Jain Journal 1999 07

Author(s): Jain Bhawan Publication
Publisher: Jain Bhawan Publication
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/520135/1

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VOL XXXIV
No. 1 JULY

॥ जैन भवन ॥
JAIN BHAWAN
JAIN Journal
ISSN 0021-4043
A QUARTERLY
JAINOLOGY
ON

PUBLICATION
1999

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Jainism and The Western World Peter Flügel
Contents
Vikramaditya VI and Jainism Hampa Nagarajaih
Relevance of Non-violence in Modern Life
Dulichand Jain
Prakrit in the Maurya Empire Satya Ranjan Banerjee
A Key-note Address on Umāsvāti and His Works Satya Ranjan Banerjee
News on Jainism around the World
Some Publications Received

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Vol. XXXIV
No. 1 July
JAINISM AND THE WESTERN WORLD* JINMUKTISURI AND GEORG BÜHLER AND OTHER EARLY ENCOUNTERS
JAIN JOURNAL
PETER FLÜGEL
It is puzzling to the student of religion that even though in 1867 the Calcutta High Court decided that Jainism is not an independent religion, sixty years later it was widely depicted as a 'world-religion' by virtue of it's universal principles of non-violence and world-renunciation and the existence of an independent body of sacred scriptures (Glasenapp 1925:316). One of the many paradoxes of Jain history is that books, which initially were considered to be products of acts of violence, became objects of religious veneration itself, and as such, from the 11th C. onwards, were hidden away from the public eye in subterranean bhaṇḍhārs, or treasure houses, in fear of persecution and plundering, only to be unearthed by Jain lawyers and European Indologists in the 19th C. as proof for the independent existence of the Jain religion vis-à-vis the emerging Hindu Law. The history of the opening of the Jain libraries is still to be written. However, at the moment three views prevail. One school of thought attributes this achievement to the protest of reformminded Jain laity against the illegitimate privileges of the yatis, or property-owning monks, who supplied the majority of the few remaining Jain ascetics at the beginning of the 19th C. and often controlled access to the bhandhārs. Others have pointed to the efforts of monastic reformers, like Ātmārām (1837-1896), Vijayvallabhsūri (1870-1954) and others, to publish the Jain scriptures, while many western Academics continue to recite the Orientalist narrative of the western 'discovery' of the Jain bhaṇḍārs, which critics rather want to portray as a story of imperialist plunder. It is this version of the events which will be the prime concern of this essay.

1999
Central stage belongs to the Sanskritists Georg Bühler (18371898) and Hermann Jacobi (1850-1937), who in the year 1873-1874 travelled together to the famous library of Jaisalmer "in order to make its contents accessible to science" (Bühler 1875:82). The
This article was received on 28.12.1998.

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JAIN JOURNAL : Vol-XXXIV, No. 1 July 1999 fascinating story of Bühler's journey from Disa via Sirohi and Jodhpur to Jaisalmer and on to Bikaner in company of the young Hermann Jacobi belongs to the stock of Orientalist legends which are re-told over and over again. But the original report, written ten years after the event and published in German in an Austrian weekly, has almost been forgotten. The following translation of the most significant passages should therefore be of interest. Bühler was the education inspector for a district of northern Gujarat, when he received an order from the Viceroy in 1868 to access and catalogue the indigenous libraries, and to buy manuscripts with the help of a Jain agent as source materials for the compilation of a digest of Hindu Law and for the production of copies for European Universities (Johnson 1992:200). He undertook several journeys through Gujarat in 1868, 1870, 1871 and 1872/3, before he decided to visit the famous Jain libraries in Jaisalmer and Bhatnir, which were first mentioned by James Tod (1830:282), who himself caught a glimpse of the Hemacandra Bhandār at Patan with the help of his Khartar Gacch Jain Guru (Johnson 1992:197ff.). In his report Bühler described the importance and the difficulties of his task as follows: "These libraries are in part extraordinarily extensive and old. They contain many valuable manuscripts and often even works of the brahmanical literature, which are not available elsewhere. But they are under the supervision of a community committee, a so-called Panch, which only in very rare cases is prepared to grant curious Sanskritists access to his treasures. Mostly it requires a hard struggle, out of which the European not always emerges victorious" (Bühler 1883:518). Particularly interesting is his description of two meetings with Jain monks. The first took place in the Parśvanāth temple in Randol, where Bühler copied some ancient copper plates and bought some scriptures for the Government. He writes : "My agent received these from the monk, naturally under the seal of discretion [Bühler does not mention his name). The latter seemed to be very happy with our visit and the business that was done later. In the afternoon he offered us a return visit, which such saints rarely do, and brought along a small disciple, which he educated to be a monk. According to his statement, he bought him during a famine in the year 1869 from his parents. Although the boy was only nine years old, he knew already large parts of the sacred scriptures by heart” (p. 522). The following account of Bühler's subsequent encounter with the Kharatara Gaccha Sripuj Jinmuktisūri in Jaisalmer 15.1.1874 - 4.2.1874 is of great historical significance, because, according to his pupil Winternitz (1898), he owed much of his success in searching Jaina libraries "to his intimate friendship with the Śrīpūj Jinamuktisūri" (p. 344) :

