Jain Journal 2006 04

Author(s): Jain Bhawan Publication
Publisher: Jain Bhawan Publication
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ISSN 0021-4043 A QUARTERLY
ON JAINOLOGY
VOL XL
No. 4 APRIL
2006
JOUrnal
। जैन भवना JAIN BHAWAN PUBLICATION

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a quarterly on Jainology
JAIN JOURNAL
II ita Hai
JAIN BHAWAN
CALCUTTA

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Vol. XL
JAIN JOURNAL
No. 4 April
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2006
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Editor: Satya Ranjan Banerjee

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Contents
171
STUDIES IN JAINA ICONOGRAPHY
A.K. Bhattacharyya
A REPORT OF A SEMINAR ON PAÑCAGRANTHI VYĀKARAŅA OF BUDDHISĀGARA SŪRI
Mithilesh Chaturvedi
185
187
BIBLIOTHECA JAINICA
Satya Ranjan Banerjee

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ernational

www.jainel

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JAIN JOURNAL
Vol. XL
No. 4 April
2006
STUDIES IN JAINA ICONOGRAPHY
A.K. Bhattacharyya
Chapter - 1 Introduction
In introducing the following pages as a work of investigation into the much neglected subject of Jain Iconography, I have to note here some of the features that are peculiar to this branch of study and the line of approach to the intricate problems as followed here. The subject of Jain Iconography, as any other allied subject, draws for its textual material from mainly two kinds of works. The first kind dealing exclusively with installation ceremonies (Pratisthā) giving the dhyānaslokas for the deities, and others having casual references to the iconographic details of the deities. The first kind is generally written in Sanskrit being of considerably late period while the second one available both in Prākṣit and Sanskrit, date from the earliest periods of Jain literature, beginning from the Angas. Besides these, there are numerous works on the mythological stories and legends of the Jains, Svetāmbara and Digambara, explaining many of the subsidiary scenes in Jain images and explaining most of the otherwise, inexplicable terms and phrases relating to the subject. The Jain inscriptions dating from the 3rd or the 2nd century B.C., right up to the 12th or the 13th centuries contain references to the existence of Jain images proving the antiquity of the art, as also help to explain in a number of cases iconographic terminology not discussed elsewhere.
Our endeavour has been to show the correlation between the textual descriptions on the one hand and the extant archaeological finds from all over India on the other. The correspondence and the variation both have been noted in the case of each and every deity studied in the present thesis. In this study an attempt has been made in

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all the cases possible to trace the Brahmanical proto-type and explain the symbolism of the imageforms in the light of the influence that it received from not only Brahmanic iconography but Buddhist as well. In the relevant context these are claborately discussed and will be clear in their proper places. In this sense, therefore, the present work claims to found a new line of approach regarding the problems that confront any student of iconography, specially Jain. This comparative method, I may make bold to say here, is the only method to be adopted in the study of Indian art in any branch of it, specially in religious art-forms represented mainly by images. And this is also the main point in which the present study differs from the previous works and dissertations on the subject like the Jaina Iconography by B.C. Bhattacharyya, the studies made by U.P. Shah regarding two of the Jain deities viz: Sarasvati and Ambika (J.O.U.B., 1940 and 1941), a brief survey of Jain Iconography by B. Bhattacharyya (Atmananda Janma Śatabdi Grantha), discussions on certain Jain images by H.D. Sankalia (Journal of the Historical Research Institute, Bombay), and a number of other articles appearing in various journals by reputed scholars. I must also acknowledge the information and clue that I received from many of the works and articles referred to above, which have been noted in their proper places. Where, again, I have differed from the opinions of previous scholars with regard to the interpretation of the symbolism, I have clearly discussed the same and have given my reasons, for it together with any evidence, textual or archaeological, in support thereof.
Jainism being not a widely prevalent religion in Bengal at the present age, there was difficulty felt considerably in getting very many good specimens of sculpture in the province as well as scholars and others initiated into the Jain lore and traditions. Nevertheless a number of specimens preserved in the different Museums of Bengal have been studied in original and a tour was undertaken by me in 1945 of almost all the Jain sites of Rajputana to collect materials for the purpose. Although it was an uphill task specially for a non-Jain whose access both to the old temples in quest of ancient images and the rich Bhāṇḍārs for relevant unpublished texts, was not at all an easy ones, the present

