is to have a sharp well-formed jaw, a mouth beautiful as the periphery of a lotus, a fine mascular lip, with a palate like the red water-lily. His teeth are said to be rounded being well-developed and are thick-set and fierce,; while the tip of his tongue is hanging out of his mouth like fine gold being poured out of a crucible (cf. ratt'-uppala-patta-mauya-sukumāla-tālu-nill- oliy agga-jiham). His shoulders are said to be adorned with a soft and bright long-haired mane while the tail is raised aloft with a circle in the centre bounding like a ball (cf. usiya-sunimmiya-sujaya-apphodiyalamgulam). The lion, it must be noted, is the cognisance of the last Tirthankara. This cognisance is also associated with some of the Yakṣas and Yakṣiņīs e.g., Mānavi or Śrīvatsā, the Śāsanadevi of the 11th Jina Śreyamsanātha, Ambikā, the Sasanadevi of the 22nd Jina Neminatha and lastly, Siddhayikā, the Yakşiņi of the last Tirthankara Mahāvīra.
78
19
The next dream auspicious for the birth of a Tirthankara that a pregnant woman sees is that of Śrī Lakṣmīdevi. In some of the canonical literature of the Jains, however, the term used for the symbol is simiply Abhiseya', which means "sprinkling"" or anointment. This
77. Kalpasutra, op. cit. p. 43, para 34.
78.
Ibid. loc. cit.
79. Antagadadasasutra (ed. by L.D. Barnett), p. 24.

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SO
sprinkling has, however, obvious connection with the Goddess Laksmī who herself is said to anoint a person on whom she chooses to confer her blessings and who is represented in art as being sprinkled with water by two elephants on either side holding a jar each in their trunks. This particular form of Lakṣmi, is known as Gaja-Laksmi. Attention should be drawn to the figure of Lakṣmi in a ceilingpainting at Ellora of the eighth cent. A.D. The peculiar pose of the folded hands apparently in adoration is a deserving point to note. This perhaps is the solitary instance of its kind. It is, however, proposed to connect Gaja-Lakṣmi composition with the dream-story of Māyādevī, but we are not, however, concerned with that at present. The auspicious symbol of abundance which is commonly represented by a full jar or pūrṇa-kalasa finds culmination in art by these representations of Lakṣmi anthropomorphically drawn. It is worthy of note that the figure of Lakṣmi which is the object of the auspicious dream is a four-handed figure, which holds in the two upper hands a lotus each, while the two lower hands are folded together. She sits on a lotus seat and bears a golden crown with a surmounting jewel on it. In an early sculpture from Bodh-Gaya, however, we have a standing figure of Gaja-Lakṣmi4 with the two figures of elephants on both sides standing on two lotuses branching out from the central stalk. The goddess holds aloft this right hand apparently in abhaya pose and the left touches the wearing apparel below. The figure is embossed above a figure of Indra as Santi and belongs to Ist cent. B.C. The connection of lotus with the Gaja-Lakṣmi figures is undoubtedly one
80. Vide, the seated fig. of Gaja-Laksmi in the Adivaraha cave belonging to the early medieval period, (7th cent. A.D.); pl. Lx. fig. 205. History of Indian and Indonesian Art: see, also, the fig. of the Jain form of the goddess on Khandagiri, pl. Md. fig. and that from Gwalior, pl. Md. fig.
81. H.II.A., pl. LVII, fig. 196.
82. Foucher: L'art greco-bouddhique du gandhara; H.I.I.A. pp.26 and 38
note 1.
83. See Jaina-chitra-kalpadruma pl. fig.
84. A.K. Coomaraswamy: Origin of Buddha Image, fig. 15.

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A.K. Bhattacharyya: Studies in Jaina iconography
21
of the signs of the popular attraction for the symbol of fertility and prosperity. In the presence of the elephant on both sides of Lakşmi it can denote nothing but the aspect of fertility which is manifest in the torrents of rain so much required for increasing the fertility of the soil. Indeed, elephants (gajas) are diggajas 'holding the rain-clouds*and so far as the lotus goddess the designation with which we may most appropriately call the Gaja-Lakşmi composition, forms one amongst the group, of auspicious symbols beheld in dream by the pregnant mothers of Jinas, is concerned, we can be sure to the extent of saying that she symbolises fertility and abundance.
The Gaja-Lakşmi motif, however, has found expression in art in the Sunga railings from Bharhut as well as on early architraves from Khandagiri in Orissa ascribes very plausibly to the pre-Christian era". In the former the goddess stands on a lotus in the samabhaiga pose with her two hands holding a lotus stalk rising from below appearing as an ocean. Two elephants resting on to lotus flowers on each side holds a jar upside down each sprinkling waters therefrom on to the goddess. The figure from Khandagiri in Orissa bears close resemblance to the form just described. The existence from the 2nd cent. B.C., onwards of these abhişeku (abhiseya)-motifs is, therefore, an established fact and Bhadrabāhu compiling the Kalpasūtra in the 4th cent. B.C., naturally had this form of the Gaja-Lakşınī in view. The latter describes Gaja-Lakşmī in the dream symbol as seated on a lofty throne and reposing on a lotus in the lotus lake, anointed with the water from the strong and large trunks of the guardian elephants. 87 The form of the deity is as epitome of all beauty. Her hands and feet were like the `leaves of the lotus, and her fingers and toes soft and
85. For a discussion in this line see, Ibid, p. 23, fn.45. We do not, however,
agree that the Gaja-Lakşmi symbol has anything particularly to do with the nativity of a Jina, inuch less to stand for the actual birth or advent of
any of them. 86. See, pl. Md. fig. 13. 87. Kalpasutra (by H. Jacobi), p. 232.

