Jain Journal 2003 01

Author(s): Jain Bhawan Publication
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ISSN 0021-4043 A QUARTERLY
ON JAINOLOGY
VOL. XXXVII
No. 3 JANUARY
2003
Journal
॥जैन भवना For Private & Personal Use onlyLICA
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a quarterly on Jainology
JAIN JOURNAL
19
Jainology and Prakrit Research Institute
JAIN BHAWAN
CALCUTTA

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Vol. XXXVII
JAIN JOURNAL
No. 3 January
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Editor: Satya Ranjan Banerjee

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HEMACANDRA ON THE CĀRVĀKA: A STUDY Ramkrishna Bhattacharya
Contents
MAHĀMAṆDALEŚVARA BŪTUGA : A PROFILE Prof. Hampa Nagarajaiah
THE JAINA CONCEPT OF OMNISCIENCE
(Kevalajñāna) Dr. Gour Hazra

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ernational

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Vol. XXXVII
No. 3 January
HEMACANDRA ON THE CARVĀKA: A STUDY
RAMKRISHNA BHATTACHARYA
Hemacandra (1088-1172 CE) respectfully called kalikalasarvajña (the omniscient one of the Kali era) was not the first Jain author to write about the Cārvāka/Lokāyata. Long before him Haribhadra (eighth century CE) had dealt with this system of philosophy in his Saddarśana-samuccaya (SDSam), Sāstravārtāsamuccaya and Lokatattvanirnaya. So had Siddharși in his Upamiiibhava-prapanca -katha (CE 906). However, some passages in Hemacandra's works contain something of special interest in connection with the Carvāka.
JAIN JOURNAL
A passage in the Abhidhana-cintāmaṇi (AC) runs as follows: syadvādavadya "rhataḥ syat sunyavādī tu saugataḥ | naiyāyikastvākṣapādo yaugaḥ sāmkhyastu kāpilaḥ | vaiseṣikaḥ syādaulukyo bārhaspatyastu nāstikaḥ II cārvāko laukāyatikaścaite şaḍapi tarkikaḥ / Hemacandra mentions six systems of philosophy: 1.Syādvādavādin or Arhata (i.e. the Jain), 2. Sūnyavādin or Saugata (i.e. the Buddhist), 3. Naiyāyika or Ākṣpāda or Yauga,2 4. Sāmkhya or Kāpila, 5. Vaiśeṣika or Aulukya, and 6. Bārhaspatya or Nastika or Cārvāka or Laukāyatika.3

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Why Hemacandra excludes Mīmāņisā, Vedānta and Yoga is rather puzzling. Haribhadra in his ȘDSam begins with a short exposition of the Buddhist system and proceeds to deal with Nyaya, Samkhya, Jain, Vaiseṣika, Mīmāmsā and Cārvāka. He too excludes Vedanta. But his inclusion of the Carvaka seems to have been an afterthought. Having concluded the section on the doctrine of Jaimini (i.e. Mīmāmsā), Haribhadra suddenly remembers that some scholars preferred to treat Nyāya and Vaiseṣika as a single system and, according to them, the number of the astikavādin-s are five, not six (v. 78). So in order to maintain the magic number, six, he decided to fill in the gap with the Carvaka (v. 79). Apparently, by the term, āstikavādin (affirmativist), Haribhadra means those systems of philosophy which believe in the existence of the other world (paraloka). Hence he
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includes the Buddhist and Jain systems in his list. Hemacandra seems to have followed Haribhadra in maintaining the number, six, and in excluding both Vedānta and Yoga. But his choice of six systems is markedly different. He speaks of six tarka-s (dialectical systems). The term is also found earlier in Jayantabhatta's Nyāyamañjarī (ninth century CE) although they are not enumerated. S We are indebted to Rājasekhara (fourteenth century CE) for the exposition of the six tarkas. Rājasekhara divides Anvīksikī into two pakşa-s (views, lit. sides). The pūrvapaksa (exponent's view) comprises Arhat, Bhadanta (Buddhist) and Lokāyata; Samkhya, Nyāya and Vaišeșika constitute the uttarapaksa (opponent's view).“
Hemacandra takes Ānviksiki and Tarkavidyā to be synonymous, but he does not mention Cārvāka along with the Jain and Buddhist systems as distinguished from the pro-Vedic ones (Nyāya, Sāmkhya and Vaiseșika). Traditionally 'the six systems' mean the six pro-Vedic (ästika) systems only, the Buddhist, Jain and Cārvāka systems are called nāstika (negativist) for they do not accept the inerrancy of the Vedas. But the two terms, āstika and nāstika, have been explained variously from different points of view. As F.W. Thomas notes in another context: “The negative term, nāstika sometimes denotes those who reject the Veda and its dharma, in which case it includes the Buddhists: more generally it is those who deny moral responsibility and a future life: which seems to be the sense here (sc. AYVD, v.20), as the Buddhists, and the Jains themselves, escape.”
However, the omission of Mīmāmsā, Yoga and Vedānta in AC is intriguing. Hemacandra in his AYVD refutes Mīmāmsā and Vedānta (vv. 11-14) along with Vaisesika, Nyāya, Sāmkhya, Buddhist and Lokāyata (vv. 4-9, 10, 15, 16-19 and 20 respectively).' In his Yogaśāstra (YS ) he condemns animal sacrifice and brands Jaimini as a monster (2.38). What induced Hemacandra to make a new list of
tarka-s, quite distinct from all other lists, seems inexplicable. As to Yoga, he perahaps did not consider it as a system distinct from Sāmkhya, or he may not have accepted it as a philosophical system at all.
Hemacandra gives four synonyms for the materialist philosophy in AC. In his auto-commentary he explains Bārhaspatya as the sāstra made by Brhaspati. Such is the traditional view found in the Purāņas.'Nāstika, according to Hemacandra, is one who thinks that there is no virtue and vice, nāsti punyam pāpam iti matirasya nāstikah. The word, cārvāka, is derived from the root carva, "to chew". A Cārvāka

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chews the self (carvatyātmānam cārvākah). He refers to his own grammar, Unādisutra 37, which runs as follows: mavāka-syāmākavārtāka- jvontāka-jyontāka-guvāka-bhadrākādayah." Each of these words ends with the āka suffix and is formed irregularly (ete ākapratyayāntā nipātyante).'? Although the word, cārvāka, does not occur in the sūtra itself, the auto-commentary mentions it along with some other words of which cārvāka is one (...svonāka-cārvākaparākādayo bhavanti).
Hemacandra's derivation of cārvāka has not been universally accepted. Other authorities speak of another irregular formation : cāru + vāc > cārvāc, cārvāka.13 In this case too it is not definitely known whether the word cāru is to be taken as an adjective (meaning agreeable, pleasant, etc.) or as a noun (which is another name of Bșhaspati).4 All the derivations proposed are plausible in so far as the formation of the word is admitted to be irregular. As to the äka suffix, even though the word, syāmāka is cited by Rāyamukuta as an instance of ākaḥ ending, he refers to another suffix, makan and mentions Halāyudha as his authority.'s Gunaratna, another Jain writer, however, follows Hemacandra but instead of carvayātmānam he opts for the following explanation: carvanti bhakşayanti tattvato na manyante punyapāpādikam paroksajātam iti cārvākaḥ, “The Cårvāka-s chew up, eat up, i.e. do not consider as realities a host of entities such as virtue, vice, etc. which are imperceptible.”'16
Hemacandra explains lokāyata as lokeşvāyatam lokayatam brhaspatipranita- śāstram, one who knows or studies such a sāstra (science) is a laukāyatika. The problem is that the meaning of āyatam is uncertain and Hemacandra does not throw any light on it."
It is to be noted that the word, nāstika is used to mean exclusively the Cārvāka. The word, as we have noted above, has been interpreted in various ways. Hemacandra himself uses the word as a term of abuse. In the Yoga-śāstra (2.37) he condemns Manu and other brahminical law-givers who prescribe animal sacrifice. Hemacandra calls them nästikebhyo 'pi năstikah, the worst of the nāstika-s.18 In AYVD , however, the word, nästika, is reserved for the Cārvāka alone (v.20).
In AYVD Hemacandra makes the Cārvāka appear as one who believes perception to be the sole instrument of knowledge: vinānumāena parābhisandhimasamvidānasya tu nāstikasya / na sampratam vaktumapi kva cestā kva drstamātram ca hahā

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pramādaḥ //19
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But of (for) the Nastika, who without inference is not aware of the intent of others, it is not apposite even to speak: what of a movement, what of a mere look! Alas! error ! 20
Mallisena (early thirteenth c.) in his commentary, SMan, explains the Cārvāka view as follows:
That perception alone is Demonstrant is the view of the Cārvāka (pratyakṣamevaikam pramāṇamiti manyate cārvākaḥ). For that he girds himself: anu-, 'after', following upon, aprehension and memory of the mark and the connection; -miyate, 'is measured', 'is outlined', a thing remote in place, time and own-nature by this species of cognition, accordingly anu-mana. From the context it is inference for self. That, inference, proof with a Middle Term; without lacking; intent of others, view of others; is not aware of, not correctly cognizing. The word but is for the purpose of pointing Out the difference from the previous disputants; of those previous disputants, as they are affirmativist (astika), he has made discussion on the points of disagreement. But of (for) the Negativist it is not even proper to speak; how is discussion with him possible? 21
We have shown that Hemacandra uses the term, nastika, either as a general term for abuse or to mean the Cārvāka. Malliṣeņa offers further explanation:
Or else, his (sc. Cārvāka's) view being that there is no future world, merit and sin, (because of the exception noted in the grammatical rule [SHSA, 6.4.66] concerning the formation of the three words "nāstika-āstika-daiṣṭika" he is called Nāstika), for that Negativist, the Laukāyatika, to speak even is not apposite, even to utter a word is not proper; hence only to remain silent is preferable for him; to say nothing of entering into a company of authorities on logic and debating on propounding a means of proof. 22
It is rather strange that Hemacandra in his polemical zeal tends to misrepresent the Cārvāka position regarding inference as an instrument of knowledge. Purandara, a Cārvāka, stated quite clearly that "inference as is well known in the world is admitted by the