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A.K Bhattacharya: Studies in Jainalconography
work embodies the labours of a research worker in field not only hitherto almost unexplored but full of thorns.
The deities dealt with here are by no means exhaustive but only taken to represent certain important types. Materials have already been collected to discuss the iconography of other saīsunadevas, for example, but they have not been included in the present thesis deliberately, as most of them do not represent any type nor is it possible to include them within the limited scope of the present work. In short, in the work presented here only a general idea as to the line of study and investigation has been indicated leaving scope for developing it further.
Some apology need be offered, it seems, regarding the way of treatment of the iconography of the Tirthankaras. Considering that some published dissertations have noted the textual materials with reference to the cognizances, the names of the Yakşas and Yaksinis etc. we have confined ourselves to studying the extant archaeological specimens discussing them age by age in their development. In this regard only the very peculiar specimens have been discussed and plates for these have been provided as far as possible. The most important thing to be noted in this connection is the explanation offered of the terms for the two well-known postures viz : Kāyotsarga and Padmāsana, in which the Tīrthankara figures are represented in both plastic art and painting.
The plates have been arranged each after the relevant chapter and they have been titled as in a series and not numbered, for obvious reasons.
In view of the difficultics that naturally beset such study in a branch where unfortunately texts are very often not published and the mss. are not easily available and lastly the published texts are not critically edited, it is hoped any appreciation of the work presented here will encourage further development of the subject including a study of not only the remaining image-forms but subjects like iconometry as well.

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CHAPTER - 11
Symbolism in Jain Art and Iconography In Jainism, as in Buddhism and Brahmanism, an aniconic symbol is never allowed to function purely biologically as the likeness of the person or thing symbolished. Human mind learns to conceive of the Highest Divinity not in absolute likeness of Him but rather in aniconic representations from very early times. These aniconic representations had, however, such meanings and implications as were to differentiate them from purely decorative or artistic forms. They are appeals more to the intellect than to the physical operation of the eye. The history of this symbolic worship in Indian religious, or more properly theological speculations is a history that is as ancient as the very religious tradition itself. The rūpabheda or iconography which has the study of icons represented anthropomorphically, in view, is a later development altogether. For Jainism this is established from the discoveries in the Kankāli Tilā at Mathurā of the āyāgapața containing the symbols of the Astamāngalika assigned to a period not very far from the period for which the earliest image of a Jain Tīrthankara has been discovered yet.'
In the early Buddhist literature we meet with statements made through the sayings of the Buddha Himself where in a peculiar dislike for anthropomorphic images is given expression to the kind of cetiya approved in the same context is the one conveniently grouped under "associated” symbols. These are to be used as substitutes in the event of the Lord being absent from sight. These associated symbols are,
1.
V.A. Smith - The Jaina Stupa and other Antiquities of Mathurā, pl. VII & IX.
2.
Mahābodhivarisa (P.T.S.ed.) p. 59 - "kati nu kho bhante cetivanti"? "tini Anandati" "katamāni bhante tiniti?” “Sārīrikam pāribhogikam uddesikam ti" "sakkā pana bhane tumhesu dharantesu veva cetivam kātun ti?" "Ananda saririkam na sakkā kātum, tam hi Buddhānam parinibhutakāla veva hoti, uddesikam avatthukar tam pana manamattakena hoti, Buddhehi paribhutto bodhi tesu dharantesu pi purinibbutesu pi cetivam evāli". From the text cited above it is clear that of the three kinds of cetivas, viz., sūririkan, pāribhogikam and addesikam, the representation of the body or the form i.e., the anthropomorphic image of the Lord is directly forbidden to be made.

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A.K. Bhattacharyya: Studies in Jaina iconography
however, a peculiarity in Buddhist art for which we have no exact parallel in Jainism. The symbolic representations by the Jains in their mss, and religious sculpture is more or less the character of sacred objects of worship sometimes singly so, sometimes taken in groups. A clear iconoclastic attitude which the Buddha is understood to have taken, on the strength of the above statements, is, however, only used as a justification for the dearth of the iconic representations in early Buddhist art and its abundance in later ages. The position of a Buddhist worshipper of the images is, however, clearly stated in the Divyāvadāna that he worships not the icon or the image as such but the principles it embodies. The Jains like the Hindus and the Buddhists had their own way of thinking in regard to the significance of imageworship. Images they held, were to be installed not so much because of their representing the actual avatāras, the Tīrthankaras and other deities of the pantheon, but primarily because in them the truest essence of the divine qualities is sought to be concentrated. In these material objects the divine qualities are sought to be made manifest so that meditating on these forms may make the influence of the divine presence felt in the minds of the devotees. Worship of these images means nothing other than an extolling of the excellence of the divine attributes they represent. It is also following this idea that we get into the real significance of the conception of a presiding deity over a tank or a residential quarter. Thus it is that an image of a Tīrthankara is to be conceived as the object which represents or reflects a collection of all the qualities we may most naturally conceive of in a Giver of the Law or the Maker of Religion or Piety, a Tīrthankara, so that it helps to inspire that feeling of reverence for the person it represents. It is said that Pratisthā is nothing other than the ceremony (of consecration) implying a recognition of the excellence and influence of the person or the object installed (pratişthā nāma dehinām
3.
Divvavadūna, (cd. E.B. Cowell & R.A. Neil) Ch. XXVI - p. 363 - The idea is expressed in the words of Sthavira-Upagupta addressing Māra thus : mrnmavişu pratikrtişvamurūņām vathā januh/ mitsamjñām anāditya namatyamarasamjiavā // tathähari tām ihodviksva lokanāthavapurdharam / māra - sanjñām anadrtwa natah Sugata - samjñavā //