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"Shripuj Jinamuktisūri was the head of a great portion of the Khartara Gaccha, the sect of the strict ascetics, which was founded in the 11th century. His stay in Jaisalmer was caused by the fact that Sheth Himatmal, one of the richest bankers, had built a new temple near Jaisalmer, which he had consecrated by the Shripuj. Although this happened a year ago, and Jaina ascetics are really only permitted to stay in one place for the three months of the rainy season, Jinamukti had lived in the monastery of the Khartar-community already for nearly one and a half years. Probably he found it too difficult to break loose because the community was extraordinarily rich and generous. In the year 1873 he was a man of approximately 35 years, with most intelligent, pleasing features and of great kindness. He received us with great amiability and replied to my "Mahāraja Vande", "my veneration, great king”, with a heartily spoken "Dharmalabha", "may the faith increase". He spoke Sanskrit very skillfully and in our conversation showed himself to be well-versed in the Jaina scriptures, Sanskrit poetry and the sciences. Even the strictest Brāhman would have declared him to be, if not a great pandit, then a real Vyutpanna or a well-educated man. I told him that he should become my Guru or teacher in Jainism, and he declared himself ready to answer all kinds of questions concerning his faith. Even my intention, to enter into the library of the Osvals, interested him. He told me that he, though being the Shripuj, (and) despite many promises (to admit him to the library), had not seen it. They were probably afraid to show him the books, lest he requested some of them as a gift for himself. He showed us his very significant personal library, which he carried with himself, and offered to me to copy what I wanted. It made a peculiar impression to even find in this library a Hindustani Bible, which was presented to him by a missionary. Jinamukti said that he had read the Bible. That he held it in honour was apparent, because he preserved it as carefully as his sacred books. The first visit was followed by many others, and throughout the whole period of my stay our relationship remained equally cordial. In the morning one of his subordinate monks usually came to ask about my well-being, and at approximately four o'clock went to him. He always gave answers to my many questions, supported me with good advice in my negotiations with the Osval library committee and took a lively interest in the discoveries which I soon began to make. Once, when he preached to the congregation, he specially invited us to listen, and allowed us to witness how the community richly presented him with gifts after the sermon. He received some 700 Florins in cash, four small golden and four large silver water-jugs and 860 pieces of cloth, stitched by pious hands, for wrapping his books. Of the latter he gave me one specimen as il remembrance. Even in later years wandering monks did bring me greetings from

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him, and once, when I sent him a copy of a book which I found in Jaisalmer and had printed later, I received a friendly letter of acknowledgement in Sanskrit.
The beginning of my scientific activities looked promising. Already two days after our arrival on the 18th we were guided to the temple of Parishnath in the fort, in whose vaults the great library was kept. A number of manuscripts were brought to us, amongst which were many extraordinarily old ones dating from the 12th century of our era. Until the year 1873 one did not at all know that manuscripts existed in India, which went back to the year 1258. But the most important European colleagues, like Müller, Weber and Aufrecht, still doubted the authenticity of the dates. My joy therefore was not small, when I suddenly got to see manuscripts which were even 150 years older, and I was not less pleased, when I found amongst these works, apart from the religious works of the Jainas, important books of the brahmanical literature, and amongst the latter a really old history work, the life of the famous Chaulukya-prince Vikramāditya V. of Kalyāna, which was written around 1158 before Christ by his courtpoet, the Kashmiri Bilhana. There was no question of its being a fake and I felt that I had found something which made my journey a successful one. Unfortunately my joy was soon tainted. Already after three days, during which we saw, catalogued, and checked about 50 books, it was suddenly said, that this was to be all for now. Instead of books only some heaps of loose leaves were brought to us, the inspection of which was very toilsome. Then the librarian led one of the people of the Mahārāwal once more down into the vault and convinced him, that nothing else was left in the opened room. I was very angry about this report, which did not convince me, and mocked the committee that the world-famous library of Jaisalmer should only contain 50 manuscripts, to stir their ambitions to show us more. But the answer remained : We have nothing else.
So I had to retract provisionally, putting a good face on it, and borrowed the most important manuscripts, partly to copy myself, and partly to have them copied. But I promised myself to pay the Jaina committe the anger back with interest. During the next days I worked calmly with Dr. Jacobi on the copy of the historical work, which I, because the characters were very archaic, wished to do myself. In doing so I made inquiries about the library in secret through my agent. But no one apart from the committee of the Jainas and the librarian had ever seen it. The reports were thus not very certain or clear. At last my friend, the Shripuj, helped me. He too could not come to know anything directly, but he said: "If the books, which you have seen, did