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Cārvākās but that which is called inference [by some], transgressing the worldly way, is prohibited [by them]."23 Bhatta Udbhața also distinguishes between the probanses well-established in the world (lokaprasiddha) and those established in the Scriptures (tantrasiddha).24 Similarly Jayantabhaṭṭa, referring obliquely to the Cārvāka, mentions two kinds of pratiti-s, "some in case of which inferential congnition can be acquired by oneself" (utpanna-pratiti) and "some in case of which inferential cognition is to be acquired (on somebody else's advice)" (utpädya-pratīti).25 According to the Carvaka-s only the former kind is valid, but the latter kind is not. By way of example Jayanta quotes two verse:
Indeed, who will deny the validity of inference when one infers fire from smoke, and so on; for even ordinary people ascertain the probandum by such inferences, though they may not be pestered by the logicians.
However, inferences that seek to prove a self, God, an omniscient being, the other world, and so on, are not considered valid by those who know the real nature of things.26
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Among the Jains, Ratnaprabha and Gunaratna, too, explain the Cārvāka view concerning inference in the same way, as does Pandit Sukhlalji Sanghvi in our own times.27
That there was no love lost between Hemacandra and the Cārvāka is also illustrated by his use of the word, varāka, which means 'wretched, low miserable, pitiable'.28 However, he reserves his uttermost hatred for the Mimämsaka. In the YS he writes:
vara- varākaścārvāko yo sau prakaṭanāstikaḥ / vedokti-tāpasacchadmacchannam rakso na jaiminiḥ //
29
Rather Cārvāka who is worthy of pity and an open negativist than Jaimini, a demon, hidden under the disguise of an ascetic, mouthing the words of the Vedas.30
Last but not least, in his Triṣaști-śalākā-puruṣa-carita (Lives of Sixth-three Divine Personages), Hemacandra takes a fling at the materialists, presumably the Cärväka-s.31 Following the traditional mode of narrative found in some Buddhist and Jain tales,32 he also introduces a king whom his ministers, belonging to different philosophical persuations, try to persuade according to their

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philosophical inclinations. Sambhinnamati, a minister speaking in favour of materialism, accuses his fellow minister, Svayambuddha for upholding dharma, righteousness. Sambhinnamati's speech runs as follows:
“Well said! Svayambuddha. You desire the Master's welfare, for intention is inferred from speech like food from vomiting. Only hereditary ministers like you, no others, speak thus for the pleasure of the Master who is always sincere and gracious. What teacher, harsh by nature, taught you, that you spoke thus to the king, like an untimely stroke of lightning? The Master is served here by attendants seeking pleasure themselves. Why should they say, 'Do not enjoy pleasures'? Abandoning pleasures of this world and striving for them in the next world is like licking the elbow, leaving what is to be licked in the hand. Dharma is said to have its fruit in the next world. That is very improbable. There is no next world from the very fact of the nonexistence of people for the next world. Consciousness arises from earth, water, fire, and air, like the power of wine itself from sugar, flour, water, etc. Certainly there is no soul apart from the body which will go to another world after it has left the body. Therefore, pleasure of the senses is to be constantly enjoyed without fear. One's own soul must not be deceived. Destruction of one's desires is foolishness. Dharma and non-dharma, obstacles to pleasure are not to be feared; since they indeed do not exist at all, like donkey's horns. What merit has been acquired by one stone that it is worshipped by bathing, ointment, wreaths, clothes, and ornaments? What evil has been acquired by another stone that it is polluted? If people are born and die according to karma, as a result of what karma do bubbles appear and disappear? Therefore, so long as consciousness exists, it acts, as it desires. Of consciousness that has perished, there is no further birth. "Whoever dies is born again,' that is mere talk with entirely inconclusive argument. Therefore, our Master should unhesitatingly enjoy himself with young women charming with beauty of form on a couch like sirīşa petals. He should eat at will nectar-like food and drink. He is an enemy who hinders. Day and night, remain anointed with camphor, aloe, musk, sandal, etc., as if made of fragrance alone. O king, constantly look at whatever abounds in gardens, vehicles, people, picture galleries, etc., for the pleasure of the eyes. Day and night, O Master, have nectar for your ears with sounds of songs echoing with flutes, lutes, and drums. So long as one lives, let him live happily with pleasures of the senses. He should not trouble himself by religious actions. Where is the fruit of dharma and non-dharma?"33

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What is to be noted in this passage is the juxtaposition of crude hedonism and materialism. Some of the philosophical doctrines attributed to the Cārvāka-s are also encountered here, e.g,
1. There is no next world. 2. Consciousness arises from four forms of matter. 3. There is no soul apart from the body. 4. There is no rebirth.
5. Religious duties are not to be performed. 34 Opponents of the Cārvāka doctrine, whether a Vedāntin like Sankarācārya (ninth century), Buddhists like Šāntarakṣita and Kamalaśīla (eighth century), or a Jain like Prabhācandra (eleventh century), have controverted all this and quoted the relevant aphorisms from the now-lost Cārvākasūtra.35 However, none of them has called the Cärvāka a hedonist or a eudaemonianist-not at least in the same vein as Hemacandra does. 36 In the brahminical tradition, writers like Krşņamiśra (eleventh century) and Sriharsa (twelfth century) have echoed Hemacandra.37 Jayantabhatta in his allegorical play,
gamadambara has tarred the Jain and Buddhist mendicants as well as a kāpālika with the same brush. The Cārvāka view represented by Będdhambhi, however, is not branded as hedonist Cārvākas' opposition to all religious rites, it seems, has been misconstrued deliberately to suggest (as a reductio ad absurdum) that they preached a kind of 'eat drink and be merry' approach to life.
The same kind of baseless charge has been brought against Epicurus (341-270 BCE). 39 He did preach that pleasure was the aim of life. But it was not sensual pleasure, it was intellectual pleasure that one derives from prudence. In a letter to Menoeceus, Epicurus wrote:
When we say, then pleasure is the end and aim, we do not mean the pleasures of the prodigal or the pleasures of sunsuality, as we are understood to do by some through ignorance, prejudice or wilful misrepresentation. By pleasure we mean the absence of pain in the body and of trouble in the soul. It is not an unbroken succession of drinking bouts and of revelry, not sexual love, not the enjoyments of the fish and other delicacies of a luxurious table, which produce a pleasant life; it is sober reasoning,

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searching out the grounds of every choice and avoidance, and banishing those beliefs through which the greatest tumults take possession of the soul. 40
Simon Blackburn has rightly noted:
The aim of all philosophy is, however, to enable us to live well, which is not to live in the hedonistic trough the world Epicureanism now suggests, after centuries of propaganda against the system. Rather, practical wisdom, attained through philosophy, is needed to attain the pleasant life, which consists in a preponderence of katastematic pleasures, capable of indefinite prolongation, over merely kinematic or volatile sensory pleasures.
41
Hemacandra in his work was merely lanpooning the Cārvāka. Svayambuddha, in his turn, sets out to refute the Carvaka system and speaks against sensual pleasures. His puritanism, however, is typical of the Jain attitude to life.
Sambhinnamati's discourse ends with a rewritten version of a popular verse attributed to the Lokāyatikas:
yāvajjivet sukha- jivet tāvat vaiṣaikaiḥ sukhaiḥ /
na tämyed dharma-kāryāya dharmādharmaphala- kva tat || 42
In its earliest known form the verse runs as follows:
yāvaj jiva- sukha- jīven nāsti mṛtyor agocaraḥ bhasmibhūtasya santasya punaragamana- kutaḥ // 43
While life is yours, live joyously;
None can escape Death's searching eye:
When once this frame of ours they burn. How shall it ever again return? 44
The verse evidently relates to the denial of the concept of rebirth. Some other writers, however, have made it appear as an encouragement to unrestrained hedonism. Hemacandra, too, shifts the emphasis from the issue of rebirth to that of dharma and non-dharma.
To sum up: Hemacandra's stray remarks and comments on the Carvaka do not help us much in reconstructing the Cārvāka system of philosophy which is known to us only through a few fragments. Some of these fragments, however, appear to be spurious. What is transparent is Hemacandra's all-out antipathy to the materialist system.

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Here, too, there is a paradox. In his polemics against the Mīmāsaka, Hemacandra cites an anonymous verse, which is generally attributed to the Carvāka. The verse runs as follows:
mṛtānāmapi jantūnām yadi tṛptirbhavediha / nirvāṇasya pradipasya snehaḥ sa-vardhayecchikām || 45 If (the śraddha ceremony) satisfies the dead beings here, then oil might increase the flame of an extinguished lamp.
Mallişena also quotes this verse (with some variants) in his commentary on AYVD, v.11, which is devoted to controverting the Pūrva-Mīmā-sā doctrine enjoining hi-sā (ritual killing) :
mṛtānāmapi jantūnām śrāddha, cet tṛptikāraṇam / tannirvāṇapradipasya snehaḥ sa-vardhayecchikḥām // 46
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If even to dead beings the Śraddha is the cause of satisfaction, Then oil might increase the flame of an extinguished lamp.47
Thomas notes that the verse "is clearly in the style of Cārvāka comments; but in the Sarva-darśana-sa-graha, where the first line is given as such, the second line differs."48 The variant is insignificant: nirvāṇasya pradīpasya for tannirvāṇapradīpasya. But what is more significant is that while the second hemistich of the first line as quoted in YS-vytti differs from SDS (śrāddha- cet tṛpti-kāraṇam), the second line, however, is identical with what is found in SDS.49 But SDS is not the only source of this verse. It first occurs in Kṛṣṇamiśra's allegorical play, PC.50 Sāyaṇa-Madhava might have taken the verse from this source inasmuch as the readings in both PC and SDS are identical.
From whichever source Kṛṣṇamiśra, Hemacandra and Mallisena might have got the verse, only Kṛṣṇamiśra attributes it to the Carvaka whereas the Jain writers simply utilize it is order to assail Jaimini. Given Hemacandra's antipathy to the Cārvāka-s it is difficult to believe that he did not know that the verse had been attributed to the Cārvāka-s.
Kṛṣṇamiśra's attribution of the verse to the Carvāka-s in PC is then open to doubt. In fact, the verses at the end of SDS, Ch. I, might have been gathered from various sources, including the Buddhist and Jain ones, and then attributed to Bṛhaspati." But that is a different issue.