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vastunusca prādhānyamanavustuhetukam karma)'. A roti is said to be initiated when he enters into the status of an ācārvi a Brālmana is initiated by the study of the Vedic lore, a Kșatriva by his admission into the royal dignity, a Vaisna, being ushered into merchanthood, a Sudra, being made the recipient of royal favour and an artist, being recognised as a chief among them, and they are on the occasion of this recognition worshipped by means of tilaka etc., put on their forehead without implying that these marks themselves are of any material consequence to the person or object concerned but that they are symbolic of this recognition and have to be philosophically construed. Pratisthā, in other words, is nyāsa or a conferment of the collection of qualities of the Jina in an image, or meditation of it without any form. In such matter either the person of the Jina is merged in the sum-total of th qualities or the qualities surpass the personality of the deity. In like manner images carved out of stones etc., with or without any shape (ghatitasyāghațitasya) and given the name of Jina, Siva, Vişņu, Buddha, Candi, Kșetrapāla etc., receive worship only because of the infusion of godhead into them, which is assumed. The deities of the Bhuvanapati, Vyantara, Jyotişka and Vaimānika groups have thus been conceived as having their divine immanence made manifest in these images. And similarly, in regard to the installation of the images of Siddhas, Arhats etc., or even the consecration of the household ponds and wells, it is the manifestation of the divine qualities or vibhūti of the deities concerned, and not their actual descent in and through these images, that is sought to be emphasised. An object with or without form is regarded as representative of a person or a god when we consider it to possess the attributes of the latter as known from scriptures after investing it with the same. This investiture (nyāsa) is pratisthā (of śrutena samyagjñātasya vyavahāraprasiddhave sthāpvasya krtanāmontaḥ sphurato niyāsagocare sākāre vă nirākāre
4.
Ācāradinakara, p.141.
5. Cf. "sthäpvani dharmena vandhaigai guni gaunagunotharā guno
gaunaguni tatra Jinadvanvatamo guni'. Pratisthäsūroddhära of Āsādhara, p. 10.

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A.K. Bhattacharyya: Studies in Jaina Iconography
יור
vidhinū yo vidhivule nasastadidam ityuktvā pratisthā sthāpanā ca s)". This theory is in perfect accord with the principle of Man-gods in Jainism. For, the highest divinities, the Jainas are emancipated human beings and cannot come down in the inanimate pieces of stones or wood, as is possible in the case of the absolutely divine personages endowed with superhuman powers conceived, for example, in Vişnu, Siva etc., of orthodox Hinduism? This is a fundamental differnce between the two systems which it is necessary to recognise in any study of the iconography of Jain images. The rationalism of Jainism goes so far as to point out that there is nothing of god-head in the sky or the thunderstorm or the lightning as such in the Brahmanical sense of the term but it is the natural or scientific phenomena that are responsible for the activities connected with the above. It is thus because of certain conditions present in the air (amtalikkham) that it rains and not because of any divine powers attributable to it. It is, therefore, a falsehood to say that there is the god of the sky 'the god of the thunderstorm' the god of lightning''the god who begins to rain' and so on, and this a monk or a nun should avoid uttering but one would rather say "the air; the follower of Guhya; a cloud has gathered or come down; the cloud has rained'.8
The image of the Lord represented anthropomorphically is, however, very old in Jain tradition. The reference to a Jina image in
6.
Ibid, ch. I, vv. 84-5.
7.
Cf. Bhuvanapati-Vvantara-Jyotiska-Vaimánikānam tattadadhisthānāt prabhüvasiddhirmurtisu, grhavāpikūpānāli tathaiva siddhānām cărhadādinām pratisthāvidham krte tutpratimăvām prabhāvavyatirekah sanghatate, tatra na tesam mukti padalinānam avatārah kim tu pratisthādevatāpravesad eva samyagdrstisurūdhisthānācca prabhavāh. - Ācāradinakara of Vardhamāna Sūri, p. 141.
8.
Ācārängasutra (Tr. by H. Jacobi, S.B.E. XXII), II. 4.1. p. 152.
An image of the Jaina Tirthankara lielped the awakening to True Knowledge of Seyyambhava Ganadhara as mentioned in a ms. of the Comm. on Dasavaikälika-sutra.