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JAIN JOURNAL : VOL-XLI. NO. 1 JULY 2006
excellenti!' “Her fleshy thighs resembled the proboscis of an excellent elephant, and her lovely broad lips were encircled by a golden zone. Her large and beautiful belly was adorned by a circular navel”. “Her waiste which contained the three folds, could be encompassed with one hand (kara-yalamaiya-passattha-tivaliva-majjham)". "The pure cup-like pair of her brests sparkled" with a glittering necklace on thein. She had a lovely face and her "lovely eyes were large and pure like the water-lily”. “She sprinkled about the sap from two lotus flowers which she held in her splendid hands and gracefully fanned herself while her glossy and thick hair "hung down in a braid"*
88.
Thid, p. 233.

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BAHUBALI MESSENGER OF PEACE
Dr. Hampa Nagarajaiah
Preamble:
Nestled close to the two hills, Sravanabelagola, the Pompei of Jainism and the Vatican city of Jaina community, famed and haloed for a prolonged period of over two millennia, has preserved virtually intact, a vibrant and vigorous religious tradition of peace and tranquility. The monolithic colossus of 58.8 feet of Bahubali stands nude atop Vindhyagiri Hill, with unbound compassion as his clothing and the open sky as his shelter. His heart beats for the entire mankind. The radint Bahubali in his ascetic form is truly splendid. The tall and majestic figure, exposed to scorching sun, rain, biting cold and abresive dust for over a thousand years and more, is as fresh and well-polished as the devout sculptor gave it shape. Camuṇḍarāya, minister and armychief of the Ganga kings, commissioned the granite statue and formally consecrated it in the early hours of Sunday the 13th March 981 CE. The gifted sculptor in a feat of surpassing artistic skill and strength, concentrated on creating a representation of the deep meditative mood of Bahubali, an embodiment of peace. The radiating spiritual strength is derived from a long and strenuous practice of yoga.
The Legend:
Rṣabhadeva (Adinatha), the first Tirthankara, divided his empire amongst his sons and retired into a forest retreat for practising incredible austerities. Bharata, eldest son, unwilling to share the power directed his brothers to surrender to his suzerainty. Except his immediate brother Bahubali, all other brothers renounced their worldly claims, joined their father and accepted the vows of recluse.
Refusing to acknowledge his brother's sovereignity, the selfrespected Bahubali answered, 'Let us meet on the battle ground'! Bharata marched on his brother with a large army. Bahubali and Bharata were the earliest to propound a no war policy, bidding farewell to arms and army. The duel was of three types:

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i.
steadfast
ii.
iii.
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drsti - yuddha, staring-contest: gazing at each other with eyes and whoever winked first being the looser.
jala - yuddha, a fight in water, and
malla-yuddha, boxing and wrestling contest.
Bahubali emerged victorious. Humiliated, Bharata set the cakraratna at his brother against fair rules of war. But cakra-ratna just went round Bahubali and returned to its master.

Bahubali, overcome by grief, contemplated on the evanescent mundane life, and allowed Bharata to rule as sovereign. He chose peace and strove for winning the spiritual empire. He engaged himself in deep meditation standing motionless in the kayotsarga posture for the full six seasons on stretch, without caring for the molehill growing over his limbs, snakes slithering freely, madhavi creeper spreading and entwining his legs and arms. Vidyadharas and other celestial nymphs appeared on the scene to revere the ascetic who fought and won a spiritual battle.
In his quest for happiness, Bharata tread a path that destroyed the inner good instincts and virtues. Craving for material wealth, possession and power begets greed, and greed leads to corruption. Bharata's passion for political power, fuelled by attachment to worldly pursuits disturbed his tranquility. Addiction to material attainments intoxicated Bharata's mind making it oblivious to truth and reality. Tied to mundane status, for a moment Bharata, one among the 12 universal emperors, forgot that attachment to the throne breeds hatred, as a result of which real happiness becomes a mirage. The moment Bahubali untied attachment to material power, it dispelled all worries. Dispassion guided him to the path of peace. Of course, Bahubali was first and quick to realize that the struggle for power and pelf was an act of stupidity. But when once wisdom dawned the remorseful Bharata, with all humility approached and worshipped Bahubali, and

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Dr. Hampa Nagarajaiah: Bahubali: Messenger of Peace
requested him to uproot his lurking passion, mana-kasūva, the gnawing egoity.
Both the brothers were charged with ahalikära, 'egoism', which emanated anger. Ego has attachment and generates problems. A flattered ego dramatically impaired Bharata's judginent, and an injured ego provoked Bāhubali to engage in acts of retaliation. But when once the brothers realized the glory of the soul and cultivated positive thinking, they sublimated the ego. They overpowered the frailties of the body and mind, and realized the power of the ātmā, soul. The brothers could bury the hatchet at the end. No body travels on the road to peace without a puncture of two. The word Santi, 'peace', is smaller like an atom, but its scope and impact is as wide and powerful as that of the atom. Peace is a panacea that works wonders and it has no substitute. Conflict succeeds where peace fails and peace reigns supreme where conflict has no room to thrive. Since both cannot coexist, one of the two has got make way for the other. The history of the world has throughout proved the validity of this phenomenon.
The Sky is cool, joyous and pleasant the breeze blows sweet and fragrant Bāhubali embodiment of ascetic height on the crest of Hill standing erect people offer prayer spontaneous respect The glory of Belagola more ancient yet modern, glows in my eyes so bright I love her, for sheer knowledge of art architecture, culture and compassion all flow sparkling from her sepulchral Hills: May Gommata protect human faith of Live and let live from the evil filth save the only Earth from human wrath Let the message of non-violence prevail !