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NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. AC, 3.525-527.
2. The use of the word, yauga (one who studies or knows Yoga) in this sense (instead of referring to the Patanjala system of philosophy) is not unknown or unprecedented. See Tarkavāgīsa, Part 1, pp. xvii, 278-80.
3.
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Not having access to Hemacandra's auto-commentary on AC, Colebrooke was mistaken in his interpretation of this passage.
He said: "HEMACHANDRA... mentions and discriminates the various sects: viz. 1st, Árhatas, or Jainas, 2dly, Saugatas, or Bauddhas, and 3dly six philosophical schools, viz. 1st. Naiyáyica; 2d. Yoga; 3d. CAPILAS [sic] Sánchya; 4th. Vaiseshica; 5th. Várhaspatya or Nástica, and 6th. Chárváca or Locáyata." (Colebrooke, Vol. II, p. 219. The article was first published in The Asiatic Researdches, Vol. IX, 1807).
Hemacandra, however, specifically explains that the schools, right from the Arhata are called tarkika (ete arhatadyaḥ, tarkaḥ prayojanameṣā- tārkirkāḥ). AC, p. 344. Colebrooke was presumably wrong in treating Yoga as a separate system and taking Bārhaspatya and Cārvāka as two distinct "sects". On this basis he concluded: "The two last (sc. his 5th and 6th) are reputed atheistical, as denying a future state and a providence. If those be omitted and the Mimánsas (sic) inserted, we have the six schemes of philosophy familiar to the Indian circle of the sciences." (Ibid., p. 219) Apparently he had only the astika (affirmativist) systems in mind. Hemacandra, on the other hand, never mentions the Pātañjala Yoga, and although he mentions Mīmā-sã and Vedanta elsewhere (e.g., AYVD, vv. 11-14), he does not do so in AC.
4. For different meanings of astika and nāstika, see, besides the standard dictionaries, Hopkins, pp. 86-87.
5. NM, Ch. 1, part I, p. 9: vaiseṣikaḥ punarasmādanuyāyina evetyevamasyā- janatāsu prasiddhāyāmapi ṣaṭ tarkyāmidameva tarkanyāyavistaraśabdābhyā- sāstramuktam.

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6. KM, Ch. 2, p. 191: dvidhā ānvikșiki pūrvottarapakşābhyām,
arhadbhadantadarśane lokāyata - ca pūrvapaksah. să-khya
nyāyavaiseșikau cottaraḥ, ta ime șaț tarkāḥ. 7. AC, 2.165 cd, p.107 : anviksiki tarkavidyā mimā-sā tu vicaranā. 8. Thomas, p. 124 n3 on AYVD, v.20. 9. Hemacandra in fact devotes two separate verses, one to Jaimini
(v.ll) and the other to Kumārila (v.12). 10. See P Pu, Srstikhanda, Ch. 13. Cf. Hariva-sa, Hariva-saparvan
(vulgate edition), Ch. 28. The passage has been omitted in the
critical edition (21.327, p.148). 11. SHVP, p. 740. 12. Hemacandra's auto-commentary (Bịhadvrtti) on SHśA, ibid., 740. 13. Whitney, Rule 233a, p.80. Cf. Tarkavācaspati, sv. cārvāka. 14. See Monier-Williams, s.v.cāru. 15. Rāyamukuța, Vol.2, p.269 (on Vanaușadhivargaḥ, 211) and n. 16. TRD, p. 300. I have quoted from the translation by Mrinal Kanti
Gangopadhyaya in C/L, p. 267. 17. See Bhattacharya (1998b) and (2000c). 18. In his auto-commentary Hemacandra writes: paramanastika ityarthah
(on YS, 2.37, f. 96b). 19. AYVD, v. 20. 20. Trans. Thomas, p. 126. 21. Ibid. 22. Ibid., pp. 126-27. As to the grammatical rule, cf. Panini, Ast, 4.4.60.
However, Manu. 2.11: nāstiko vedanindakah. Hemacandra explains the words, nāstika, āstika and daistika as follows: ete tadasyetyarthe
ikanantă nipātyante (Laghuvrtti on SHŠA, 6.4.66). 23. Quoted in TSP, p. 528 (on TS, Ch. 18, v. 1481). 24. Quoted in SVR, pp. 265-66. 25. NM, Ch.2, Part 1, p.184. 26. Ibid. 27. Ratnaprabhā on PNTA, p. 540 ; TRD, p.306 (on ȘDSam, v.83),
C/L, p.273 ; Sanghvi, ASILM, p. 4. 28. See Monier-Williams, S.V. varāka.

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.
29. YS, 2. 38, f.96b. Cf.YS, 3.10 :
na jānāti para- sva- vā madyāccalitacetanah/ svāmiyati varākah sva- svāminā- kinkariyati //
(f.2576)
Jayantabhatta, too, employs the same derogatory adjective, varākah to the Cārvaka-s. See NM, Ch.3, Part 1, p. 299.
Di
30. In his auto-commentary, Hemacandra explains varāka as one who
is to be pitied because of his lack of pride (dambharahitatvād anukampyah), f.97a. Elsewhere, too (e.g., on YS, 3.10), he says, a varāka is one who is worthy of pity because of his lack of
consciousness (varākscaitanyahīnatvādanukampaniyaḥ, f.258a) 31. TSPC, I. 325-45. 32. Cf. Sak, JM, UBHPK, YTC. 33. Trans. Helen M. Johnson, Vol. 1, pp. 37-38. 34. For the Cārvāka fragments, see Namai, pp. 39-44 and Ramkrishna
Bhattacharya (2002), pp. 1-44. 35. See SBh on BS, 1.1.1, 2.2.2, 3.3.53-54; TS, Ch. 22 and TSP;
PKM, pp. 48-49, 110-21, 177-80; NKC, 3.7, pp. 341 ff. 36. As against the widely prevalent notion that the Cārvāka-s were
gross hedonists, Richard Garbe (ERE, Vol.8, p. 138) and M. Hiriyanna (1932, p. 195) expressed their doubts, but writers of modern textbooks and handbooks of Indian philosopohy prefer to pepetuate the unsupported notion propagated by the opponents of the Cārvāka, mostly through poems and plays like PC, Act 2, NC,
17. 58-59, 69, 70. 37. See Ramkrishna Bhattacharya (1999b) and (2002a) for further
details. 38. In ĀD, Act 1, both a Buddhist and a Jain monk are portrayed as
despicable sensualists, but Çārvāka is spared. In Act 3 he is represented as a sober philosopher with whom the āstika-s are
engaged in a prolonged debate. 39. Epicurus has been maligned as a gross sensualist as early as the first
century BCE in a poem by Horace (Epistles, 1.4.14-16). Horace

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HEMACANDRA ON THE CĀRVĀKA:A STUDY: RAMKRISHNA BHATTACHARY 145
invites Tibullus, his melancholic friend, to visit him at his farm: “As for me, when you want to laugh you will find me in fine fettle, fat and sliek, a hog from Epicurus’ herd (epicuri de grege porcum)”. (pp. 276-77). Cf. modern English words, “epicure' and 'epicurean’ used to suggest “person with refined taste in food and drink" and "person fond of pleasure and luxury” respectively (as glossed in
the Little Oxford Dictionary). 40. In Diogenes Laertius, 10.131-32, Vol. 2, p. 657. 41. Blackburn, p.122. 42. TSPC, 1.245, p.12. 43. VDMP, I. 108, 18cd-19ab, f. 70a; TSP, p.17, NM, Ch.7, Part 2,
p.257 and SDS, p.3. 44. Trans. E.B. Cowell. For a detailed discussion of the many variants
of this verse, see Ramkrishna Bhattachrya (1996b). 45. YS, f. 98b (on 2.47). 46. SVM, p.69. 47. Trans. Thomas. p. 69. 48. Thomas, p. 69 n36. 49. SDS (BORI ed.), p.13, v.4. It is, however, possible that Thomas
used the BI ed. or the Anandāśrma ed. of SDS (or any of their verbatim reprints) in which the second line of the verse runs as follows:
gacchatāmiha jantuna- vyartha- pātheyakalpanam In later editions (e.g., BORI ed.), this is the first line of another additional verse (v.5). (Joshi prints the text of SDS, Ch 1, from the BORI ed. but retains the trans. by Cowell who followed the BI ed. and so had no access to this verse). Hemacandra and Mallişeņa, however, seem to have got the verse in question from two different sources. 50. PC, Act 2, v. 21, p. 40. Acknowledgements : Rinku Chaudhuri, Pradyut Datta, Siddhartha Datta WORKS CITED
ABORI
Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona.

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Hemacandra. Abhidhānacintamanih with an autocommentary. Ed. Hargovindas-Behechardas. Bhavangar : N.L. Vakil. Veer era 2441. Jayantabhațța. Agamadambara. Ed. V. Raghavan and Anantalal Thakur. Darbhanga : Mithila Institute, 1954. Aştādhyāyī of Pāņini. Ed. Sumitra M. Katre. Delhi, etc : MLBD, 1989.
Ast
AYVD
Hemacandra. Anyayogavyavaccheda-dvātri-sikā with
Mallisena's Syādvādamañjari. Ed. A. B. Dhruba. Poona : Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1933. The Flower spray of the Quodammodo Doctrine. F.W.
Thomas. Delhi, etc.: MLBD, 1968.
AYVD (trans.)
Bhattacharya “iņam krtvā ghrtan pibet, Who said this ?' JICPR, Vol. Ramkrishna XIV No.I, September-December, 1996, pp.170-174. (1996b)
(1998b)
(1999)
(2000c)
“On Lokāyata and Lokāyatana in Buddhist Sanskrit”. ABORI, LXXIX, 1998, pp. 231-235. “What did the Cārvākas mean by “sukham jīvet?" IS,
Vol. 11, No. 12, 1999. “The Significance of Lokāyata in Pali”, JDPCU, 10 :
2000, pp. 39-46. “Cārvāka Fragments : A New Collection”, JIP, 00 : 2002,
pp. 1-44 (forthcoming). Bibliotheca Indica, Calcutta : The Asiatic Society.
(20002d)
BI
Blackburn,
Simon
BORI
The Oxford Dictionary of Philosophy. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 1994. Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona. Chattopadhyaya, Debiprasad and Mrinalkanti Gangopadhyaya (eds). Cārvāka / Lokāyata.
CL

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HEMACANDRA ON THE CARVĀKA: A STUDY: RAMKRISHNA BHATTACHARY
H.T
Diogenes Laerteus
Epistles
ERE
Hiriyanna
(1932)
Hopkins, E. Washburn
HV
IS
JDPCU
JICPR
JIP
JJ
JM
KM