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JANOLK VALVUL-XL. VU. + AMKI. 00
the inscription of Khāravela proves the existence of images of Tirthankaras as far back as the period of the Nandas''. The images of certain animals and divinities are reported to have been painted on the curtain, as mentioned in the Kalpasutra". The Antugadadascio Suuru mentions that Sulasa installed an image of the god Harinaigamesin an offered worship unto him daily. Perhaps the earliest image extant in Jainism dates from the Kusana period although we have a pair of Digambara sculptures representing Tirthaikaras having been assigned to the Maurya period. (See, JBORS, March 1937, p 130 - K.P. Jayaswal, vide pt. I Jaina Antiquary iv. no 3). Nevertheless symbolism or symbolic representations of objects of worship or sometimes objects which have a purely secular significance or even those having merely a scientific concept at the background can be traced to have found a place in Jaina art-motifs even in very early times.
The Symbolism of Fire.
Let us start with the symbol of Fire in Jain art-motifs. The element of fire is always associated with awakening or enlightment. The ultimate source of all fiery energy, the Sun, is the greatest awakener of all consciousness and life in the Vedas. It is the flame of understanding (prajñā) that brings about the defeat of Māra,!? The representations of the Buddha as a fiery pillar3 as found in some late Andhra reliefs from Amaravati are only a survival of the Vedic ideology wherein Agni is stated to be born of the waters or more directly from the earth as it rests on a lotus. Fire as a symbol of tejas or the fiery spirit is found in Jainism in so old a tradition as one of the earliest Angas, the Acārānga Sūtra. It has been said that all the
10. Epigraphia Indica, XX, pp. 80-81 II. Kalpastītra, [Tr by H. Jacobi], par. 63 p. 244.
12. Therugăthā, 1095.
13. A.K. Coomaraswamy - Elements of Buddhist Iconography, p.10. 14. Ācārüngasutra, II. 1. 7. 4 - ...... erum aganikāva patitthitam java no
padigahejja ...... A monk or a nun on a begging tour should not accept food etc., placed on the earth-body, the wind-body, the fire-body, for such food is impure and unacceptable' - tr. by H. Jacobi (S.B.E. XXII) p. 106. Vide, also, Uttarādhyayanasūtra (S.B.E. XLV) p. 217.

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sentient objects of the universe (Jivu) have one or the other of the five kāvas for ekendriya jivas or those possessing only one sense, viz., Prithvikāvā, Apakāva, Teukava, Vavukāva and Vanaspatikāva. The kāya theory of the Jain metaphysicists makes ekendriva jius receive the above five kinds of different forms or formal existences, and these are said to be accountable to the jiva's previous actions. When he becomes a Teukava or firelife he may have to pass into an ordinary fire, the light of a lamp a sub-marine fire or a lightning, and the like.'' Agni, according to Jaina tradition, is the presiding deity of speech (Vāc)'". One of the fourteen auspicious dreams is the one that has a flame of fire as its object. The Jaina concept of the tejas is so perfect that it takes note only of the smokeless flame of fire as the object of an auspicious dream. The flame of fire which is thus made the object of an auspicious dream is the symbolic representation of the fiery spirit of the person that is to come by way of the fulfilment of the dream!?. This is in consonance with the theory of the six lessā (lesyā) or psychic forces of the Jains. 18 It is interesting to note that the six different lessās or the paychic forces have each a distinct colour of its own and the fire or ‘teu-lessā'is indicated by the brilliant colour of gold Hiranyapuruşa resembling that of the rising sun. This psychic force or the fiery spirit is acquired according to orthodox Jain tradition by severe austerities. '' This force is, however, used sometimes destructively at a distance20. From a purely biological standpoint the
15. Ibid.
16. Cf. Om Hrim vacadhipataye agnaye namah-Nirvāņakalikā p. 28. Vide, also,
the incantations referring to Agni as the source of speech in Brahmanical Homa-rites ....... vagisvari snāta ......
17. For a fuller discussion of this and other dream symbols, see infra.
18. Vide, Bhagavatisútra, sūtra, 150-60, pp. 188-9,
19. Cf. Malayagiri's comm. on the Suryaprajňapti, and Bhagavatīsūtra pp. 373
74 - 'egāva sanahave kummāsapimdivãe egena va vivadāsaenan chattham chatthenam unikklittenam tabokammenamuddham samkhitta viulatevalesse bhavati'. Also, vide. Uvāsagadasãosutra (tr. by Hoernle) sec. 76, p. 50.
20. Vide, Bhagavatisütra. 214, pp. 232-3.