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When I penned these lines in 1981, the year of Maha-mastakaabhişeka, synchronizing a millenniums illustration of Bahubali at Sravanabelagola, I never had imagined that the fanatic Taliban would destory the two Bamiyan Buddha relief sculptures of 120 and 135 feet high each, that stood as a testimony to peace, love and harmony. But soon and swiftly world order changed and the Taliban had to flee hither and thither for shelter. While they fled they must have heard the ripples of compassion echoing from the heap of rubbles and debris of shattered Bamiyan Buddha. Whether it is Afghanistan or Hindustan or Pakistan or any Nation, ultimately terror has got to vacate making room for clemency and tolerance. That is the creme de la crème of human history and all religion which time and again has emphasized the need for peace to sustain. Peace has no parallel.

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Jambusvāmi, the last kevalin of the Jainas, is the least talked about "mahāmuni" or great saint among the patriarchs of the religious fraternity. The "Theravali", second section of the Kalpa-sutra, has allotted only two or three sentences for this saint.' But the celebrated Jaina scholar, Hemacandra has given a long and legendary account of the pre-ordained life of this great saint, in his famous book Parisistaparvan?
Mahāmuni Jambūsvāmī and Bengal
Chitta Ranjan Pal.
From the above-mentioned book, we come to know that Jambūsvāmī was the only son of Rṣabhadatta, a rich merchant in Rajagṛha. Though he was brought up in wealth and luxury, he had evinced a great dislike for marriage from his early youth.
Part I
When Sudharman, the fifth ganadhara, came to Rājagṛha on a preaching tour, Jambu took the vow of perpetual celebacy+. However, through the importunities of his parents, he had to marry eight daughters of eight merchants in Rajagṛha at the same night."
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
After the eight fold marriage Jambu came to his own house with eight brides as well as rich dowries and in the same night Jambu's house was attacked by a band of robbers headed by Prabhava, a prince turned a bandit. Prabhava, the robber chief, had cast two spells before entering into the house of Jambu one for unlocking the doors
Ibid
Ibid
Ibid.
K.C. Lalwani, Kalpasūtra. p. 136-137
Hermann Jacobi's Parisiṣṭaparvan. p. xxxv ff.

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and the other for compelling all asleep in furtherance of his wicked deed." But the robber-chief was astonished to see that his spell had not worked at all upon Jambūsvāmī. As the robber chief was eager to know the reason of the ill-success of his spell upon Jambūsvāmī, he was told by the latter that the next morning he was going to embrace the life of a Jaina monk and as such he had triumphed over all the enchantments. The good at the heart of the robber-chief tried to dissuade the young bridegroom from his determination to embrace the life of an ascetic. In the meantime, Prabhava had taken away the influence of his spell from Jambūsvāmī's eight brides who also implored him to give up his premature design and enjoy life together with them."
Jambú told them many stories with the apt illustrations of snares and sorrows of married life; the brides, on the other hand, replied with other stories upholding the honour of the married life. But they failed to dissuade Jambū from his determination. So, at last, the eight brides declared that they, too, would follow Jambū and enter the monastic order and so did Jambu's parents and relatives.
The next day Jambū was ordained by Sudharman, the fifth ganadhara of the Jainas. Prabhava, the robber-chief is now a changed man after his ineeting with spiritually advanced Jambūsvāmī; he, too, renounced the world after a few days.
A perusal of the story makes it clear why the Jainas preserved a place of honour and respect in their hearts for this perpetual celebate patriarch. The Jaina believes that he was the last kevalin. and no body could obtain the kevalijñana. After him nobody could reach the “Manaparyaya” and the “Paramabodhi" stages of supernatural knowledge. To
6. Ibid
Ibid 8. Ibid 9. Ibid 10. Ibid

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Chitta Ranjan Pal: Mahamuni Jambusvämi and Bengal
To speak in a nutshell, we come to know from the Kalpasūtra and the Parisiṣṭaparvan that Jambu, son of Rṣabhadatta and Dhāriņīdevi was born in Rajagrha and belonged to kāśyapa gora. He was the perpetual celebate and was ordained by Sudharman, the fifth gaṇadhara, in Rājagṛha; reached beatification sixty four years after Mahāvīra's nirvāṇa."
This is all that we know about Jambusvami, the last kevalin of the Jainas. The Kalpasütra and other older texts as well as the celebrated Parisistaparvan are silent about activities of Jambu whether missionary or spiritual.
A patriarch like Jambusvami who had embraced the life of a monk at an early age was expected to be very energic and pushing in his zeal for the expansion of the religion, he had embraced and it is an undeniable fact that a century or more ofter his nirvāņa in circa 403 B.C., many regions of ancient Bengal like Pundravardhan, Kotivarsa and Tamralipta were aglow with enthusiasm for receiving the messages and gospels of the Tirthankaras.13 Would it be worng if we assume that the Eastward triumphant march of Jainas was initiated by the Jaina Mahamuni Jambūsvāmī ? Proofs though of indirect nature are not lacking to substantiate this assumption. Legends embedded in Divyavadana and Aśokāvadāna reveal that from the days of Gautama Buddha to the days of king Asoka, Pundravardhana was mostly dominated by the Jainas. On the other hand, another old tradition reveals that there were two very ancient Jaina holy places at Pundravardhana one at Pundraparvata and other at Kottapura later know as Devakotta. Kotta pura / koti Tirtha was considered to be the most holy place because here mahamuni Jambusvāmī attained nirvāņa and
14
15
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
K. C. Lalwani, Kalpasūtra . p. 136-137
Mrs. S. Stevenson, Heart of Jainism. p. 69
K. C. Lalwani, Kalpasūtra p. 140
N. N. Dasgupta. Banglay Bauddhadharma (in Bengali) p. 15 ff.
Hariṣeṇa Sūri, Brhatkathākoṣa (131st chapter)
29