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not contain all the sacred scriptures of our religion, then you have not been shown everything. For all our community libraries must contain the 45 Angas." That was enough for me. I went to Thakur Juvansingh and told him seriously, that the Jaina committee wanted to make a fool of me. It would be all the same to me, whether the books would be shown. But I would report to the Government follow what would. Likewise I asked the minister to come to me and told them the same, only adding that, if the government authorities would come, they could lose their posts. This, at last, had an effect. One of the ministers, who was himself a Jaina and a member of the committee, began to work on his colleagues, and after various turbulent meetings it was decided to show us the real library, since it couldn't be helped. But first one more trick was tried. The entrance to the real library, a large door made of stone, was painted over, and it was decided to guide me into the next vault, where the books were kept which I had seen already, in order to cinvince me that nothing else was there. All these pleasant things were reported to me by the Shripuj. He advised me to be very careful and not to step into the vault. But in case I had to do it, he provided me with a detailed plan of all the vaults under the Parishnath temple. Finally the day arrived when we were called again to the temple, it was January the 28th. The committee received me the solemnly, led by the Jaina minister, and the latter spoke exactly as predicted by the Shripuj. I decidedly refused to enter the vaults, to check whether there was still something there. Likewise I forbad my agents to go down and always repeated that the masters of the house would know best where the things were. When the minister saw that I could not be tempted, he stood up with a deep sigh, remarking that he wanted to look around down there himself. He stayed away for about half an hour. Then he returned with three servants, which carried large sacks full of manuscripts. He said, he had opened a door, which usually would not be opened, and found yet more, we would presumably have work for still some time. Then he took leave smilingly. Now the inspecting and cataloguing set about afresh, and the manuscripts that were now brought to light contained even more precious treasures than the earlier ones. We still had to work in the temple daily for about six hours until February the 3rd, and could hand to the scribes more than 50 works, which all contained something new or very rare from the brahmanic, Jaina- and Buddhist literature, for copying. One old catalogue of the library from the year 1780 proved to us that we had now seen everything. It contained several hundred manuscripts on palm leaves and some more on paper. The opening of this carefully concealed library was however not the only success which I had. I received many other lists from private libraries and acquired about fifty original manuscripts" (Bühler 1883:530-32).

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This account shows how Bühler used whatever means he had to gain access to the Jain bhandḥārs.1 Before receiving the second load of manuscripts an obviously very frustrated Dr Bühler wrote a letter dated January 29 to the Indian Antiquary reporting his earlier discoveries: "The Yatis here do not possess much more than we have got in Surat. They are very friendly and communicative. The Panch of the Osval, to which the great Bhāṇḍār belongs, is very tough, and requires frequent admonitions from th Rawal, but, I believe, finally we shall see everything" (1874:90). Until Alsdorf's visit in 1951 no other modern scholar had visited the Jaisalmer collection, though Shridhar R. Bhandarkar tried to gain accss in 1905, while searching for manuscripts for the Government. Alsdorf arrivd on invitation by Muni Punyavijaya (1896-1971), who at the time worked in Jaiselmer on his catalogue of the Jaisalmer collection, and later wrote: "He who stepped down the steep staircase into the two narrow subterranean chambrs lacking any openings for light and air-the rear one only accessible through a loop-hole barely meter-high-, he understands without further ceremony how easy it was to thoroughly dupe Bühler, and also, that until now every attempt of cataloguing could only lead to partial successes" (p. 162). Obviously Bühler had been mislead about the real contents of the Jaisalmer library, which-according to Muni Punyavijaya's New Catalogue of Sanskrit and Prakrit Manuscripts : Jesalmer Collection (Ahmedabad: L.D. Institute, 1972, Foreword)contains 2697 manuscripts, not 460 as Bühler was lead to believe. And of the 28 he asked to copy, only 4 were done (Johnson 1992:205). Evidently the Pañcayat and the Śrīpuj did not represent competing interests, as Bühler presumed, but decided together to sacrifice a significant part of the manuscripts to science, or rather the colonial government, in order to protect the bulk of the collection from outside interference. Dundas (1992) noted that, although the contents of the library are now known, "Even today, direct access to this material is difficult to gain, usually requiring the simultaneous presence of all trustees, a rare event. ... The conflict of interest here is obvious: for the European, the value of the manuscripts lay in their content by means of which Indian history could be reconstructed, while for the Jain their true worth lay in their role as sacred objects" (p. 72f.).
But the conflict of interest was not merely confined to European
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1. It might be added that access to the only remaining copies of the Digambar Satkhaṇḍāgama, which were already in a state of decomposition, wasgained by Hiralal Jain and A.N. Upadhye only by using the equally devious means of smuggling some manuscripts out of the monastery at Mudbidri (Dundas 1992:56).