Calcutta: Ṛddhi India, 1990.Colebrooke, Miscellaneous Essays. Vols. 1 and 2, London:
Wm. H. Allen and Co. 1837.
Lives of Eminent Philosophers. Vol.2. London: William Heinemann, 1925.
:
147
Horace. Trans. H. Ruston Fairclough. London William Heinemann, 1926.
Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics. Ed. James Hastings. Edinburg T & T Clerk, 1953 (first pub, 1915).
M. Hiriyanna. Outlines of Indian Philosophy. Bombay: George Allen & Unwin (India), 1973 (first pub. 1932).
The Great Epic of India (1910). Delhi: MLBD, 1993.
Hariva-sa. Critical Edition. Ed. P.L. Vaidya. Poona: BORI, 1969. Vulgate Edition. Ed. Pañcănana Tarkaratna. Kalikata : Vangavāsī, 1312 BS; Kalikata: Āryyaśāśtra, 1975-77.
Indian Skeptic, Podanur (Tamil Nadu).
Journal of the Department of Pali, Calcutta University.
Journal of Indian Council of Philosophical Research, New Delhi.
Journal of Indian Philosophy, Dordrecht.
Jain Journal, Kolkata.
Aryaśūra. Jātakamālā. Ed. P.L. Vaidya. Darbhanga : The Mithila Institute, 1959.
Kavyamima-sā by Rajasekhara in Nagendranath Chakraborty (ed.), Rajasekhara o Kāvyamīmā-sä. Santiniketan : Viśvabhārati, 1368 BS [1960]

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Manu
MLBD MonierWilliams, Monier NKC
Manusmộti. Ed. J.H.Dave. Bombay: Bharatiya Vidya
Bhavan. 1972-84. Motilal Banarsidass. A Sanskrit-English Dictionary (1899). Delhi : Orient Publishers, n.d.
Prabhācandra. Nyāya-kumuda-candra. Ed. Mahendra Kumāra Nyāyasāstrī, Bombay : Manikchandra Digambar Jain Series, 1938. Jayantabhatta. Nyāyamañjari. Parts 1-3. Ed. Gaurinatha Sastri. Varana.si : Sampurnanand Sanskrit
NM
Visvavidyalaya, 1982-84 (Cakradhara's Granthibhanga commentary is also printed along
with the text). “A Survey of Bārhaspatya Philosophy”. Indological
Review (Kyoto), No.2, 1976, pp. 29-74.
Namai, Mamoru (1976)
PC
Krsnamisra. Prabodhacandrodaya. Ed. Sita Krishna Nambiar. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1971.
PKM
PM
P Pu
Prabhācandra. Prameya-kamala-mārtanda. Ed. Mahendra Kumar. Mumbai : Nirnaysagar Press, 1941. Hemacandra. Pramāna-mīmāsā. Ed. Sukhlalji Sanghavi. Ahmedabad-Calcutta: Singhi Jain Series, 1939. Padma Purāņa, Sșstikhanda. Ed. Pancānana Tarkaratna. Kalikata : Vangavāsī, 1310 Bengali Sal (= 1893-94 CE); Poona : Anandashrama, 1893-94. Commentary on Vādi Devasūri's Pramānanayatattvālokāla-kāra. Eng. trans. and comm. by Dr. Hari Satya Bhattacharya. Bombay: Jain Sahitya Vikas Mandal, 1967. Padacandrikā (Commentary on the Amarakośa). Ed. Kali Kumar Dutta Sastri. Vols. 1-3. Calcutta; Sanskrit College, 1966, 1973, 1978.
Ratnaprabhā
Rāyamukuta

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SDS
HEMACANDRA ON THE CĀRVĀKA:ASTUDY: RAMKRISHNA BHATTACHARY 149 SaK
Haribhadra. Samaraicca Kahä. Ed. H. Jacobi. Calcutta:
The Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1926. Sāyana-Madhava. Sarvadarśanasa-graha. Ed. Vasudeva Shastri Abhyankar. Poona : BORI, 1978 (first published 1924). Trans. E.B. Cowell & A.E. Gough. Ed. K.L. Joshi. Ahmedabad-Delhi : Parimal
Publications, 1981. SDS
Ed. Hari Narayan Apte. Poona : Anandāśrama, 1906. (Ānandāśrama) SDS (BI) Ed. Iswarachandra Vidyasagara. Calcutta : The Asiatic
Society. Bibliotheca Indica. 1853-58. (reprinted in
1986). SHVP
Hemacandra Śrisiddhahaimavrhatprakriyā (Mahāvvākarana). Contains SHSA with the autocommentary, Brhadvrtti and Unädisutra. Ed. G.M.
Sastri. Ahmedabad, n.d. SHŚA
Hemacandra. Srisiddhahemacandraśabdānusāsanam with the auto-commentary, Laghuvrtti. Ed. Muni Himanshuvijaya. Ahmedabad : Sheth Anandjit
Kalyanji, 1935. Smañ
Mallisena. Syādvādamañjari. See AYVD. SVR
Vādidevasūri. Syādvādaratnākara. Ed. Motilal
Ladhaji Osval. Delhi : Bhartiya Book
Corporation. 1988. Tarkavāgīša. Nyāya Darsana o Vātsyāyana Bhāsya (in Bengali). Phaņibhūṣaṇa Parts 1-5 (1324-36 BS). Calcutta : West Bengal State
Book Board, 1981-89. Tarkavācaspati, Vācaspatyam. Varanasi : Chowkhamba Sanskrit Tārānatha
Series Office, 1962 repint. Bhațţācāryya
TRD
TS
Tarkarahasyadipikā by Gunaratna. Ed. Luigi Suali. Calcutta: The Asiatic Society, 1905-14. śāntarakṣita. Tattvasangraha, Ed. Dwarikdas Shastri.
Varanasi : Bauddha Bharati, 1968, 1981.

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TSP
Kamalaśīla. Tattvasangrahapañjikā. See TS.
TSPC
Hemacandra. Trişasti-salākā-purusa-carita. Ed. Muni
Caranavijaya. Bhavnagar (Kathiawad) : Sri Jaina Atmananda Sabha. 1936.
TSPC Helen M. Johnson. Baroda : Oriental Institute, (trans.) Vol.I, 1931. UK
Siddharsi. Upamiti-bhava-prapanca Kathā. Ed. Peter
Peterson and Hermann Jacobi. Calcutta: The Asiatic
Society, 1901-14. US
Hemacandra. Uņādisūtra. See SHBP. VDMP Vişnudharmottara Mahāpurāņa. Bombay : Ksemaraja
Srikrsnadasa, Saka 1834. Whitney
Sanskrit Grammar (1879, 18892). Cambridge, Mass.: W.D.
Harvard University Press, 1955. Hemacandra. Yogaśāstram (with auto-commentary).
Bhavnagar : Srījainadharma Pracārasabhā, 1926. Yasastilakacampū by Somadevasūri. Ed. Mn. Pandit Sivadatta
and V.L. Panasikar. Bombay: Nirnay Sagar Prakashan, 1916.
YS
POSTSCRIPT
In certain editions of AC (e.g., Kālīvara Vedāntavāgisa ed., Kalikata, 1284 BS and Nārāyāṇacandra Bhattacāryya ed., Kalikata, 1314 BS) there is an additional (seventh), Kānda named Siloñcha (residue). A verse in this Kānda runs as follows:
vaiseșike kaņādo pi jaino naikāntavādyapi /
cārvāke (a)laukāyatikaḥ kṣsiprası tamityapi // In all probability the whole seventh Kānda is a later addition. The verse quoted above, in any case, adds nothing new to what has been said in AC, 3. 525-27.

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MAHAMANDALEŚVARA BŪTUGA: A PROFILE
PROF. HAMPA NAGARAJAIAH
“When the Rāstrakutas became the overall suzerians of Karnātadēśa, prominent princely family of the Gangas, who were already ruling for over four hundred years, came under their sway. While examining the position of the Gangas in the age of the Rāstrakūtas, leaving aside their early and later history, it becomes clear that they were accorded far higher rank among all the vassals of the imperial Rāstrakūtas. Inscriptions have extolled the cordial and cordial relationship that prevailed between the Gangas and their overlords, demonstrated by other literary records". (Infra)
"Gangavādi-96,000 had included many minor sub-divisions like Gangasā sira, Punnādu-6000, Konganādu-8000, Male-1000, Mandali-1000, Kolāra-300, Edenādu-70, Aridālike 70, Beddoregere-70, Nirgunda-300, Sērenādu, Bayalnādu, etc. Geographical boundaries of Gangavādi (Sannavati Sahasra, Srirājya, Gangasāsira - are other variants): Marandale to the North, Tondainādu to the East, Cēranādu and the sea to the West, and Kongunādu to the South. Therefore, the modern Kolar, Mandya, Mysore, Bangalore, Cikkamagalūr, and some parts of Shimoga formed Gangavādi-96,000. In addition to this, during the period of the last phase of the Rāstrakūtas, Būtuga and his son Marasimha-II, ruled Puligere-300, Bel vola-300 Banavase-12,000, Kisukādu-70 and Bāgenādu-70” [Hampa Nagarajaiah: A History of the Rāstrakūtas of Małkhed, and Jainism : 2000 : 57-58).
The expansion of the Rāstrakūta influences to the peripheral regions of Tamilnadu, Andhra Pradesh, Kerala and Mahārashtra, were guided, among other considerations by the brave Jaina Dukes and Governors, who were highly loyal to their overlords, Emperor Krsna's ambition and drive for fresh territories had made him indulge in sangunary wars, and met with success in his chase and power politics. Martial might of Būtuga and his son Mārasimha, laid a robust foundation that could sustain the monarchy. Krsna-III, with the stout shoulders of Būtuga and Mārasimha successfully vaquished the rebellions and uncontrollably ambitius vassals. This paper is an earnest attempt to reconstruct the life and accomplishments of Butuga based on inscriptional evidences. Though he is referred, with

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152
JAIN JOURNAL: VOL-XXXVII, NO. 3 JAN 2003 other variants of Bhūtuga, Būtayya, Būtuga Permmādi and Būtugendra, he is more popularly known as Būtuga.
Būtuga (C.E. 936-61) sat on the lion-throne of the Gangavādi for nearly twenty-six years, and ably projected himself as the dominant figure of a vast province, its axis and pillar of its support. It was an uninhibited show of political maturity, ab initio to ad finem. He maintained the momentum throughout his rule, despite frequent setback which he shrewdly manoeuvred. Būtuga's spectacular achievements were not confined only to the battle ground. A number of epigraphs articulate the macroregion of distinctive and homogenous cultural quality of Būtuga's attainment
Būtuga, the youngest of the three sons of Komaravedanga Ereganga (886-920) alias Ereyappa, is, may be, the cream de lara of the Ganga kings. Biravedanga Narasimha (920-33), the eldest son of Ereganga and the eldest brother of Būtuga, succeeded, his father. He had defeated Anniga of Nolamba dynasty in the battle at Kottamangala. But he could not rule for a longer period. Obviously, Rācamalla-III (933-36), the second son of Ereganga and the elder brother of Būtuga, succeeded to the Ganga throne. The days were so bad to him that he had to encounter adversity. Since he was not favourable to the Rāştrakūta suzerinty, he had the wrath of his sovereign, on one side. On the other hand, he had to confront the Nolambas, his powerful foe. Rācamalla, literally sandwitched between the Rāstrakūtas and the Nolambas, was in a dilemma.
Intreipid Būtuga ceased the opportunity to usurp the Ganga throne. Krşņa (939-67), his brother-in-law and emperor, extended military support to Būtuga. Clamoured for full political power and in the deadly feud, Būtuga did not hesitate to kill Rācamalla, his own brother. As the adage goes, all is fair in love and war! The incident brought the brothers-in-law nearer. The bondage between the Rāştrakūtas and the Gangas was further cemented. Dauntless Būtuga, inspired and more obliged than before, spontaneously extended full support and participated in many of the wars waged by Krsna. When the latter was away on his northern conquest, king Lalleya, a feudatory, taking the advantage of the straits, revolted against the Rāştrakūta Krsna was far away from the metropolis, fighting the foes elsewhere. Būtuga, not waiting for his overlord, jumped in the fray, as though eager to clear the obligation to his master. He crushed a heavy defeat on Lalleya by