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cast his mortal body. All classed of Jainas whether monks or lay-devotees used to come to kottapura / kotitīrtha to worship the monument or the mausoleum of the great saint from far and near.
Some local chronicles and travelogues based upon history and legends too claim that Jaina Mahamuni Jambusvāmī attained liberation at Koṭṭipur and there was a memorial or mausoleum of the saint at this place and the place i.e. Kottapura/Devakotta has been identified with Gangarampur in south Dinajpur of West Bengal.
Some pious Jaina devotees of Medieval India, however, claim that Jambusvāmī had attained "Siddhi" or Omniscience at Chaurasia in Mathura. According to them, Jambūsvāmī also attained deliverance from the cycles of birth and rebirth at this place. So Chaurasia in Mathura is considered a Siddhakṣetra "7 by them.
17
In this context, it is to be noted that only the Digambaras divide and Tīrthakṣetras into two divisions Siddhakṣetras and Atisayakṣetras. Mathura, to the Digambara Jainas, is both a Siddhakṣetra and an Atisayakṣetra. It (Mathura) is a Siddhakṣetra because Jambusvāmī attained Omniscience and Nirvana at Chaurasia and it is an Atisaya kṣetra because at Kankhali Tila in Mathura many stupas and temples had been built during ancients and medieval ages for the worship of Supārsvanatha, Pārśvanātha, Mahāvīra and other Tirthankaras.18
But the Digambara claim of Jambūsvāmī's association with Chaurasia is not based upon strong historical foundation. Earlier Jaina patriarchs, ācāryas, philosophers and writers of repute had no knowledge of such claim. It seems that such claim was invented by later medieval writers.
The Kalpasūtra, the holiest book of the Svetambaras, states
16. Bānglāy Bhraman by Eastern Railway (1940) reprinted by Saibya Prakason. p. 222

17&18. Prabhudayal Mittal, Pracin Brajamandal me Jain Dharma kā Vikās. and J. C. Jain, Bharat ke Pracin Jain Tirtha.

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Chitta Ranjan Pal: Mahamuni Jambusvami and Bengal
that Arya Jambu of kasyapa gotra was the disciple of Arya Sudharman and Jambu's disciple was Prabhava, nothing else regarding Jambu is found in this holy book.19
Bappabhaṭṭi Sūri (9th century A.D.) is said to have organised a restoration of the ruined Jaina temples of Mathura. As his restoration activities were confined to Kankhali Tila area it is to be surmised that Bappabhatti was not aware of, rather he was ignorant of, any Siddha kṣetra at Chaurasia.20
31
The great Jaina scholar monk, Jinaprabha Sūri (14th century A.D.) had visited Mathura and has an intimate knowledge of the geographical features and religious position of Mathura and its surroundings, but he never spoke of Chaurasia as the place of attainment of Nirvana as well as Omniscience of Jambusvāmī.21
The great Jaina savant Hemacandra, popularly known as the Kalikālasarvajña, had described the early life of Jambusvāmī, in some details, in his celebrated book Parisiṣṭaparvan, but he had written nothing of Jambu's association with Chaurasia in Mathura. If Jambūsvāmī had any association with Chaurasia, it would have been mentioned by Hemacandrācārya.”
On the other hand, there is a strong ground to believe that Chaurasia had come to be connected with the name of mahāmuni Jambūsvāmī during the second half of the 16th century A.D. or during the reign of Akbar, the greatest Mughel Emperor.
In the Hirasaubhagyakāvya it has been stated that the great Svetambara monk Hīra Vijayasūri after his conversation with Akbar had visited Mathura to pay homage to the temples of Pārsvanatha and Jambusvāmī.23
19. K. C. Lalwani, Kalpasūtra
20&21.D. R. Bhandarkar (ed). Jinaprabhasūri's Tīrthakalpa.
22.
Hermann Jacobi's. Parisiṣṭaparvan. p. xxxv ff.
23&24. Prabhudayal Mittal, Pracin Brajamandal me Jain Dharma kā Vikās.

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32
Sahu Todar, a rich Jaina householder (probably an assistant in revenue department of Akbar), organised a vigorous restoration of the ruined Jaina temples in and around Mathura and convoked an assembly of Jaina devotees and monks at Chaurasia. The ethusiasm thus created, it is said, paved the way for the writing of Jambūsvāmi's biography - one in Sanskrit by Rajamalla in 1632 V.S. (=1574 A.D.) and the other in Brajabhāṣā or in the dialect of Mathura and Vindāvana by Jainadasa in 1642 V.S. (=1584 A.D).2+
JAIN JOURNAL VOL-XLI. NO. 1 JULY. 2006
It will not be out of place to mention here that to the Buddhists, number 84 or Chaurasi is a sacred and magical number. They had a belief in the existence of 84 thousand 'mahāmunis. Asoka is said to have set up 84 thousand stupas all over his empire. The Tantrayana Buddhists spoke of 84 Siddhācāryas, popularly known as Chaurast Siddhai.25 To the Vaisnavas, Chaurasia is also very sacred. They, even now, undertake a tour of 84 Yojana's or 'krosa's around Mathura to earn religious merit by visiting the religious spots associated with Krisna legends. It is also to be noted that an area of Chaurasi or 84 Yojanas around Mathura is called Vraja mandala which is very sacred to the Vaisnavas even now.
On the basis of discussions made above, it is to be concluded that the tradition of Jambusvāmï's association with Chaurasia is a mid-sixteenth century invention. On the contrary, Jambūsvāmī's association with Kottapur seems to be of older origin. In the Brhatkathā Koşa (931 A.D.) Hariṣeņa Sūri had made a hint to that direction. Regarding Bhadrabahu's first acquaintance with Govardhanācārya, Harişena stated that on his return from pilgrimage to Kottapura, Govardhanācārya, the fourth Śrutakevalin, found Bhadrabahu at play with other playmates and took him to his disciplehood.
Ratnanandi (15th century A.D.) in his celebrated Bhadrabahucarita, spoke of Bhadrabahu's first acquaintance with Govardhanācārya more or less in the same way.
25.
H. P. Sastri, Bauddha Gan o Dohā.