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scholars and Jain collectors. It manifested itself in various forms within the Jain community itself, as a conflict between conservatives, who wanted to keep the bhandārs locked and under their own exclusive control, and reformers, like Vijayavallabhasūri and the members of the Svetambara Jain Conference, who were keen to publicize the content of the collections and to preserve the precious but sometimes already decomposing manuscripts. Sometimes the reformers were monks, sometimes laity. Although in Jaisalmer the Pañc and not the Sripūj seemed to own the manuscripts, it was not unusal in the 19th C. that the yatis themselves were the actual owners of bhāndars, and there were frequent “lawsuits between lay sanghs and yatis concerning the possession of manuscripts" (Cort 1995:81), which mostly the yatis won. Cort (p. 81ff.) has shown how ownership patterns varied, and that there is still an ongoing trade in Jain manuscripts. The fact that Bühler bought manuscripts from a yati in Randol was therefore not coincidental, nor were the payments which Jinmuktisūri rceived for his sermon. However, Bühler's queries were met with different responses in each locality. In Surat, Cambay, Limbdi, and Ahmedabad, Bikaner and during his first visit to Patan, Bühler could overcome the resistance of the Pañcs, and was able to obtain copies of almost all the 45 canonical Svetāmbar scriptures already in 1872-1873 (cf. Johnson 1992:203, 205). But during his second visit to Patan 1874 he found that “The Pandit (of the Hemacandra Bhāndhār] had to sue for many months in vain, as the leading Jains feared that some sinister attempt against the books might be intented when the new catalogue had been prepared" (Bühler 1881:44). Their reasoning was compelling : “The 1868 act does not specify what would be the ultimate disposition of the manuscripts and most Indians feared they would go to Europe and thus not be available in India. The response was not to sell or give their precious titles to Bühler or the other collectors. After much debate the Government of India decided that the manuscripts collected under the auspicies of the program would remain in India. The research program now had the possibility of evolving into a meaningful vehicle to support Sanskrit research in India” (Johnson 1992:201f.).
The study of the materials collected by Bühler ultimately led to Jacobi's (1884) textual proof that Jainism originated independently from Buddhism, for which he was honoured with the title Jaina Darsana Divākara during his visit to the All India Jaina Literary Conference in Jodhpur 27.12.1913 (Glasenapp 1925:77); even though he also found "that both Jainism and Buddhism owed to the Brāhmans, especially the Samnyāsins, the groundwork of their philosophy, ethics, and cosmogony" (Jacobi 1884: xxxv). His work was particularly well-rceived by the leading members of the Bhārat Jain Mahamandal, which was

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JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXXIV, No. 1 July 1999 founded in Bombay 1882 (The Times 3.7.1882:5), because it could be used as evidence for overturning the judgement of the Calcutta High Court "to force the British Indian courts to recognise the faith of the Jainas as a separate religion, and not as a mere sect of the Hindus, and to raise the status of the relevant Jain scriptures" (Derrett 1976:4). Three Digambar Jain lawyers in particular, Padmaraja Pandit, Jugrhandir* Lal Jaini (1881-1927), and Champat Rai Jain (1867-1942), were instrumental in getting this judgement reversed by publishing Jain sacred scriptures and selected translations from Jain legal-texts as a proof of the independent existence of Jaina Law'. In so doing they had to rally against the continuing policy of secrecy of the Jain Mahasabha, which, according to C.R. Jain, "repeatedly passed resolutions against printing. The effect of this has been that the world has not yet known what Jainism is like" (1926:8). Nowadays printing and translating Jain scriptures is more or less taken for granted, and there are no inhibitions to the world-wide dissemination of Jain religious knowledge anymore. However, the advent of printed editions, which at first were met with the same resistance as the technique of writing a thousand years before, makes protective storage obsolete, and provokes the question "how marginal the manuscripts are to the ongoing Jain identity" (Cort 1995:86).
8
John Cort (1989:20-37) held against Edward Said's one-sided attack on western Orientalism that in fact "Jain dogma and Orientalist scholarship coincide in their valuation of the past over the present" (p. 27), and that western scholar pioneers merely accepted and repeated Jain normative statements as historical descriptions (p. 39-40). However, this conclusion could only be reached by abstracting from the colonial context and the crucial role of the Jain scriptures in the late 19th C. communal politics. Strictly speaking a coincidence of interests was only emerging in the period after the forced 'opening' of the Jain libraries. In the 20th century many close contacts developed between western Jainologists and reformist Jain monks like Vijayadharmasūri (1868-1922) and Vijayindrasūri, who shared their scholarly interests. Moritz Winternitz (1926:351f.) for instance writes that he exchanged many letters with the 'free spirited' Vijayadharmasūri, who also sent him manuscripts, and helped him with the chapter on Jaina literature in his famous book History of Indian Literature. A personal meeting between the two men was already scheduled for October 1922, when Winternitz received the news of Vijayadharmasuri's death on the 5.9.1922, and postponed his journey.
Is it Jagmander Lal Jaini? The spelling with -rh- (?) seems to be a mistype for ma [Editor].