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153
extorting his white parasol, and saved the Rāştrakūta monarchy from humiliation.
The spree of war continued. The terrible war between the Rāstrakūtas and their arch enemy the Colas recurred. The mighty quadripartite army with the musk elephants with their flowing rutliquid, the shining weapons, the neighing horses and the swift chariot division of the Rāştrakūțas and the Gargas attacked impetuously on the four-membered Cola army. The fierce and decisive battle at Takkolam in the year C.E.949, provided a rare opportunity for Būtuga to prove his prowess and dexterity. He fought ferociously, stabbed and killed Rājāditya, the Cola prince. This he did on the howdah which itself became the battle field.
The brave Mañalera of the Sagara family, sub-ordinate of Būtuga, exhibited another greater feat on the same battle field. He struck, like a lion, the forehead of the mighty elephant that was called “The fortress of the Cola', that it burst open. As a reward for his heroism, Maņalera got Kāli, the good hound known for its courage, from his overlord Krşņa. Besides, from Būtuga, his immediate master, Mañalera got the possession of Atakūr-12 and the village Kādiyūr situated in Belvola300 province.
Krsna, pleased with the valour of his Fidus Achates, placed Būtuga incharge of the Banavase-12,000, in addition to the Governorship of Puligere-300, Bel vola-300 (together the SixHundred), Kisukādu-70 and Bāgenādu-70 principalities. On his way back from the victorious march against the Coļas, Būtuga defeated the adversary fiefs and annexed their regions, which enhanced his status. The sweeping conquests of Būtuga extended and strengthened the boundaries of the kingdom.
Būtuga had bequeathed his skill in the war craft from his father Ereganga alias Ereyappa Nitimārga who had the gallantry and experience of many successive battles. He had slain the Nolamba king Mahendra and thus earned the cognomen of Mahendrāntaka. Ereyappa, husband of Jākāmbe, daughter of Nijagali, a scion of the Cālukyas, had superseded the forts of Sūrūru, Nādugāni, Midige, Sūliśailendra, Tippēru and Penjeru. Ereyappa had many other titles, such as, Garga Cakrāyudhānika, Garigārjuna Talaprahāri, Sangarārjuna, Pratirūpa Sudraka, Srirupa Kandarpa. These appellations establish that Ereyappa was a king, preeminently excellent. Poet AdiGunavarma his protege, had authored Südraka and Harivamsa' two epics of historical importance in Kannada.

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154
JAIN JOURNAL : VOL-XXXVII, NO. 3 JAN 2003 The Kūdalūru charter narrates at length that Būtuga acquired abundant opulence by the strength of his strong shoulders. After vanquishing Lalleya, Būtuga extorted elephants, horses, treasury and similar valuables which in turn made over to his over lord Krsna.
Būtuga embarked on career of coquest, heralded lustrous epoch and retrived the lost glory of the Gangas. He spread carnage wherever he lead his army. He killed Kakkarāja, chief of Acalapura, and defeated Dantivarma of Banavāsi and Ajavarma of the Sāntaras. Continuing his triumphant march, he defeated Rājāditya and made Emaganduga to flee from his province. He burnt the Forts of Tañjāpuri and Nālkote, and presented the excellent elephants, horses, and abundant riches to his emperor. He had also defeated the Pāņdyas, fought against the Nolambas and against Guņaga Vijayāditya, king of the Vengi Cālukyas.
Details of the total territories held by Būtuga, mentioned earlier, require a further clarification. The Naregal epigraph states that Būtayya, as Governor, was holding charges of Gangavādi extending as far as Peldore, i.e., the river Tungabhadrā in this context (and not Krşņā). The area was further extended at the time of Ātakūr inscription, dated 949, which states that he was governing Gangavādi-96,000 and in addition to that the other provinces of Banavase-12,000, the Belvola300, the Purigere-300, the Kisukādu-70 and the Bāgenādu-70. Therefore, Krsna must have confirmed once again the above provinces, out of which on the Banavase-12,000 was added afresh. After the demise of Narasimha, the eldest of the three brothers, Rāc(j)amalla had inherited the office of the Governorship of Gangavāļi, as an hereditary rank. Būtuga, not waiting for his turn to come, hurried the process and eliminated his elder brother to become the Governor of his ancestral Gangavādi. This he achieved in C.E. 939.
How Būtuga engrafted himself on the lion throne needs additional explanation. In the changed political scenario, Būtuga, having acquired his forefather's political wisdom, pondered that he deserved a chance to get himself enthroned. Proj cting himself as the only virile heir to the coveted Ganga throne, he acted briskly. Historical documents indicating growing fissures between brothers are not lacking. Albeit, after matrimonial alliance with the imperial Rāştrakūța house, his splendour and prosperity increased by leaps and bounds. Newly crowned as emperor, Krşņa was bent on elevating the status of Būtuga, his brother-in-law. Their cordiality reached its fame and Krşņa openly

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PROF. HAMPA NAGARAJATAH: MAHAMANDALESVARA BÜTUGA: A PROFILE 155 publicized his leaning towards Būtuga. Krsna was brimming with vaulting ambition and Bütuga also had soaring ambition. Kings of great aspirations, having noticed a common cause, struck a deal that cleared the clouds dogging the political relations. Glued with connubial relationship, Būtuga had no regrets in extending unconditional support to perpetuate the Rāstrakūta suzerainty. The hegemony turned out to be a blessing to Būtuga. Krsna has more intimacy with and affection for the Gangas. His attachment to the members of the family of Būtuga, Paramajina, passionate Jaina votary, is recorded in many epigraphs. The extraordinary position that Būtuga enjoyed is mirrored in the biruda Jayaduttaranga, 'an arch of victory', Ganga Gārgeya, 'Bhīşma among the Gangas', Nārāyaṇa, Nārāyaṇa among the Gangas'etc. He attained the highest position in the official hierarchy and became a full fledged Mahāmaņdaleśvara among the other coeval provincial Māndalikas and Samantas. He was entitled to the five drums. He was the first Duke to be allowed to sit by the side of the emperor, an unparalleled act of historical incident bequeathed on Būtuga.
An inscription from Hombuja (EC. VIII (BLR) Nagara. 35.C.E. 1077] furnishes a rare incident of historical importance: "Būtuga was extended paramount position and exalted honour which was equalled by a similar treatment meted out to another Jaina feudatory after a time gap of more than a century. Nanni-Sāntara, who had Govindara as his first name, Duke of Santaligenādu, gained greater distinction than even Būtuga. Vikrmāditya VI (1076-1125) came halfway to meet Nanni-Sāntara, and giving him half the seat on his metal throne, the Cālukya emperor placed the valiant vassal at his side” [Hampa Nagarajaiah : Santararu : Ondu Adhyayana : 1997 : 65-66). Fate had its own course. Who could prevent him when the kingship was writ large in his forehead!
Būtuga was chief of the Six-Hundred, plus Kisukādu and Bāgenādu from C.E. 938, which had come to him as matrimonial gift. Now by taking possession of the Gangavadi territory, virtually he had earned his patrimonial status. Later in 949, as a reward for his bravery, he was awarded the stewardship of Banavase-12,000. This apart, Būtuga was also chief of the Māsavādi-140 Kukkanūr-30 and Kelavādi300 kampaņas for a brief period between 940 and 942. More often, Belvola-300 and Puligere-300 are coupled together in the phrase -
the two (provinces together forming) Six-Hundred'. Thus, Būtuga had in his control the government of a very vast area, almost covering the southern Karnataka, from river Tungabhadrā to river Kāveri.

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While appreciating the peerless position of Būtuga in the officialdom of Mahāmandalesvaras, it would be all the more apt to understand the choice, scope and relationship of the Mahāmandalesvara, and his overlord. The emperor / king used to ponder over the appointment of his subordinates the Dukes and Governors, the ministers and army chiefs. Lots of calculation and political wheeling-dealing would work to find out the faithful followers The Māndalikas, Samantas, ministers and generals, and even the Royalmerchants (Rāja-śreșthins) were expected to be not merely loyal and capable, but to be an avuncular and majestic figure befitting their status. Traditionally the legal heir/successor of the concerned family, like the son and grandson would enjoy the position of his elders. But, exceptions were not lacking.
Being the executive, he should be able to zealously guard the interest of the State. It is very difficult to determine the extent of freedom that the provincial Governors were allowed to exercise. They were usually cut and pruned by their overlords. Generally they had no independent power except to act on the advice of the king. Yet to be either hyperactive or mere a cipher mostly depended on their might and cordial relationship. To look beyond the political arena, it was a must that the subordinates holding the high office should not covet the post for mere power and pelf. Looking beyond the political spectrum does not mean that he be an apolitical. It only suggests that he should envisage the cultural needs of the time. He must be a dynamic visionary, a person of sterling character and integrity, a self-made person and active in public life too. The monarch has the right to be informed on all matters, and the incharge officials were required to be watchful on the region they were placed in-charge.
Contemplating on these aspects, if we look at the accomplishments of Mahāmandalesvara Būtuga, the role he played in the history of the Rāstrakūtas is astounding.
The perks of being the Māndalika are not less. He has to attend to the needs of his subjects, sometimes even risking his time and money. Viceroys like Tailapa and Bijjaņa, motivated by politically malafide intentions, lead the army against their own monarchs and usurped the kingdoms. Therefore, the imperial presence, supported by a strong army was required to bring such a recalcitrant viceroy to his senses. In fact Bütuga was deputed to bring to book such viceroys.
Contemporary epigraphs establish that Būtuga had five consorts. He had married Rēvaka, the daughter of Baddega (deva) alias