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Chitta Ranjan Pal: Mahamuni Jambūsvāmī and Bengal
Acarya Kshitimohan Sen of Viśvabhāratī stated that Devacandra Acarya had written a book in Kanerese language in 1704 A.D. The name of the book is Rājāvalikathā. In this book, a chapter has been devoted to the biography of Bhadrabahu. In this Bhadrabahucarita, Devacandra has informed us that Govardhanācārya, the fourth Śrutakevalin, accompanied by other Srutakevalins and five hundred monks, were returning from Kottapura after worshipping the mausoleum or monument of Jambūsvāmī when they found Bhadrabahu playing with other playmates on the outskirt of Koṭṭapura.26
It is evident from the account of Devacandra that Jambūsvāmī attained nirvāņa at Kottapura in Pundravardhana and the place of Nirvana became a pilgrimage centre which attracted pilgrims from far and near.
As the Kanerese language is all Greek to this writer, he sought help from Dr. Hampa Nagarajaih, a renouned Jaina scholar and Professor Emeritus of Bangalore. In a letter, Dr. Nagrajaih has conveyed the following information to this writer.
33
"Devacandra was not an Acarya, he was a house-holder upāsaka. The name of the book is Rājavali Kathāsāra - a prose work of 500 pages."
Devacandra does not mention the place of nirvana of Jambūsvāmī. He states that Bhadrabahu was born at Kotipura. Once after nirvana-vandan to Jambūsvāmī, Govardhanācārya saw Bhadrabahu playing on the outskirts of Kotipura. With this one may surmise that Jambūsvāmī attained liberation at Kotipura”.
The discussions made above lend us to believe that Koțitīrtha /Kottapur is an older pilgrimage centre, probably had its origin in the pre-Christian centuries while Chaurasia as a pilgrimage centre for the Jainas came into existence during the mid-sixteenth century. And as such there is no difficulty in assuming that Jambusvāmī's association with Kottapur or Koțitirtha made it a holy pilgrimage centre for the Jainas since the time of the fourth Śrutakevalin or even earlier.
26.
Acarya Kṣiti Mohan Sen Chinmayvanga p. 8-64

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JAIN JOURNAL : VOL-XLI. NO. 1 JULY 2006
Part - II
The religion of the Jainas is stated to be the most ancient religion (ādidharma) of Bengal and it is also stated that the Jainas were the pioneers in aryanising ancient Bengal. When the various tribes of ancient Bengal were contemptuously referred to by the Protagonists of the Vedic religion and culture and when they were yet to be included to the Aryandom, the Jainas had their influence felt in some regions of this Eastern Kingdom.
But “the first contact of Bengal with Jainas” which took place in the 6th century B.C. "was marred by incidents” which had put an indelible slur upon the people of Bengal. Let us quote from the Acārāngasūtra, one of the oldest scriptures of the Jainas, the account of the sad incidents.
Sometime after the ordination of Mahāvīra as a Jaina monk, “he travelled in the pathless country of Lädha in Vajjabhūmi and Subbhabhūmi, he used there miserable beds and miserable seats." (2)
"In Lādha (hapened) to hiin many dangers. Many natives attacked him. Even in the faithful part of the rough country, the dogs bit him” (3)
“Few people kept off the attacking, biting, biting dogs. Striking the monk, they cried “Khu Khu” (chu chu) and made the dogs bite him."(4)
"Such were the inhabitants, inany other mendicants eating rough food in Vajjabhūmni and carrying about a strong pole or a stalk (to keep off dogs) lives there. (5)
“Even thus armed they were bitten by the dogs, torn by the dogs. It is difficult to travel in Lāļha.” (6)
The cruel treatment meted out to the venerable mendicant, Mahāvīra probably had its repercussons among the followers or Ganadharas of Mahāvīra. It will not be far wrong if we surmise that consequent upon this ugly incident the Ganadharas or the chief disciples of Mahāvīra forbade the Jaina monks to cross the boundary of

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Chitta Ranjan Pal: Mahāinuni Jambūsvāmi and Bengal
35
the Kingdom of Anga (North Bihar, Bhagalpur dist.)- Magadha (South Bihar, Patna district) towards East for preaching the new doctrine or for begging alıns. Probably this restriction on the movements of the monks and nuns was imposed for the protection of the newly ordained inonks and nuns from unwarranted harassments in the East beyond Anga-Magadha.
The assumption is attested by the fact that there is a rule in the 5th Chedasūtra text i.e. the Byhatkalpa which allows a Jaina monk or a nun to wander as far as Anga-Magadha (North and South Bihar) to the East, Kausāmbi (Kosām) to the South, Thuna (may be Thāneśvara) to the west, and Kunāla (seems to be North Košala) to the North.
It seems that within a short time people of some parts of Bengal adhered to the faith preached by Malāvīra setting aside the monastic rule restricting the movements of the monks to the East. Probably the intrusion of Jaina faith in Bengal took place in the middle of the 5th century or at the fag end of the 5th century BC.
Save and except the two traditions-one recorded in the Divyāvadāna and the other regarding the existence of two Jaina holy places of pilgrimage at Pundravardhaņa from the pre-Christian centuries——the comparative study of the old Brāhmanical, Buddhist and Jaina scriptures strengthen the view that Bengal was aryanised at about 5th century BC.
While the Vedic literatures like Aitereya Brāhmaṇa and Aranyaka, scornfully mention the naines of Pundras and Vangas and the Sūtra literature like Baudhāyana Dharmasūtra recommends an expiatory sacrifice after a journey to the Pundra and Vanga territories and while the early Buddhist Pāli canon, Arguttaranikāva is shy to include the name either of Vanga or Pundra to the sodaśa mahā janapadas (Sixteen big territories) of the time the Buddha and Mahāvīra (i.e. the 6th century B.C.) some early Jaina scriptures refer to Vanga, Pundra and Rādha with honour. Bhagavatīsūtra, the fifth Anga of the Jainas, places Anga and Vanga at the head of a list of sixteen mahājanapadas even before Magadha. The fourth Upānga Prajñāpanā classes Vanga and Pundra in the first group of Aryan peoples whom it calls the ksatriyas. From the honourable reference to