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human body is said to have along with four others the aspect of this fire or more properly heat (tuijasa). Here in this conception only the functional aspect is taken into account. The heat that preserves life is only a part of that eternal Fire, the Primordial and Eternal psychic energy
The Symbolism of the Triśūla and the Cakra
In Buddhism as well as in orthodox Brahmanism the Tree of Life has occupied a definite place as a significant product of the speculations about life and its relations. Aconsideration of the symbolic forms for the representation in art of this conception is surely a point which one cannot afford to miss in evaluating the place of symbolism in art-forms, whether of the Hindu, the Buddhist or the Jain. The representations in symbols of the head and feet of the Jewelled Tree of Life at Sanchi?? and those of the Fiery Pillars at Amarāvatiare associated with the more widespread symbolism of the Triśūla in Buddhism. But we should bear in mind that the symbol of Trisūla is not exclusively found in Jainism and Buddhism but that its significance can be traced further back to a still older tradition. The three aspects of Agni Vaiśvānara have been metamorphosed into this three pronged symbol of a Triśūla. We know the association in later Saivism of the Triśūla with Siva Himsilf. 24 This latter association can be traced to a very early tradition, the art-forms from the early seat of religious art, Mathurā, bearing unmistakable witness to it. Even still earlier, in the Pre-historic civilization of Mahanjodaro, the beginnings of this association can be clearly recognised?". The Saiva coins of Kadphises
21. The Jaina theory says that souls are associated with five bodies: audarika or
gross; kārmaņa or body of atoms (Karma); Taijasa or fiery body with the function of digestion; Ahāraka or vehicle for transporting souls over space;
and Vaikriya or subtle mutative form - Tattvārthasūtrabhāsva II. 37. 22. A.S. of W. India, Vol. V, p. 12, Fig. 7. 23. Ibid, fig. 6
24. The Elūra cave temple images of Siva can be cited as an instance in point.
Cf. Pl. XXX, Fig. 3, A.S. of W. India, Vol. V.
25. Sir J. Marshall: Mahenjodāro, p. 55 ff.

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II and the Saiva seal from Sirkap2 are some of the earliest representations of this association of the Trisüla with the Saiva cult.27 The Triśūla in Jaina art stands for one of the early symbols of a Lord of the Quarters. In texts relating to religious and secular architecture it is prescribed that on the land selected for the construction of a palace, a Kurmasilā is to be placed as a matter more of religious necessity than anything else. This prescription is followed also in the later texts of the Jains. The Vatthusārapavaranan following this tradition lays down the same formulae with regard to the establishment of Kūrmasilā. On the eight sides of this are to be placed the eight symbols for the Dikpālas in the eight or more properly nine Khusilas, one being placed just beneath the Kurmasilā?'. The symbol there used for the eighth Lord of the Quarters is the Trisula placed on the Saubhāgini slab of stone?". Here Triśūla symbolises the Tantric character of īsāna, the eighth Lord of the Quarters!. It really signifies and makes clear one fact, namely, that the idea of a Triad that is all sacred to Buddhism and Jainism in the formation of the Triratna and which dates as early
26. A.S.I.-A.R. for 1914-15, p. 51, pl. XXIV.
27. The association of Trisūla with the Saiva cult is, however, not universal, the
use of Triśüla with the floating banner is also met with in connection with royal insignia. Vide, A.K. Coomaraswamy-H.I.I.A.P 26 fn 2.
28. Kșirārnava of Viśvakarmā p. 3ff.
29.
Cf. padhamam gaddāvivaram jalam tam aha kakkaram tam kunah kummanivesam attham khurassilā tayaņu şuttavihi . . III. 2.
The description of a kürmasilā in the präsādamandana of sūtradhāra Mandana - ardhangulo bhavet kurma ekahaste surālaye ardhangulāt tato vrddhah kārvā tithikaravadhih ekatrimsat karantam ca tadurddhā viddhirisvate tatorddhapi satārddhantam kurvādangulamanatah caturthāmsādhikā jvestha kanistha hinayogataḥ. Quoted in Vatthusārapayaranam (ed. by B. Jain), p. 103.
30.
Kșirārnava of Viśvakarmā x. loc. cit.
31.
Niryānakalikā - p. 30