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He accepted, however, immediately Upādhyāy Indravijay's invitation to attend the memorial ceremony starting on the 22.1.1923 in Shivpuri, where a temple (samadhimandir) in Vijayadharmasūri's honour was erected on the site of his cremation. The similarities and differences shared between the European Indologist and the Jain sādhu are well caught in Winternitz' description of his farewell from Indravijaya, who, Winternitz writes, emerged from his abode in the evening "cheerful and happy as ever": "It is remarkable how happy, calm and serene these monks are, despite the hard life which they lead. He asked me: "How many meals did you have today already?" I had to concede shamefully, that there had been four, whereupon he told me-not without an innocent joy, I cannot call it pride, that he had eaten nothing for 36 hours already. For the monks were fasting in honour of their ācārya. Curious as ever, he asked, how much salary I got per month, and how much of that I needed, and things like that. Then he asked, whether I believed in reincarnation and a soul. I had to answer in the negative. He could not imagine that one did not believe in reincarnation. The indeed the whole doctrine of karman would be futile, and the people would not receive their due reward or the just punishment for their deeds. That one can love the people and do good, without thinking about one's own ego and believing in one's soul as a thing that is eternally alive, as I maintained, he seemed not to understand" (p. 374.). "I had, throughout these days, when I participated in the many ceremonies, often the feeling, that in all this ceremonial there is endless ritualism involved, outward show, joy of pomp and not very much true religious sentiment. In which religion is it any different? But nevertheless in this wonderful moonlit night it was to me an endlessly touching sight to see all these good and pious people, offering their reverence to their great teacher, the monk who entered into the nirvana. All these people, who lived in the world, most of them as merchants, traders etc., united nevertheless here in the veneration of a man, who did not want to have anything to do with worldly goods, but who took upon himself the hard life of a wandering monk, in order to teach and preach what he held to be the highest truth and wisdom" (p. 375).
Today the direction of travel has reversed. Even Jain religious functionaries are now moving out of India both to be educated in scientific research and to proselytize, since due to the efforts of Vallabhavijaysüri and other reform-minded monks the Jain community has incorporated the ideals of scientific research as far as indological studies are concerned. Apparently before he became a monk Muni Jina Vijaya, for example, went to see Hermann Jacobi in Bonn: "When I went to Germany in 1928 with a view to acquiring first-hand

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knowledge of the methods of research and with a view to establishing close contact with the German scholars working on Indological subjects and especially on Jain literature, the great scholar, Dr. Hermann Jacobi immediately came from Bonn specially to meet me in Hamburg and invited me with great affection to come there and stay with him for some months" (Preface by Jina Vijaya Muni, in Jacobi 1946:ii). The 'opening' of Jain libraries and the revival of interest in the study of Jainism by European Orientalists is today merely a footnote in the history of the Jain renaissance in the late 19th and 20th centuries, if only by virtue of the fact that much of the task of critically editing and commenting the literary tradition of the Jain heritage has been taken over by secular Jain research institutions like the L.D. Institute and others, who are also increasingly interested in the study of comparative religion. Yet the quest for the transformation of Jainism into a worldreligion has only begun, since to date it is practised merely by a small proportion of the Indian population, with a distinctive caste and class background. In the eyes of P.S. Jaini (1990) the claim of universality is yet to be realised : "Having not confined to the original homeland, India; having made new homes in all parts of the world, now there is the opportunity, indeed a duty, to make this benevolent religion accessible to the whole world" (p.9). But in order to make it universally acceptable as well, doctrinal and organisational adjustments might prove to be inevitable.
Literature Alsdorf. Ludwig. "Neues von alten Jaina-Bibliotheken." In Kleine Schriften
Ed. A. Wezler, 160-166. Wiesbaden : Steiner, 1974. Bühler, J. Georg. "On the Bhandār of the Osval Yatis at Jesalmer
(Correspondance : Jesalmer 29th January 1874)." IA 3 (1874) 89-90. --- "Dr. Bühler on the Celebrated Bhandār of Sanskrit MSS. of Jessalmir."
IA (1875) 81-83. ------ "Sanskrit Manuscripts in Western India." IA 10 (1881) 43-46. ..---. "Eine Reise durch die indische Wüste." Österreichische Rundschau 1
(1883) 517-535. ------ "On the Authenticity of the Jaina Tradition." Vienna Oriental Journal 1
(1887) 165-180. Cort, John E. Liberation and Wellbeing : A Study of the Mürtipūjak Jains of
North Gujarat. Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 1989. ------, “The Jain Knowledge Warehouses: Traditional Libraries in India." JAOS
115, 1 (1995) 77-87. Derrett, J.D.M. "Quid Possit Antiquaritas Nostris Legibus Abrogare. The Role
of the Jurist in Ancient Indian Law.” In Essays in Classical and Modern
Hindu Law I by J.D.M. Derrett, 140-149. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1976. Dundas, Paul, The Jains. London : Routledge, 1992.