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PROF. HAMPA NAGARAJAIAH: MAHĀMANDALESVARA BŪTUGA: A PROFILE 157 Amoghavarşa - III, king of Dāhala province, at a place called Tripuri, in C. E. 938. After the death of Baddega, Būtuga conquered Dāhala from Lalleya, on behalf of his liegelord, Krsna. Rēvaka (Rēvakka) the Rāştrakūta princess, and elder sister of Krşņa, is frequently mentioned as Revakanimmadi, named after her great grandmother. She also had the title of Cāgavedangi, 'excellent in giving gifts'. Divalāmbā was Būtuga's eldest consort, whom he had married before C.E. 938, and an inscription refers to her as 'svakiyapriya Divalāmbā'(I.A. Vol. III. p. 184, C. E. 938). She had constructed a Basadi at Sūdi and Būtuga donated land in C. E. 938. His two other spouses are Kallabbā and Padmabbarasi who had Padmāvati as her first name. Padmabbe of Konguladesa commissioned one of the largest Jaina fanes of the Rāstrakūta con at Naregal (Hampa Nagarajaiah : 2000:222) in C. E. 950. Her daughter, Bijjāmbādevi had married Hariga. Revakanimmadi, Padmabbarasi and Bijjāmbā alias Bijjabbarasi, desciple of Sridharadeva, died at Koppala. Kallabbā, another wife of Būtuga, was daughter of Simhavarma, scion of Calukyas. Her son Marāsimha endowed Kādalā in Kongalnād to the Jaina shrine founded by his mother, in 962. Elācārya of Sūrsthagana was the donee. This sanctuary was adorned with mural painting, Paramabbe, fifth wife of Būtuga, was ruling the subdivision of Kūrugallu, now in Periyapatņa Taluk of Mysore Dt. Pāmbabbe, elder sister of Būtuga, and senior consort of Padis Dorapayya, took the veil. Her mother superior was Nāņabbekanti who was herself a pupil of Arhanandi Panditadeva. A very austere Jaina nun Pāmbabbe performed penance for thirty years and expired in 971 at Kadür.
Koppala, also known as Adi-Mahātirtha, an ancient Jaina seat of pilgrimage, only next to Shravanabelagola, turned out to be the choice place for the members of Būtuga's family. According to the lțagi (Raichur Dt, Yelburga Tk) inscription, Būtuga worshipped the holy place of Kopana-tirtha on 25-02-940. As stated before, two of his queen consorts, Padmabbarasi and Revakanimmadi reached Kopaņa-tirtha, accepted the vow of sallekhanā of voluntarily inviting death. Padmabbarasi died on 03-12-973, and her preceptor Maladhārideva administered the rite of sallekhanā. Two daughters of Būtuga, Kundanarasi and Bijjabbarasi, also courted death with equanimity by abstinence from all kinds of food, at the holy centre of Koppala.
· The Gargas are known to be great patrons of art, architecture and literature. Būtuga , and his sons and daughters, commissioned several temples of all faiths, including shrines of their own faith. To commemorate his victory in the Takkola battle, Permmādi Basadi was

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built at Puligere, modern Laksmeśvara in 950. This house of worship was renovated in 1065 by Bhuvanaikamalla, and was once again richly endowed with additional donations by Jayakesi of the Manalera family, in 1074, Jayaduttaranga Permmādi Būtuga caused to be made a Jinendra Mandira in 961 at Annigere. Later this place of worship received further grants by the Cālukyas in 1071-72.
The eldest son of Būtuga, prince Marul a who had the epithet of Puņiseya Ganga, had married Bijjabbe, daughter of Krşņa-III, the Rāştrakūţa emperor. Marul adeva alias Arumolideva had a number of titles : Ganga Mārtanda, Ganga Cakrāyudha, Kāmada (which his grand father Ereyappa had also possessed), Kaliyuga Bhima and Kīrtimanobhava. As a special and extraordinary marriage gift, the Rāştrakūța monarch and his father-in-law had honoured with Marul a Madanāvatāra, a unique parasol. As Yuvarāja, heir apparent, Marul a succeeded to the Gan ga throne in 961, but soon died a premature death in 963.
The valiant Mārasimha (963-73) succeeded Maruladeva. Krşņa, the Rāştrakūta Bādshah, attended the coronation and crowned Mārasimha as the Duke of Gangavādi. Mārasimha reciprocated his allegiance to his overlord and immediately swung into action by waging very successful battles in the North, to conquer Asvapati of Gūrjararājya. Mārasimha was befittingly rewarded with the biruda Gurjararāja. The word Gurjar, the original home of the Pratihāras, had Bhillmāl and Jālore as its centre. Gurjara implies geographical territory and not any caste or clan. Gurjaradeśa had included parts of both Gujarat and Rājasthan. First it came under the sway of the Rāştrakūtas and later the Cālukyas of Kalyana. It was during the expedition under the leadership of Mārasimha that the Zura inscription was installed. The death of Mārasimha created a vacuum in the royal house of the Gangas. The later Gangas had only the nostalgic memories of the good old days of pomp and splendour, of the reign of Būtuga and Mārasimha.
Būtuga, like his father Ereyappa, was 'a bee at the pair of the lotus feet of the adorable Arhat'. He was himself a cognoscente of Jaina canonical literature. Inscriptions bear ample testimony to the continued prominence and popularity of Jaina Order in this epoch. He heralded a significant contribution to the socio-cultural and literary heritage by producing a vast body of learned works on varied subjects in the language of the people. The art and architecture patronised by Būtuga,

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his consorts, sons and daughters, and credeti for the sustenance of the Jaina Sangha, reached its culmination. Būtuga and his pedigree exemplify that wealth and power must be used for public good.
The edicts of Būtuga are invaluable and provide rare information of socio-historical importance. They facilitate the reconstruction of the political, cultural and religious history of the Gangas and Karnataka. He was a great warrior of many successful battles, but at the same time Būtuga was religious, more oriented towards Jainism.
BIBLIOGRAPHY Desai, P. B. : Jainism in South India and Some Jaina Epigraphs,
Solapur, 1957 Fleet, J. F. : Dynasties of Karnataka Krishna Rao, M. A. : The Gangas of Talkad, Madras, 1936 Nagarajaiah, Hampa :
1. Santararu : Ondu Adhyayana, Hombuja, 1997 2. Candrakoạe, Hampi, 1997 3. Koppala Sāsanagalu, Mysore, 1998 4. The Early Ganga Monarchy and Jainism, Bangalore, 1999 5. Jaina Corpus of Koppala Inscriptions X Rayed, Bangalore,
1999 6. The Later Gangas : Mandali-Thousand, Bangalore, 1999 7. A History of the Rāstrakūta of Mal khed and Jainism,
Bangalore, 2000 Ramesh, K.V. (ed) : Inscriptions of the Western Gangas, New Delhi,
1984 Rice, B.L. : Mysore and Coorg from Inscriptions, London, 1909 Sampath, M. D. : Itagi Inscription of Kannaradeva,-In-Hemakuta,
Delhi, 2001 Sarma, I. K. : Temples of the Gangas of Talkād, Delhi, 1992 Sheik Ali, B : History of Western Gangas, Mysore, 1976 Srikanta Sastry, S : Early Gangas of Talkad, Mysore, 1952

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INDIAN ANTIQUARY
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Important Inscriptions Referred
Vol III, p. 184, C.E. 938
Vol VI, p. 71
Vol XII. pp. 270 ff
Vol VII. pp. 101 ff
AR EP. 1926-27, Appendix No. A - 182 1969-70, Nos. 4 and 5, C. E. 968-69
1955-56, Appendix-B, No. 209, C.E. 940 ARISE 1934-35, No. A-23
EPIGRAPHIA CARNATICA VOLUMES
Vol II (R) No. 65 (59) C. E. 974. p. 23
Vol IV (R) Hunsur 28, C. 10th century, Kuragallu p. 523
Vol V(R) T. N. No. 270 and 272, C. 9th century, pp. 654, 649

Vol VII, (BLR), Nagara 35, C. E. 1077, Hombuja
Vol IX (R) Belur 388, C.E. 954, Bastihalli
ibid, Belur 551, C. E. 971, p. 480
ibid, Shikaripura 31, C.E. 971, Bāllu EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Vol II. pp. 168-72, C.E. 949, Ātakūr
Vol IV. pp. 351-52, C.E. 975 Hebbā!. Vol V. p. 191. ff. C.E. 940, Deoli Plates
Vol VI p. 50. C.E. 949
Vol VI. p. 71 and 259
Vol XV. No. 23, C.E. 1071-72, pp. 337-48
Vol XXIV, No. 12 C.E. 972, pp. 59-62
Vol XXXIV, pp. 61, ft, Kāḍalūr
Vol. XXXVI. No. 13, pp. 97-110, C.E. 962 Kāḍalūr

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No. 138, C.E. 962-63, pp. 446-47 No. 139, C.E. 962-63
No. 159. C.E. 968-69 JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA
No. 42, C.E. 939-40 Arakeri, p. 377 MYSORE ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT
1921, pp. 8-16, C.E. 962-23
1935 pp. 114-ff SOUTH INDIAN EPIGRAPHY
Vol XVIII, No. 151, C.E. 1148, Nelage Vol XX, No 35, C.E. 1055 ibid, No. 244, 245, C.E., 968-69, pp. 294-96 Vol. IX-I, No. 36, C.E. 942 RON No. 37, C.E. 946 Kurtakoți No. 38, C.E. 940, Naregal

ernational

www.jainel

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DR. GOUR HAZRA
The present paper deals with the Jaina conception of kevalajñāna. It is a critical and comparative study of the Jaina concept of omniscience. Here, I am not going to prove the possibility of omniscience. We all know that the Mimamsakas have raised so many objections and the Jainas have tried to give answer to them, regarding the possibility of omniscience. A large part of the logical literature of the Jainas is full of the arguments for the possibility of omniscience. But I am not going to that side.
THE JAINA CONCEPT OF OMNISCIENCE
(KEVALAJÑĀNA)
The first part of my study is mainly concerned with the nature and definition of omniscience of the Jainas and in the second part, an attempt has been made here to compare it with some other parallel Indian views, specially, Nyaya-Vaiśeşika and Advaita Vedāntins. Although some other systems like Sam'khya, Yoga, Buddha etc. also believe in the possibility of omniscience, I have restricted my study within the systems of Nyāya-Vaiśeṣika, Advaita Vadāntins and the Jainas.
I
Literally 'Omniscience' means 'all knowledge' or 'Knowledge of all'. The Latin word 'omnis' is rendered by the Sanskrit word 'sarva'. So, there is a striking parallel between the word 'omniscience' and 'sarvajñata'. Etymologically, the term 'sarvajñata (omniscience) derived from the root 'jña' (jānāti) to know and sarvajñata is formed by adding the abstruct affix ta' to 'sarvajñatā Therefore the etymological meaning of the term 'sarvajña' or omniscient will be one who knows everything.
However, the Jainas defined omniscience (kevalajñāna) as perfect (paripurna), complete (samagra), unique (asādhāraṇa), absolute (nirapeksa), pure (visuddha), all-comrehensive (sarvabhāva-jñāpaka), that which has for its object both the world and the non-world (lokāloka vişaya) and infinite (anantaparyaya).'
Tattvärthadutra, 1.30 & bhäsya
1.