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as most probably the Kuşana period, was one that formed one of the fundamental principles in an-iconic religious attitude of the Jains. Attention may in this connection be drawn to a find from the Kankali Tilā at Mathura32. On the front of the pedestal of this image of a Jina is the figure of a wheel placed on a trident carved in relief, being worshipped by a group of monks (?). This indeed bears a close relationship with the Buddhist art of representing the Wheel or the Dharmacakra which in early sculpture was a substitute for the Lord Himself. Indeed, to quote Bühler, the early art of the Jains did not differ materially from that of the Buddhists. Indeed, art was never communal. Both sects used the same ornaments, the same artistic motives and the same sacred symbols, differences occurring chiefly in minor points only. The cause of this agreement is in all probability not that adherents of one sect imitated those of the other, but that both drew on the unusual art of India and employed the same artists.33 The trinatna symbol in Jainism represents the three-fold character of perfects, viz., knowledge, faith and conduct. This idea of a triad which in Buddhism took the form of three jewels, viz., Buddha, Dharma, and Sangha was represented sometimes by the trigonal figures or trikons which according to Beal was used to denote 'the embodied form of the Tathāgata', or sometimes by the triliteral syllable a-u-m.34
32.
33.
34.
JAIN JOURNAL VOL-XL. NO. 4 APRIL. 2006
J. Ph. Vogel - Cat. of the Arch. Museum at Mathura - p. 67, Image no. B. 5. See also pl. Tk. fig 1, whese Cakra (Dharma-Cakra) placed on a pillar in the centre of the pedestal is worshipped by a group of devotees. The sculpture refers spell to the year 84, during the reign of Mahārāja rājātirāja Devaputra Shahi Vasudeva, the Kuṣāna king.
Epigraphia Indica, II. p. 322; cf also, the Origin and Growth of Religion: Hopking.
For a fuller discussion on these symbols, vide, A. Getty: Gods of Northern Buddhism. p. 197 ff.

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In Brāhmanism a stands for Vişņu,u for Siva and m for Brahmās. The Buddhist triratna in many of its varieties is available from the Buddhist sites of Taxila and round about from the early times of the Kūşāņa.
A consideration of the piece of sculpture from Kankāli tilā, Mathurā, referred to above leads us most consistently to an estimation of the place of the Cakra as the symbol for the Law which found conspicuous favour with early as well as medieval Buddhism. Cakra as the symbol or rupa of Vaişņava iconography begins from its intimate association with Lord Vişnu Himself. The oldest of the punch-marked coins dating from about the 7th cent. B.C. bearing the Cakra mark are clear proof of the ancient character of the tradition. The Cakra as associated with tri-ratna, symbols is not peculiarly Jain. It is also found in the Taxila art of the Kuşāņa age where it is undoubtedly Buddhistic. It is there represented symbolically in association with the trident or the tri-ratna symbol. The Buddha's head touches the wheel of Law which is placed on the triratna symbol flanked on two sides by a deer each, depicting the preaching of the first sermon, at the Deer Park. In late periods probably such symbols came to transgress their limits of narrow sectarianism. For the Jain writer Thakkura Ferū mentions that Chakreśvarī's psrikara is not complete
35.
In Jainism, however, the Om does not consist of the three syllables but rather of five a-a-s (ora) - u-m.
36.
C.II., Vol. II, pt. I; A. S. In, Annual Report 1916-17.
0.1
37.
The triratna in Jainism, it must be stated, consists of jñāna, darśana and cūritra, and probably it was jñana or knowledge par excellence, the knowledge of the scriptures including, that is the Dharma in assence. The cakru in art represents this jñāna. Cap., fig. 71, pl. XIX, Histort of Indian and Indonesian Art by A.K. Coomaraswamy, also, Neg. No. 984, A.S.I. 1937-38.
38.

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without a carmacakra flanked by stags being shown on the pedestal3 Attention may also be drawn to the Cakra-ratna which is attributed to the Jain Cakravartin as his symbol as well as weapon. The representation of the Cakra in Jain art can be traced back as early as the first few centuries of the Christain era. The votive tablets, the Avagapatas, belonging to the Kuṣaṇā period unearthed from the Kankali Tila at Mathura contain the figures of the cakra as a surmounting capital of the pillar which flanks the central quadrangle containing four śrīvatsa symbols in floral setup on the four corners with four triratna representations at the four cardinal points touching an inner-most circle containing image of a Jina in meditation pose (see, fig. 71, pl. XIX-History of Indian and Indonesian Art by A.K. Comaraswamy). The cakra forms the central object surrounded by decorations in another Ayāgāpaṭa from the same place (No. J. 248Mathura Museum)40. It is a ṣoḍaśāra Dharmacakra with sixteen spokes surrounded by three concentric bands, the first band consisting of sixteen Nandipada symbols. The tablet can very well be placed in the Kuṣāņa period. Late in the Gupta period from the Vaibharagiri at Rajgir we have a unique sculpture of a Tīthankara Neminatha showing the Dharmacakra on the pedestal flanked by a pair of conch-shells. Here the cakra is personified and cakra as the cakra-puruşa is represented with an anthopomorphic form attached to the cakra itself. (see PL TK Fig 16). This is perhaps the influence of the Brahmanic convention of showing the Ayudha-purușas in Vaisnava sculptures e.g., Gadādevī and cakra-puruşa.
39.
40.
JAIN JOURNAL VOL-XL. NO. 4 APRIL. 2006
Thakkura Feru: Vatthusarapayaraṇam
cakkadhari Garuḍankā tassāhe Dhamma-cakka-ubhayadisam hariņajuam ramaniyam gaddiyamajjhammi Jinacihnamu II. 28.
Vide, T.N. Rama Chandran, Tiruparuttikunram and its Temples. p. 220, Also, Triṣaṣṭisalākāpurusacaritra, Bk. 1, ch. 1 v. 810; also Thāṇāngasūtra, VIII etc.