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Jacobi, Hermann. "Introduction". In Jaina Sutras. Part I. SBE 22 (1884) ixliii.
----. Studies in Jainism. Ed. Jina Vijaya Muni. Ahmedabad: Jaina Sahitya Sambodhara Karyalay, 1946.
Jain, Champad Rai, The Jaina Law. Madras, 1926.
Jainism and World Problems: Essays and Addresses. Binor: The Jaina Parishad, 1934.
Jaini, P.S. "Jainism as a World Religion." Jinmanjari 1,1 (1990) 1-9. Johnson, Donald Clay. "Georg Bühler and the Western Discovery of Jain Temple Libraries." JJ 26 (1992) 197-209.
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Glasenapp, Helmut von. Der Jainismus: Eine indische Erlösungsreligion. Berlin: Alf Häger Verlag, 1925. [translated into English by Shridhar B. Shrotri under the title Jainism, an Indian Religion of Salvation and published by Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Pvt. Limited, Delhi, 1999, with a Foreword by Satya Ranjan Banerjee under Lala Sunder Lal Jain Research Series, Vol-XIV] [Editor].
Gough, Archibald Edward (ed.). Papers relating to the Collection and Preservation of the Records of Ancient Sanskrit Literature in India. Edited by order of the Government of India. Calcutta: Government Printing Office, 1878. The Times. "An influential Jain meeting." London, 3.7.1882, p.5. Tod, James. "On the Religious Establishments of Mewar." Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland II (1830) 270-325. Winternitz, M. "Georg Bühler. In Memoriam." IA 27 (1898) 337-344.
"Erinnerungen an Indien. Eine Woche bei den Jaina Mönchen in Shivpuri (Gwalior)." Zeitschrift für Buddhismus 7. Jg. Neue Folge IV (1926) 349-377.

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VIKRAMADITYA VI AND JAINISM*
HAMPA NAGARAJAIAH
Preamble
1.1 After the fall of Rastrakutas and the diaspora of the Gangas, the Calukyas, who crushed and succeeded them, eventually took lead and continued uninterrupted pro-Jaina rule: "From inscriptions we understand that Jagadekamalla was a Jaina and had the Jaina biruda mallikāmoda. It is to be noted that all his predecessors from Tailapa downwards were Jains; during the last ten years of his life (A.D. 10321042), Jayasimha was staying in and around Poṭṭalakere (identified with the modern Patancheru near Hyderabad in A.P) with his queens spending time with Saiva teachers and encouraging Śaivism". 1
1.2 The Calukya king Tailapa-II (973-97), and his son Satyasraya Irivabeḍanga (997-1008), were highly indebted to a particular Jaina family of the noble lady Attimabbe.2 Dallapa, his son Nāgadeva and his son Annigadeva; Mallapa and his sons; Punnamayya, the younger brother of Mallapa were the illustrious generals in the army of Tailapa. They fought bravely and in the process Nāgadeva, husband of Attimabbe (daughter of Mallapa) and Punnamayya, younger uncle of Attimabbe, lost their lives on the battle field, the latter on the banks of river Kaveri.3
1.3 Tailapa was the lay votary of Jinacandramuni, the Jaina monk, and Satyāśraya was a lay pupil of Vimalacandra-Panditadeva.4 Daśavarma, his sons Vikramaditya-V(1008-14), Ayyanadeva (101415) and Jagadekamalla Jayasimha (1016-42), his son Trailokyamalla Someśvara-I (1042-68) and his eldest son Bhuvanaikamalla SomeśvaraII(1068-76), were very favourable to Jainism.5 A good number of
* This article was received on 10 March 1999.
1. V. Venkataraya Sastry, 1983: 75-76.
2. Kamala Hampana : Attimabbe and Chalukyas: 1995: pp. 2-5 and 38-40. 3. a) Ranna, Ajitapurāṇam (A.D. 993), canto-I, verse-36.
b) Hampa, Nagarajaiah, Kavivara-Kamadhenu 1996.
4. The preceptor Vimalacandra-Panditadeva died by the rite of sallekhanā in the year C.E. 990: EC (old). VI Müḍagere II. 990 Angadi. p. 242.
5. a) Santararu-Ondu Adhyayana: 1997-A: pp. 119-24.
b) Candrakoḍe: 1997-B: pp. 203-228, 267-78, 420-469.
c) Many inscription have recorded the fact that Jainism flickered into greater brilliancy during their reign.