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To the Jainas, it is a perfect and infinite knowledge. In this knowledge one apprehends simultaneously all substances and all their qualities directly, without the help of the sense orgain and mind. Nothing remains to be known and nothing is unknown. This knowledge is much higher than our ordinary sensuous knowledge, because, there is no limitation of time and space in this knowledge. Obviously it is a non-sensuous knowledge.
The Jaina theory of knowledge is based on their conception of self. Self is basically omniscient since knowledge is the essential quality of the self. The pure self possesses infinite knowledge but due to the veil of karmic matter, it is obscured, it cannot realise its true nature. When obstruction of the karmas are destroyed or removed, knowledge arises in the self. Self gains omniscience. This obstruction can be removed totally by the practice of mental discipline and meditation.
Corresponding to their five type of knowledge (matiśruta etc.), there are five types of avarana also. When all these avaraṇas are destryoyed, self attains its true nature i.e. infinite knowledge. We may call it omniscience or kavalajñāna. Now the question may be raised here whether the four other types of knowledge are present or not in this very state. As an answer to this question some hold that in the state of omniscience, other four types of knowledge exist, but they are overpowered by the kevalajñāna, just as in the day time the light of the stars is overpowered by the light of the sun. Some other hold that this view is not true. According to them, in the state of omniscience, other four imperfect knowledge does not exist. Umāsvāti is the upholder of this view. He says that kevala arises due to the total destruction of all karmic matters, while other four types of knowledge arise by the destruction and subsidence of their own jnānāvaraņa. When there is total destruction of karmic matters, the other four types of knowledge could not arise. Modern Jaina logician Yaśovijaya also upholds this view. He replies that though the different types of knowledge are manifested by the destruction of their own jnānāvaraṇa, the avarņa of perfect knowledge is also at the same time the cause of the manifestation
Ibid 1.30.
3.
N. Tatia, Studies in Jaina Philosophy - P. 27

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of four imperfect knowledge. In other words, the obstruction of perfect knowledge is the cause of the manifestation of imperfect knowledge. Thus, according to Yośovijaya, for an omniscient person, partial knowledge is not possible, for the cause of partial knowledge i.e. kevalajñāņa has been destroyed."
The Jaina logician Kundakunda explains the nature of omniscience or kevalajñāna in a very novel way. He says that though a kevali or omniscient perceives all objects of all time and of all place, it is so, only from the vyavahāra drști. He explains the nature of Kevalajñāna with the help of niscaya-drsți and vyavahāra drsti. These two are the two different points of view, from which the nature of a thing may be explained. Sometimes niscaya drsți is called paramārthadrsti and the vyavahāradrsti is called samvrlu drsti . With the help of the first, one knows the essential nature of a thing and with the help of the second, one knows the secondary properties or bāhyasvarūpa of a thing.
According to niścya drsti, omniscience is self-revealing, a kevali is indifferent to the world, so he knows only his pure self. Although he perceives all things his mind is not attracted to them and he may be said not to know them. His self becomes pure, so he possesses the intuitional experience of the self itself, therefore, he is called abandhaka. But, according to vyavahāra drsti, he knows also the objects of all time and place. Thues kevalajñāna is self-revealing and also object-revealing from two different points of view. But the essential nature of kevalajñāna is to be self-revealing, there is the intuitive experience of the pure self, since knowledge is the essential quality of the self.
I think the explanation given by Kundakunda about the nature of kevalajñāna or omniscience knowledge is remarkable and true. Infact, when a self becomes pure, it becomes indifferent to all worldly objects and shines in its own light i.e. knowledge. In this stage there is no difference between knowledge and self.This is the stage of ātmapratti or self realisation; stage of pure consciousness. This stage is much resemble to the Advaitins concept of Brahmajñāna. 4. Yasovijaya, Jñāna-bindu-prakarana - 4
Ibid - 3

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Hence, from the above discussion, it is very clear that, kevalajñāna of the Jainas is evidently a kind of non-sensuous knowledge or atindriyajñāna. It is an intuitive experience of his own pure self as well as the objects of the world with all their qualities of all time and place, from two different points of view.
This concept of non-sensuous knowledge is found in most of the systems of Indian philosophy. It is called atindriyajñāna. It is a type of intuitive experience; it arises in the self.Such knowledge is not caused in the ordinary way. The sense-organs do not play a role in its production. There is no limitation of space, time and place for it. One, who possesses this experience can know the objects of the past, present and future. He is called an omniscient being.
In this part, an attempt is being made here to compare the Jaina concept of omniscience with the Nyāya-Vaišeșika and Advaitins concept of omniscience. In Indian thought the concept of omniscience has generally been associated with Yogic attainments or salvation. Through yoga one can attain omniscience. This idea of omniscience has been aceepted in some form or other, by almost all the Indian system of philosophy except the Cārvākas.? The Nyāya-Vaiseșika recognise alaukika pratyakşa, of which the yogaja (yogic intuition) is one of the three varieties. The latter may produce omniscience, though every yogi does not possess the power of omniscience but only those, who acquire it through special yogic efforts. But this yogic omniscience is not permanent, for in the state of release there would be no knowledge. Knowledge according to them is the accidental quality of the self or in other words, knowledge is an attribute, which inheres in the self substance which however is separable from it. In the state of release the self exists as pure substance, free from all connection with the body neither suffering pain nor enjoying pleasure nor having cognition or consciousness even. That is why, we can say that there is no knowledge of the pure consciousness (Self). To them only Gods' omniscience is
Niyamasāra - 171
Kumārila, sloka-vārtika II, 110-11

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eternal, but omniscience acquired by the power of Yoga cannot be eternal. Yogic omniscience thus differs from divine omniscience, in that it is produced, while the latter is eternal.8
But in the case of kevalajñāna or omniscience of the Jainas the question of acquirement does not arise. Here knowledge is not something, which is to be acquired, Self itself is knowledge. Knowledge is self or self is knowledge. To the Jainas, every self is omniscient, but due to the obstruction of the karmic matters this omniscience is not manitested. But the practice of mental and bodily discipline, he can destroy the avaraņa of the karmas and can manifest the latent omniscience. Since knowledge is the essential quality of the self, self and knowledge are identical or inseparable, the manifest omniscience would be permanent, even in the stage of release.
Omniscience of the Jainas is a kind of non-sensuous knowledge (ati ndriya jñāna), but yogaja pratyakṣa of the Naiyāyikas is not exactly a kind of non-sensuous perception, rather it is a kind of super normal perception (alaukika pratyakşa), because though sense organs are not directly involved but indirectly playing a role in its production. The objects are not actually present to the senses, but are experienced through an extra ordinary medium. Like the Jainas it is also the knowledge of objects of the world with all their qualities at all places and time. But unlike the Jainas, it is not the knowledge of pure consciousness.
Now the Jaina concept of omniscience may be compared with the Brahma jñāna of the Advaita Vedāntins. In fact, the interpretation of kevala jñāna given by Kundakunda inspired me to do this work. Kundakunda explains the nature of kevalajñāna from the two different points of view, which we have mentioned earlier. According to him, from the transcendental (niscaya drsti) point of view, the omniscient only knows his self. Of course, this does not mean that, there is nothing outside his own self i.e. other worldly beings and objects are not there. He perceives all those things from vyavahāra drșți. Actually what he wants to say is that, he becomes indifferent to the worldly beings and objects in this very stage. Although he perceives all things, his self is
8.
Prasastapāda-bhașya, p. 187

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not attracted to them. He may be said not to know them. Since knowledge is the essential quality of the self, there is no difference between self and knowledge, the knower and the known, subject and object. This is the stage of pure-consciousness infinite knowledge. I think, this very stage (niscaya drṣṭi) of kevala jñāna may be compared with the Advaitins concept of Brahma jñāna. There is a striking similarity between these two concepts.
According to the Advaita Vedāntins, Brahman is of pure consciousness, infinite knowledge and real. (The description of Brahman even as infinite, consciousness and real, though more accurate than accidental descriptions, cannot directly convey the idea of Brahman. It only serves to direct the mind towards Brahman by denying of its finiteness, unreality and unconsciousness). And Branmajñāna means knowledge of real, pure consciousness and infinite. In this stage there is also no difference between subjet and object, the knower and the known, experience and experiences, like the Jainas. So from this particular point of view there is close resembalance between these two concepts. But one thing, we should have remembered that, though there is no difference between subject and object, the knower and the known, in Jainism, the Kevali (omniscient being) is not loosing his identity as an experiencer at the time of experience.
167
But in the case of Brahmajñāna there is no experiencer. When someone attains this state or he realizes the truth in the form 'I am Brahman' from that very moment, everything in this world, including self and God (Brahman conditioned by Maya) are the illusory creation of Māyā, to him. Brahman is the only reality, Atman and Brahman are the two aspects of the same reality. When Atman becomes united with Brahman, Atman looses his identity as an experiencer. Only Brahman is there, nothing outside Him. So the question of omniscience does not arise in that case.
However, in my opinion, the jivan mukti of the Advaita Vedāntins may be called omniscience being. If we observe very carefully the Advaitins concept of jivan mukti, we will see that there is a striking similarity between the Advaitins concept of jivan mukti and the Jaina concept of omniscience. To the Vedantins, on the attainment of mukti the body may continue, because it is the product of karmas, which had