Page #20

A Report of a Seminar on Pañcagranthi Vyakaraṇa of Buddhisagara Sūri
The Pañcagranthi Vyakaraṇa of Buddhisagara Sūri was released by the noted scholar Dr. (Mrs.) Kapila Vatsyayan, Member, Rajya Sabha, in a function held at India International Centre, New Delhi, on March 4, 2006. The author of this work, which is the only available work of Sanskrit grammar written in metrical verses, was a Svetambar Jain Acarya who flourished during 981-1025 A.D. It has been published by Bhogilal Leherchand Institute of Indology (BLII), Delhi. A special feature of the event was the felicitation of Shri Pratap Bhogilal, the founder Chairman of BLII.
Speaking as the Chief Guest of the function, Dr. (Mrs.) Kapila Vatsyayan discussed how the vast commentarial literature of India has an originality of its own in interpreting and reinterpreting the text. She stressed upon the need of providing a bridge between the ancient and the modern. Kapilaji whished to Shri Pratap Bhogilal a long, healthy and active life. Dr. J.B. Shah, Director, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahemdabad, praised the effort and zeal of Pratapbhai in furthering the cause of Indological studies, especially Jain studies. He remembered how Pratapbhai was instrumental in renaming of North Gujrat University of Patan as Hemachandracharya University.
In the second session, a seminar was held on the Pañcagranthi Vyakarana. Dr. J.B. Shah talked in detail about the Jain tradition of Vyakaraṇa. He expressed the view that the work of Buddhisagara was the basis for the composition of Siddha-Haima-Śabdānuśāsana which is still being taught at many areas in Gujrat and Rajasthan. He also spoke about the grammars of Arabic and Persian written in Sanskrit. The editor of the Pañcagranthi, Prof. N.M. Kansara presented a summary of the work. He also pointed out the difficultis that he

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encountered in the editing this work. Prof. Vasudev Ghushe in his keynote address highlighted the salient features of the editor's effort. He said that the nine appendices including a genetic concordance of Buddhisagara's work with other grammars were highly useful features of the edition. He also tried to identify Buddhisagara's view regarding the verbal cognition (sabdabodha) which in Prof. Ghushe's opinion seems to have the Nyaya influence. Prof. Jaidev Jani compared the work with Panini's grammar and showed how Buddhisagara has presented many rules of Panini with greater brevity. Dr. Lalit Kr. Tripathi, Dr. Chandra Bhushan Jha and Dr. Ashok Kr. Singh also presented their papers in the seminar. Dr. Jha felt the need for composing a new grammar which would incorporate the best features of defferent grammatical traditions.
JAIN JOURNAL VOL-XL. NO 4 APRIL. 2006
Dr. Mithilesh Chaturvedi in his concluding remarks summed up the conclusions of the seminar. He expressed the hope that the publication of this edition would be helpful in promoting further studies in Sanskrit grammar and linguistics. In the beginning, Shri Nirmal Bhogilal and Shri N.P. Jain welcomed the guests and the participants. Shri Deven Yashwant proposed a vote of thanks at the end of the second session. The two sessions were compeered by Comm. S.K. Jain and Dr. Balaji Ganorkar, the acting Director of BLII.
10.04.2006