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JAIN JOURNAL : VOL-XLI. NO. 1 JULY 2006
some peoples of ancient Bengal by the Jaina scriptures we may assume that some parts of Bengal had already accepted the Jaina faith in the 5th century B.C.
Even the harsh punishment imposed by Baudhāyana Dharnasūtra (c5th century B.C.) upon the deliquent Aryans for entering into Bengal speaks itself of the entry of a few Aryans into Bengal. Not only that, the Acārangasūtra also admits the presence of many mendicants in Vajjabhūmi who carried staves to keep off dogs and lived on rough food.
After a short discussion regarding the probable date or time of the introduction of Jaina religion in Bengal let us turn to the question who among the Jaina patriarchs was the pioneer of the Eastern advance or migration of the Jaina monks beyond the borders of AngaMagadha.
In sipe of the dearth of evidence ‘The Therāvali' or the list of succession of the Partiarchs, in the Kalpasūtra may focuss a streak of light to this dark chapter of Jaina History.
It is to be noted that one of the great achievements of lord Mahāvīra is the formation of a monastic organisation with the inclusion of 14000 monks divided into nine ganas or schools and headed by eleven Gaņadharas or senior disciples, but except the first and senior most Ganadhara Indrabhūti and the fifth ganadhara Sudharman all other Gañadharas obtained mokṣa during the life time of Mahāvīra.
Very little is known about the life and religious activities of the Ganadharas or chief disciples of Mahāvīra. It is stated about Indrabhūti Gautama that he was a Brahmin, born at a village in Magadha. By profession he was a pundit or a teacher and after leading the life of a householder for fifty years, he was ordained by Mahāvīra and spent thirty years as a devoted disciple of Mahāvīra and after the nirvāņa of the latter, he attained omniscience and at the age of ninety two he obtained moksa or liberation. He did not succeed Mahāvīra as the Head of the Jaina Church.
The fifth Ganadhara Ārya Sudharman'of Agnivaiśāyāna gotra was the first patriarch of the Jaina Church after Mahāvīra and the

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Chitta Ranjan Pal: Mahāiuni Jambūsvāmi and Bengal
37
Jainas consider themselves the spiritual descendants of Sudharman He entered the Jaina order at the age of fifty and thirty years he was the disciple of Mahāvīra and after the nirvana of Mahāvīra he was the patriarch of the Jaina Church for twelve years and after that he attained omniscience. Eight years after the attainment of Omniscience he was liberated from the cycles of birth and rebirth at the age of 100.
Arya Sudharman was succeeded by his disciple Ārya Jambū of Kāsyapagotra who led the Jaina community for the next twenty four years and attained mokṣa or liberation sixty-four years (64) after the Nirvāņa of Mahāvīra. He was the last Kevalin among the Jainas. He preserves a place of honour both in the communities of the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras. The list of succession of the “Heads of Church" from Mahāvīra to Arya Jambū is honoured and recognized by both the communities, but succession of the patriarchs from Prabhava to Sambhūtavijaya is not accepted by the Digambaras who possess their own list of partiarchs but the two communities converge to the patriarchate of Bhadrabāhu, the preceptor of Chandra Gupta Maurya. After Bhdrabāhu the list of succession of the pontiffs of the two communities diverges not to converge again.
In fact, the monastic life of Indrabhūti Gautama was almost coextensive to the Tīrthanka-life of Mahāvīra and he obtained omniscience after the Nirvāņa of Mahāvīra and as such he was not invested with patriarchate of the Jaina order. So he was found not to be associated with any activity of the Jaina Samgha.
Jaina chronology, though inadequate and admits of more than one interpretation, may be adduced to support this view.
The traditional date of the Nirvāna of Mahāvīra is 527 BC, but the western Jinologists fix this date at 468 BC. According to Jaina authorities including Hemacandra Jambūsvāmī attained mokṣa or deliverance from the cycles of birth and rebirth 64 years after the nirvāna of Mahāvīra. So according to traditional Jaina reckoning the date falls on 463 B.C., and according to the Western calculation on 403 B.C. and as such there is no difficulty in assuming that the Jainas had entered into some regions of Bengal in the fifth century BC far ahead of either the Buddhists or the followers of the