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NAGARAJAIAH : VIKRAMADITYA VI AND JAINISM epigraphs establish the ascendancy, power, prestige and popularity of the Nirgrantha church during this period.
2.1 Perhaps, it is only of the unusually long period of Vikki's reign that the highest number of inscriptions are found, not only of the Kalyāna Cālukya kings, but also of the rule of any other king so far. There are a few kings, who also ruled for an equally long period but the epigraphs of the reign of Vikki are unequalled.
2.2 During the comparatively long administration of VikramādityaVI (1076-1126), spontaneous royal patronage was extended to Jainism, perhaps to an even greater degree than all his predecessors for an extended period. His feudatories, consorts, princes, ministers, generals, merchants-all generously supported Jain monasteries, the friars and nuns. Lithic records of this period have registered the fact that a good number of new Jaina temples were built and the old ones were renovated, enjoying a large amount of endowments.
2.3 The scope of this paper is limited only to the inscriptional evidences of the reign of Vikki, which record the high degree of layinvolvement, in enabling Jainism to preserve and prosper during this period between 1076 and 1126. Vikramaditya was even greater than Amoghavarşa-1 (814-78), the Rāştrakuța emperor, who had Nịpatunga as his first name, in might, patronage and wisdom; Amoghavarsa, a devout Jaina, lived a full life and ruled for equally a long period of over three score and more years.
3.1 The Cālukya emperor Vikramāditya must have imbibed the love and developed the attachment of the Jaina faith from his mother's side. It is suggested that he was the son of a Ganga princess who was one of the consorts of Trailokyamalla, who had Someśvara-1 as his first name and Āhavamalla as his surname. Inscriptions have recorded the name of Bācaladevi as the mother of Vikki?: Bilhana also has stated that Vācaladevi was the mother of prince Vikrama.8
6.
He ruled from 12.3.1076 (EC. VII-i (BLR) Hl. 14. pp. 372-73] to 16.12.1126 (Duggavatti charter of C.E. 1126); but according to K.B. Museum inscription (Hyderabad) he ruled upto 4.11.1126 (Corpus of Inscriptions in the Telengana districts, part-iv, No. 21. C.E. 1127]. His son Bhülokamalla-Someśvara-III was crowned on 20-2-1127 (APGASiii, p. 17.1127). The period of interregnun was ruled by Someśvara-III as heir apparant, waiting only for an auspicious date to get enthroned. SII XI-ii. 150.1102, Gadag. pp. 185-87; SII. xx. 93. undated. Malaghāna (Bij dt, Sindagi tk) pp. 117-20. Bilhaņa : Vikramunkadevacaritam; sarga-ii.
8.

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JAIN JOURNAL : Vol-XXXIV, No. 1 July 1999 3.2 The very fact that Vikki, in the beginning, was first placed in charge of the Gangavādi-96,000 go to approve his Ganga affiliation. Besides, only he had all the titles of the Ganga dynasty, also go to confirm his relationship to Ganga genealogy. In fact, he is introduced in the earliest of his inscriptions, in addition to his many complimentary titles, with the full set of royal birudas of the Gangas found in their records. For examples, the Shiggaon charter, one of the earliest of epigraphs to mention the name of Vikramaditya, introduces him with the usual titles of the Ganga dynasty; other relevant details will follow in the subsequent discussions.
3.3 In reality, the earliest of the inscriptions to mention the name of Vikramānkadeva, along with all his official birudas, are two, and interestingly both are of the same date. 10 These two charters introduce Vikramādityadeva with all the Ganga epithets, such as, the boon lord of Kuvalālapura, lord of the fort Nandagiri, having the crest of a lusty elephant, obtainer of a boon from Padmavatidevi, the attendent goddess of Arhat Pārsva, the 23rd Tirthankara, the Ganga-Cupid, a head-jewel in the crown of subordinate chiefs, the Ganga in Truth, the CālukyaGanga-Permmānadi-Vikramādityadeva as governing the Gangavādi, numerically labelled as 96000 and Banavāsi-12000 provinces.
3.4 The two inscriptions do not directly refer to Jainism, except that the Shiggaon charter has an indirect suggestion that Bamkāpura town was a place of five mathas (pañca-matha-sthāna) viz., Jaina, Saiva, Bauddha, Vaisnava and Viprakula (ibid, line : 29), and that Lacchaladevi, queen consort of Hariga, a Kadamba king (ibid., pp. 22
been compared to Dānacintamani-Attimabbe, a noble lady of a distinguished Jaina family, the members of which laid a strong foundation for the Calukya kingdom.11 This has led the epigraphists to speculate that the prince is of the Ganga origin : "The Chālukya prince Vikramāditya, who was a Ganga on the mother's side and adopts all the Ganga titles, was in Balligāve, ruling Gangavāļi, as well as apparently the Banavāsi, Santalige and Nolambavādi provinces, under his father, called Āhavamalla and Trailokyamalla."12
9. Of all the titles that adorned Vikki, it was Permmādi the biruda of Gangas,
that was more frequently used, in addition to Tribhuvanamalla. An epigraph, while stating that he is the greatest of all the Cālukya kings. mentions his name with duly the biruda of Permmāļi-nripa (KI. iv. 10.
C.E. 1121. Hire-halli (Hāveri dt Byadagi tk)] 10. KI. I. 17. 1055. Shiggaon, pp. 22-23 and, SII XX 35. 1055. Kalkeri (Hāveri
dt. Hāngal tk) pp. 38-39 both dated 25-12-1055. 11. Kamala Hampana, op.cit., 1995. 12. B.L. Rice : EC. VII-i (1902): "Intro" p. 13.