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already born their effect (prārabdha-karma). But he never again identify itself with the body. The external world still appears before him but he is not deceived by it. He does not feel any desire for the worldly objects. He is totally free from all sorts or attachments. He is in this world and yet out of it. This is the Advaitins concept of jivan mukti.' It is a stage of perfection. Like the Jainas and some other Indian thinkers, Sankara believes that perfection can be reached even here in this life. This is the stage were the illusory distinction between the self and Brahman disappears and he realizes the truth in the from 'I am Brahman' and at the same time he realizes that 'All this is Brahman' (sarvam khalvidam brahma). This is the highest stage of perfection, like the Kevala jñāna of the Jainas. This jivan muktas may be called omniscience being. The notion of liberated being implies the idea of perfection and since omniscience is perfection of knowledge it has been associated with him.
Though, there is some similarity between Brahmajñāna and kevala jñāna, there may be truely some differences between the experience of the self in the two systems. According to Advaita Vedāntins, there is only one self i.e. Brahman. So in Brahmajñāna, the individual self possesses the experience of identity with Brahman (I am Brahman). There is no difference between Brahman and Atman. Ātman is Brakman. The anubhava of Atman or the integral experience is a type of intuitional consciousness, which may be called the knowledge of Brahman, in which the individual self feels the identity of Brahman. On the other hand, the Jainas believe in the existence of many selves. So, in their kevalajñāna different selves have the pure feeling of their own existence, for all selves are different. Not only that, there is also some other differences between Brahmajñāna and kevalajñāna. Since the Jainas believe in the reality of the external world, therefore, in their kevalajñāna (from vyavahāra drsti) there is direct apprehension of external objects of all times and of all places. But in Brahmajñāna, there is no knowledge of the objects of the part future and distance, because to the Advaitins the world is not real but only appears as real due to ignorance. There is only one reality i.e.
Sankara's Bhāsya, Sū 1 1. 4

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Brahman, so the question of direct apprehension of all objects of all times and all palces does not arise in case of Brahma jñāna.
However, for the Upanisads the real is the Atman or Brahman, the two words are used very often synonymously. It follows, therefore, that 'By knowing the Atman one knows everything'1o or Atman being known everything is known'." In short, the Upanisadic thinkers want to bring home the truth that, one who knows the cosmic spirit, either as Brahman or Atman, knows everything. Thus omniscience means the knowledge of the self (atmajñāna), knowledge of Brahman (Brahma jñāna).
The Jaina logician Kundakunda, Yogindu, and some others sometimes seem to advocate this inword approach to knowledge. "From the transcendental point of view, the omniscient perceives his self only12 says Kundakunda and declares that the practical point of view is unreal. If we acknowledge this truth, then jivan mukta of the Advaita vedantina must be regarded as an omniscient being, since it is a state of realisation of pure consciousness, infinite knowledge, which is the real nature of self.
Thus, from all these observations, we arrive at the conclusion that the nature of omniscience of the Jainas are unique and this uniquencess rests on the iterpretation of Kundakunda. The explanation of kevalajñāna or omniscience given by him, has its own important place in Jaina philosophy. I think, on this interpretation the conception of omniscience gains a spiritual significance. Some systems of Indian Philosophy (Naiyāyika, Sāṁkhya, Buddha etc.) believe in the possibility of omniscience, yet the Jaina concept of omniscience is much more comprehensive than all other systems.
10.
11.
12.
Chandogyopanisad VI 2. 1 Is a 6.7. By had III. 7.1
Bṛhad IV 5.6
169
Kundakunda-Niyamasara ed. by A. Chakraborty, Kashi Bhartiay
Jnanapitha 1950 Gatha - 11.

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JAIN JOURNAL : VOL-XXXVII, NO. 3 JAN 2003
JAIN BHAWAN: ITS AIMS AND OBJECTS
Since the establishment of the Jain Bhawan in 1945 in the Burra Bazar area of Calcutta by eminent members of Jain Community, the Jain Bhawan has kept the stream of Jain philosophy and religion flowing steadily in eastern India for the last over fiftyeight years. The objectives of this institution are the following: 1. To establish the greatness of Jainism in the world rationally and
to spread its glory in the light of new knowledge.
To develop intellectual, moral and literary pursuits in the society. 3. To impart lessons on Jainism among the people of the country.
4. To encourage research on Jain Religion and Philosophy. To achieve these goals, the Jain Bhawan runs the following programmes in various fields. 1. School: To spread the light of education the Bhawan runs a school, the Jain Shikshalaya, which imparts education to students in accordance with the syllabi prescribed by the West Bengal Board. Moral education forms a necessary part of the curricula followed by the school. It has on its roll about 550 students and 25 teachers. 2. Vocational and Physical Classes: Accepting the demands of the modern times and the need to equip the students to face the world suitably, it conducts vocational and physical activity classes. Classes on traditional crafts like tailoring, stitching and embroidery and other fine arts along with Judo, Karate and Yoga are run throughout the year, not just for its own students, but for outsiders as well. They are very popular amongst the ladies of Burra Bazar of Calcutta. 3. Library: "Education and knowledge are at the core of all round the development of an individual. Hence the pursuit of these should be the sole aim of life". Keeping this philosophy in mind a library was established on the premises of the Bhawan, with more than 10,000 books on Jainism, its literature and philosophy and about 3,000 rare manuscripts, the library is truly a treasure trove. A list of such books and manuscripts can be obtatined from the library. 4. Periodicals and Journals: To keep the members abreast of contemporary thinking in the field of religion the library subscribes to about 100 (one hundred) quarterly, monthly and weekly periodicals from different parts of the world. These can be issued to members interested in the study of Jainism. 5. Journals: Realising that there is a need for reasearch on Jainism and that scholarly knowledge needs to be made public, the Bhawan in its role as a research institution brings out theree periodicals: Jain Journal in English, Titthayara in Hindi and Sramana in Bengali. In 37 years of its publication, the Jain Journal has carved out a niche for itself in the field and has received universal acclaim. The Bengali journal Šramana, which is being published for thirty year, has become a prominent channel for the spread of Jain philosophy in West Bengal. This is the only Journal in Bengali which deals exclusively with matters concerning any aspects of Jainism. Both the Journals are edited by a renowned

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scholar Professor Dr Satya Ranjan Banerjee of Calcutta University. The Jain Journal and Sramana for over thirty seven and thirty years respectively have proved byond doubt that these Journals are in great demand for its quality and contents. The Jain Journal is highly acclaimed by foreign scholars. The same can be said about the Hindi journal Titthayara which is edited by Mrs Lata Bothra. In April this year it entered its 25th year of publication. Needless to say that these journals have played a key-role in propagating Jain literature and philosophy. Progressive in nature, these have crossed many milestones and are poised to cross many more. 6. Seminars and Symposia : The Bhawan organises seminars and symposia on Jain philosophy, literature and the Jain way of life, from time to time. Eminent scholars, laureates, professors etc. are invited to enlighten the audience with their discourse. Exchange of ideas, news and views are the integral parts of such programmes. 7. Scholarships to researchers : The Bhawan also grants scholarships to the researchers of Jain philosophy apart from the above mentioned academic and scholastic activities. 8. Publications: The Bhawan also publishes books and papers on Jainism and Jain philosophy. Some of its prestigious publications are :
The Bhagavati Sūtra (in English] Parts 1 to 4 Barsat ki Rat (A Rainy Night) (in Hindi), Panchadarshi (in Hindi] Bangāl ka Adi Dharma (Pre-historic religion of Bengal) Praśnottare Jaina-dharma (in Bengali) (Jain religion by questions and answers). Weber's Sacred Literature of the Jains. Jainism in Different States of India.
Introducing Jainism. 9. A Computer Centre : To achieve a self-reliance in the field of education, a Computer training centre was opened at the Jain Bhawan in Fabruary 1998. This important and welcome step will enable us to establish links with the best educational and cultural organisations of the world. With the help of e-mail, internet and website, we can help propagate Jainism throughout the world. Communications with other similar organisations will enrich our own knowledge. Besides the knowledge of programming and graphics, this computer training will equip our students to shape their tomorrows. 10. Research : It is, in fact, a premiere institution for research in Prakrit and Jainism, and it satisfies the thirst of many researchers. To promote the study of Jainism in this country, the Jain Bhawan runs a research centre in the name of Jainology and Prakrit Research Institute and encourages students to do research on any aspects of Jainism. In a society infested with contradictions and violence, the Jain Bhawan acts as a philosopher and guide and shows the right path. Friends, you are now aware of the functions of this prestigious institution and its noble intentions. We, therefore, request you to encourage us heartily in our creative and scholastic endeavours. We do hope that you will continue to lend us your generous support as you have been doing for a long time.

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English :
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
P.C. Samsukha -- Essence of Jainism translated by Ganesh Lalwani,
Ganesh Lalwani Thus Sayeth Our Lord, Verses from Cidananda
translated by Ganesh Lalwani Ganesh Lalwani Jainthology
6.
7. Weber's Sacred Literature of the Jains G. Lalwani and S. R. Banerjee
Prof. S. R. Banerjee -
Jainism in Different States of India Prof. S. R. Banerjee Introducing Jainism
8.
6
9.
Hindi:
2.
3.
JAIN JOURNAL VOL-XXXVII, NO. 3 JAN 2003
Bhagavati-Sutra - Text edited with English translation by K.C. Lalwani in 4 volumes; Vol - I (śatakas 12) Vol II (śatakas 3 - 6)
Vol III (śatakas 7 - 8)
Vol IV (śatakas 9 - 11)
James Burges - The Temples of Satruñjaya, 1977, pp. x+82 with 45 plates
[ It is the glorification of the sacred mountain Śatrunjaya.]
4.
JAIN BHAWAN PUBLICATIONS P-25, Kalakar Street, Kolkata - 700 007
Price: Rs.
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translated by Shrimati Rajkumari Begani Price : Rs. Ganesh Lalwani - Śraman Samskriti ki Kavita,
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Prof. Satya Ranjan BanerjeeMahavir Kathamrita
Sri Yudhisthir Majhi
Sarak Sanskriti O Puruliar Purākirti
Smt. Lata Bothra - Vardhamana Kaise Bane Mahavir
Smt. Lata Bothra - Kesar Kyari Me Mahakta Jain Darshan
Smt. Lata Bothra

Bharat me Jain Dharma
Acharya Nanesh - Samatā Darshan O Vyavahar (Bengali)
Shri Suyash Muniji - Jain Dharma O Sasanavali (Bengali)
K.C.Lalwani - Sraman Bhagwan Mahavira
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JAIN JOURNAL : VOL-XXXVII, NO. 3 JAN 2003
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JAIN JOURNAL : VOL-XXXVII, NO. 3 JAN 2003
LALCHAND DHARAM CHAND Govt. Recognised Export House 12 India Exchange Place,
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129 Rasbehari Avenue Kolkata- 700 020, Phone: 2464 1186
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ARIHANT JEWELLERS Shri Mahendra Singh Nahata
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With Best Wishes It is difficult to conquer self.
If self is conquered, we shall be happy in this world and after.

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JAIN JOURNAL VOL-XXXVII, NO. 3 JAN 2003
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JAIN JOURNAL: VOL-XXXVII, NO. 3 JAN 2003
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JAIN JOURNAL : VOL-XXXVII, NO. 3 JAN 2003
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