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JAIN JOURNAL: VOL-XLI, NO. 1 JULY 2006
Brāhnanical religion and the pioneer of this Eastward Jaina advance or migration was Jambūsvāmī who attained nirvāna or deliverance among the people of the territory he had proselytized. It is a sad irony of history that the posterity had almost forgotten this "perpetual celebate” saint who was the pioneer in Aryanising the East beyond Anga-Magadha. After the lapse of a few centuries, this celebrated ascetic, the first non-Ganadhara, head of the Jaina order, was found preserved in memory of the followers of the Tīrthnkaras as a mere name divested of his spiritual and missionary attainments buried deep into the libo of oblivion.
In the “Therāvali” of the Kalpasūtra attributed to Bhadrabāhusvāmi, the name of Jambū occurs thrice belonging to different gotras as well as under different preceptors. First of all, ārya Jambūnāmāna” of Kāśyapagotra has been mentioned after Arya Sudharman as the disciple of the latter. Then Jambū has been mentioned as the tenth disciple of Sambhūtavijaya without any honorofic like 'ārya' and without any gotra name. Lastly, Jainbū has been found mentioned in the gāthā (ix) with the honorofic 'Sthavira' and belonging to Gautama gotra. German Jinologist Jacobi has identified the first Jambū with the second in the list disregarding the differences in their respective gotras and preceptors. But this duplication or triplication of Jambūs in the "Therāvali" of the Kalpasūtra, perhaps, was at the root of future complications regarding the monastic career as well as place of nirvāņa of Jambūsvāmī, the celebrated disciple of Sudharinan.
It will not be out of place to inention that "Jambūsvāmi-nirvanaparvan” is the 4th sarga in the Parisistaparvan of the great savant Hemacandra (12 century A.D.). In this parvaņ the monastic career of Jambu's preceptor Sudharınan has been described in more details than that of his pupil Jarnbū. In the said parvan, Hemacandra has not entered into the details as to how and where Jambūsvāmi attained nirvana. Hemacandra only mentions that Jambu was the last kevalin and he attained moksa or deliverance from the cycles of birth and rebirth 64 years after the nirvana of Mahāvīra.
Perhaps this indifference, if not disrespect, shown to Jambūsvāmin by the monastic establishment of the Jainas of the sub

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Chitta Ranjan Pal: Mahāmuni Jambüsvamiand Bengal
sequent generations was due to the out-break of serious dissensions and disputes within the Jaina monastic organisation, the echoes of which seem to have been heard in the Parisistaparvan.
Hemacandra, the celebrated author of the book, states that Prabhava, the successor of Jambū, had not found any competent heir to head the Jaina community after him. So he had to convert by a clever device Sayyambhava, a heretical"Spiritual genius” to his faith and had to make him the next patriarch who condensed the whole of the Jaina tenets in ten lectures which later on came to be known as the Daśavaikālika Sūtra.
From this cryptic account, one may surmise that Prabhava during his pontificate was faced by increasing number of refractory monks who probably differed from him in matters relating to monastic discipline as well as the scriptures serialized by Sudharman. So he had to recruit by clever means (not befitting a Jaina pontiff) a mentally strong and spiritually as well as intellectually advanced Brahinin house holder, Sayyambhaba to whom he handed over the welfare of the Jaina community.
The non-recognition of the four spiritual heads (i. Prabhava, ii. Sayyambhava, iii. Yaśobhadra and iv. Sambhūtavijaya) in between the last Kevalin Jainbūsvāmi and the last śruta-kevalin Bhadrabāhu by a sizeable number of monks (forerunners of the Digambaras) strengthen this view.
A perusal of the discussion made above, leads us to conclude that Jambūsvāmi, probably, was the victim of intra-monastic dissensions and feuds which had their origins, according to some scholars, since the days of Pārsvanātha and which continued unabated for centuries till the Jaina monastic organisation was bifurcated into two irreconcilable sects - the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras. And it is for this reason, perhaps, Jambūsvāmī had been living in the memory of the posterity only as a "perpetually celebate partiarch" and the last Kevalin of the Jainas.

rsonal Use Only

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JAIN JOURNAL: VOL-XLI, NO. I JULY, 2006
Bibliography
1.
R.C. Mazumdar, History of Ancient Bengal.
2. 3.
N.R. Roy, Bangalir Itihas (Adi Parva) (in Bengali) Rakhaldas Bandyopadhyaya, Bangalir Itihas (Part I in
Bengali)
R.C. Mazumdar (Ed), Age of Imperial Unity.
H.C. Ray Chowdhury, Political History of Ancient India.
6.
K.A.N. Sastri (Ed), A Comprehensive History of India. Vol II.
7.
P.C. Bagchi, "Bangladese Jaina Dharmer Prarambha', Sahitya Parisad Patrika. Vol I (in Bengali) 1346 B.S.
8. "Ganadharas of Mahavira" from Ganadharavada by Esther
A. Solomon. (Quoted from Jain Journal Vol XXI. No. 4)
9.
Hemacadra. Sthavirávalicarita or Parisistaparvan (ed. by
Hermann Jacobi.
10. Hermann Jacobi, Jaina Sutras S.B.E. series Vol. 22. Part I
(M.B. edition)
11. Mrs. Sinclair Stevenson, Heart of Jainism.
12. K.C. Lalwani (ed), Kalpasūtra.
13. R.C. Mazumdar, Bangladeser Itihas (Prachin Yugas) (in
Bengali)
14. Acharya Kshitimohan Sen, Chinmoy Vanga (in Bengali)

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M.C.C. INVESTMENT & LEASING CO. LTD. 9 Rabindra Sarani, Kolkata - 700 073 Phone: 2235 7750/0741

With Best Wishes
NIRMAL KUMAR SARAOGI (JAIN HOUSE) 8/1 Esplanade East, Kolkata - 700 069 Phone: 2248-2718/5595, Mobile: 98310-06435
The leaves of the tree wither and fall, When their days are gone, even so do the lives of men. Therefore, be not careless even for a while.
With Best Compliment from :
SURANA WOOLEN PVT. LTD.
MANUFACTURERS IMPORTERS EXPORTERS
67-A, Industrial Area, Rani Bazar, Bikaner - 334 001 (India) Phone: 22549302, 22544163 Mills
22201962, 22545065 Resi
Fax: 0151
22201960 E-mail: suranawl@datainfosys.net