Mithilesh Chaturvedi

Page #22

Bibliotheca Jainica
Satya Ranjan Banerjee
General Books
Beal, Samuel - Buddhist Records of the Western World from the Chinese of Hiuen Tsang, London, 1884.
Bhattacharyya, Hari Mohan - Jaina Logic and Epitemology, K.P. Bagchi & Company, Calcutta, 1994.
Bhattacharya, Hari Satya - Reals in the Jaina Metaphysics, The Seth Santi Das Khetsy Charitable Trust, Bombay, 1966.
Bhattacharji, Sukumari - The Indian Theogony [A Comparative Study of Indian Mythology from the Vedas to the Puranas], Cambridge University Press, London, 1970, reprinted by Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Pvt. Ltd, Delhi, 1988. American edtion, Anima Publication 1988.
Bossche, Frank van den - A Reference Manual of Middle Prakrit Grammar, the Prakrits of the Dramas and the Jain Texts, University of Ghent, Ghent, Belgium, 1999, pp. 146.
Bühler, J.G. - Üder die indische secte der Jainas, Viena, 1887.
[English translation by James Burgess in the name of The Indian Sect of the Jainas, London, 1903].
Burgess, James - The Indian Sect of the Jainas, London, 1903.
[It is an English translation of the German book Üder die indische secte der Jainas, Viena, 1887].
Burrow, T and M.B. Emeneau - A Dravidian Etymological Dictionary, [1st edn 1964 by the Oxford University Press, Oxford], reprinted by Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd, New Delhi, 1998. pp. xxix + 609.
Deo, S.B. History of Jaina Monachism, Poona, 1956.
Dodhia, Rati - History of Visa Oshwals, Halari Visa Oshwals of America, 2005. Jain, B.C. - Lord Mahāvīra, a study in Historical Perspective, Benaras, 1948. Jain, J.C. Life in Ancient India as Depicted in the Jaina Canons, Bombay, 1947.

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JAIN JUURNAL VOL-AL. NO.4 APRIL. 2006
Jain, J.P. - The Jaina Sources of the History of Ancient India, Delhi. 1964.
Jain, K.C. - Jainism in Rajasthan, Sholapur, 1963.
Jain, K.C. - Malwa through the Ages. Delhi, 1972.
Jain, Kailash Chand Lord Mahāvīra and His Times, Motilal Banarsidass. Publishers Pvt. Ltd, Delhi, [Ist edn 1974], revised edn 1991.
Law, B.C. - Mahāvīra, His Life and Teachings, London, 1937.
Law, B.C. - India as Described in Early Texts of Buddhism and Jainism, London. 1941.
Law, B.C. Some Jaina Cononical Sūtras, Bombay, 1949.
Marshall, Sir John - Mohenjo-Daro and the Indus Civilization, 3 volms, London. 1931.
Mishra, Jogendra - An Early History of Vaiśālī, Delhi, 1962.
Pargiter, F.E. - Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, London, 1922.
Rapson, E.J (ed) - Cambridge History of India, Vol - I, Ancient India, Cambridge, 1922.
Samani Chaitanya Prajñā - Scientific Vision of Lord Mahāvīra, Philosophical and Scientific Study of a Jain Canonical Text Bhagavatīsūtra, Jain Vishva Bharati, Ladnun 341 306, Rajasthan, 2005, pp. xxiii + 173.
Shah, C.J.L. - Jainism in North India, London, 1932.
Sikdar, Jogendra Chandra - Studies in the Bhagavatī-sūtra, Research Institute of Prakrit, Jainology and Ahimsā, Muzaffarpur, Bihar, 1964, pp. xxiv + 658. Smith, Vincient Arthur - Jaina Stupa and other Antiquities from Mathura, Allahabad, 1901.
Stevenson, Mrs. Sinclair - The Heart of Jainism, London, 1915, Indian edition 1970.
Upadhyay, Vachaspati - Sanskrit Studies in India, Shri Lal Bahadur Shastri Rashtriya Sanskrit Vidyapeeth, Qutub Institutional Area, Katwaria Sarani, New Delhi 110 016, 2001.
Upadhyay, Vachaspati - Sanskrit Studies Abroad, Shri Lal Bahadur Shastri Rashtriya Sanskrit Vidyapeeth, Qutub Institutional Area, Katwaria Sarani, New Delhi 110 016, 2001.
Upāsaka, C.S. - The History and Paleography of Mauryan Brahmi Scripts, Varanasi, 1960.

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With Best Compliments from:

XOX
RKBK FISCAL SERVICES PVT. LTD.
216, A.J.C. Bose Road
Kolkata - 700 017
Phone: 2247-0818, Fax: 22407084

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ernational

www.jainel

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Registered with the Registrar of Newspapers for India Under No. R. N. 12121/66. Summer-2006 He, Wiiu mmself is restrained, should speak of only what is seen and that with moderation and clarity. His utterance should be whole, intelligible and direct, with no verbosity or emotion. With Best Compliments from Kotak Securities 3A, Landmark, 3rd floor, 228A, AJC Bose Road, Kolkata - 700 020 Phone : 2283460