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JAIN JOURNAL : VOL-XLI. NO. I JULY 2006
With best compliments
BOTHRA SHIPPING SERVICES
(RAVICHAND BOTHRAGROUPOF COMPANIES) Steamer Agents, Handing Agents, Commission Agents &
Transport Contractors
Regd. Office: 2, Clive Ghat Street,
(N. C. Dutta Sarani), 2nd Floor, Room No. 10, Kolkata - 700 001
Phone : 2220 7162 Fax : (91) (33) 2220 6400 E-mail : sccbss@cal2.vsnl.net.in
Vizag Office : 28-2-47, Daspalla Centre,
Suryabagh Visakhapatnam-520020 Phone : 2569208/2502146/2565462
Fax : (91)(891) 2569326 E-mail : info@bothragroup.com

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With best compliments
LODHA CHARITABLE TRUST
14 Government Place East
Kolkata - 700 001

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52
JAIN JOURNAL VOL-XLI, NO. 1 JULY, 2006

Estd. Quality Since 1940 BHANSALI
Quality, Innovation, Reliabilitys
&
BHANSALI UDYOG PVT. LTD.
(Formerly: Laxman Singh Jariwala) Balwant Jain - Chairman
A-42 Mayapuri, Phase-1, New Delhi-110 064 Phone: 28114496, 28115086, 28115203 Fax: 28116184 E-mail: bhansali@mantraonline.com

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5
With best compliments
ESSEL MINING
Essel Mining, an Aditya Birla Group Company, is amongst the largest Iron Ore Mining Companies in non-captive private sector in India besides being the leading manufacturer of Noble Ferro-Alloys.
AN ( ISO 9001, ISO 14001 AND OHSAS 18001 )
CERTIFIED COMPANY
ESSEL MINING Iron Ore & Noble Ferro Alloys
Creating Eternal Value
H.O.& Central Exports Cell :
18th Floor, Industry House,
10 Camac Street, Kolkata - 700 017 Phone : 033-2282-8330/8339 Fax: 033-22824998 e-mail: esselmines @adityabirla.com, Website: www.esselmining
WORKS & MARKETING OFFICE : MINES- P. O. Barbil, Dist: Keonjhar
Orissa - 758035 Phone: 06767-275224, 275437, Fax: 06767-275367
e-mail: kiremilbbl@sancharnet.in
NOBLE FERRO ALLOYS
Plot No. 165 & 166, G.I.D.C,
Vapi 396195, Dist: Valsad, Gujarat Phone : 0260-2423199,2430399, Fax: 0260-2431099
e-mail: emil.avbirla@yashnet.net

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JAIN JOURNAL : VOL-XLI, NO. 1 JULY 2006
Voice & Vision
of Communication
SOBHAGYA ADVERTISING SERVICE
91B Chowringhee Road, Kolkata - 700 020 Phone : 2223-6708/6997/4356/4357 Fax: 2223-6863
E-mail: srenik @cal.vsnl.net.in
* Mumbai * New Delhi * Chennai * Hyderabad * Ahmedabad * Bangalore * Bhubaneswar * Kochi * Patna * Baroda * Lucknow * Jaipur * Indore * Rajkot * Surat * Pune * Thiruvanathapuram * Bhopal * Nagpur
* Panaji * Guwahati * Visakhapatnam

Page #54

With best compliments
DIGITAL CAMERAS
CAMCORDERS
Canon
1 DIGI-CLICK ZONE

THE CAMERA EXCHANGE
The Photo & Cine People
17/2A, JAWAHARLAL NEHRU ROAD KOLKATA - 700 013, Phone: 2249-1647 Grand Hotel Arcade
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JAIN JOURNAL : VOL-XLI, NO. 1 JULY 2006
With best compliments
The body is emaciating day by day, the hairs have gone grey and the physical and mental strength is continuously degrating. So, hurry up and start acting practically on the ethical path of self realisation.
Press man
Pressman Advertising & Marketing Limited Registered Office : Pressman House
10A Lee Road, Kolkata - 700 020 Phones : 2280 0815 to 20, Fax:(033) 2280 0813/14,
E-mail : Kolkata @pressmanindia.com

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With Best Compliments from :
RKBK FISCAL SERVICES PVT. LTD.
216, A.J.C. Bose Road
Kolkata - 700 017 Phone: 2247-0818, Fax : 22407084

ernational

www.jainelibrary

Page #57

JAIN JOURNAL: VOL-XLI, NO. I JULY. 2006
Statement of Ownership
The following is a statement of ownership and other particulars about Jain Journal as required under Rule 8 of the Registration of News Papers (Central) Rules 1956.
Form IV
1. Place of Publication
: Jain Bhawan
P-25 Kalakar Street, Kolkata - 700 007
2. Periodicity of its Publication 3. Printer's Name
Nationality and Address
: Quarterly : Satya Ranjan Banerjee : Indian
P-25 Kalakar Street, Kolkata - 700 007.
:
4. Publisher's Name
Nationality and Address
Satya Ranjan Banerjee Indian P-25 Kalakar Street, Kolkata - 700 007.
5. Editor's Name
Nationality and Address
: Satya Ranjan Banerjee : Indian : P-25 Kalakar Street,
Kolkata - 700 007
6. Name and address of the owner: Jain Bhawan
P-25 Kalakar Street, Kolkata - 700 007
I, Satya Ranjan Banerjee, hereby declare that the particulars given above are true to the best of my knowledge and belief.
Satya Ranjan Banerjee
Signature of Publisher
Date - 15 July 2006

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Registered with the Registrar of Newspapers for India Under No. R. N. 12121/66. Monsoon- 2006 He, who himself is restrained, should speak of only what is seen and that with moderation and clarity. His utterance should be whole, intelligible and direct, with no verbosity or emotion. With Best Compliments from Kotak Securities 3A, Landmark, 3rd floor, 228A, AJC Bose Road, Kolkata - 700 020 Phone : 2283460 Vain Education International www.lainelibrary.one