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3.5 Perhaps, historians are right in their conjecture, but yet the matter is open to further investigation. Whatever be the affiliation of his mother to a Jaina family, the fact that he spent his early formative period in the company of Jaina subordinates and in the Jaina environment, is well-illustrated by supportive inscriptional records. An epigraph of almost of the same period has registered that the prince, with the birudas of the Gangas, was ruling the southern provinces of his kingdom, along with the Santalige-Thousand. 13
3.6 The Santalige-1000 and Mandali-1000 were the two adjacent and co-eval principalities. The Santaras who ruled Santalige-Thousand division, from seventh to sixteenth cent. with Hombuja as their capital, were Jains ab initio. Similarly the Gangas who ruled Mandali-Thousand division, from fourth to fourteenth cent. were also Jains ab origine to ad finem. Mahāmaṇḍaleśvara Vikramadityadeva spent most of his time during 1055 and 1076, the two decades before succeeding to the throne, at Banavāsi, Talavanapura, Mandali, Hombuja, Bandalike, Balligave and other places which were also known as Jaina settlements and Jaina pilgrimage centres. The period he spent as mahamandaleśvara was also a kumāra-kāla, the days of youth i.e. when he was a prince, during which he built a Cāļukya Ganga Permānaḍi Jinālaya, a Jaina temple at Balligave, then his residence, named after him. 14
4.1 The Jaina charters are full of praise for his religious activities, for his efforts towards the propagation of the Jaina faith; his services for the cause of Jainism were of the magnitude of the Gangas for the spread of the faith. Ajitasena was the dejure head of the Jaina Church. It may be argued with cogency that Vikki had closer and constant contacts with Jaina ascetics and monasteries.
15
4.2 The following details furnish an exhaustive and comprehensive information about the status of Jaina church during the reign of Vikramaditya. Without repeating the statement-'When Vikramaditya was ruling' at the beginning of each of the inscription's discussion, only the information pertaining to Jainism will be furnished.'
4.3 A much damaged inscription, of the period of Tribhuvanamalla Permmaḍideva, is dated saka 968 equivalent to 1044,15 but the charter seems to have wrongly recorded the date, since the date falls during the first year of the reign of Trailokyamalla Someśvara-1 (1043-68), the father of Vikramaditya-VI. Therefore, it is not possible to account
13. EC. VII-i SK 83. 1058. Aḍaganți-grāma (Sh. dt, Sk. tk) pp. 169-70. 14. ibid., SK. 124. 1077. pp. 231-34; lines: 40-41.
15. SII. XI-ii. 120. 1044 (?) Yeri-Byāteri (Gadag dt Ron tk) pp. 136-138.

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for the imperial titles applied to the prince Vikramāditya who was at that period of 1044-45, neither an heir apparent (yuvarāja) nor a mahāmandalesvara. Besides, the contents of the epigraph are also of a later period of about C.E. 1090.
4.4 Albeit, keeping in view that the date of this lithic record is debatable, the contents of it may be noted. The record contains some praise worthy virtues and achievements of an illustrious Jaina family. It mentions in particular Cāmunda-gāvunda, Joma-gāvunda and Jakkeyabbe, the worshippers of the holy feet of Arhat, protectors of Jina dharma, reciters of the greater philosophical hymn, who would take delight in the head-anointment ceremony of the Jina, who spread the glory of the teachings of Jina. Joga-gāvunda happily caused a we in the premises of the temple. Though a Jaina by faith, he also gave a gift to the God of Belera Jogeśvara-Mülasthāna and Boleśvara, attached to the Matha of Pattakere, free of all imposts, This is an ideal example of the religious harmony and catholicity that prevailed in the kingdom.
5.1 One of the momentous charters of the period of Cālukyas also comes from the same area that is referred in the previous para. 16 It is a pakka Jaina inscription composed by poet Sāntinātha, a Jaina author and officer. C.E. 1068 was a transitory period in the history of Cālukya dynasty, when Somesvara-II, who had the cognomen of Bhuvanaikamalladeva (1068-76), ascended the throne. The present lithic record was composed on the auspicious occasion of the coronation of Someśvara-II, the eldest son of Trailokyamalladeva and elder brother of Vikramāditya-VI. It records, that all the brothers were present and all of them made over certain gifts (specified) to the Jain temples at Balligāve, which were constructed earlier by their elders; all the brothers giving endowments only to the Jaina temples is also significant.
5.2 Bhuvanikamalladeva Someśvara-II, on the day of his coronation itself, as a political move, made Lakşmangpa alias Lakşmarasa a loyal lieutenant of Trailokyamalla, his father, the mahāmandalesvara of the Banavāsi division and shifted his immediate brother Vikramāditya, who had earned the good will of all the subordinates there. In the succeeding year, Bhuvanaikamalla, appointed Brahmaksatra Bhuvanaikavira-Udayādityadeva the Mahāmandalesvara of Gangavādi96000 and Sāntalige-Thousand principalities, with all the titles of the Ganga dynasty.17
16. EC. VII SK. 136. 1068. Balligāve, pp. 245-49, a Charter composed by
Säntinātha, a Jaina author of eminence. 17. EC. VII-i. sk. 136. 1068.

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Early Period
6.1 Vikramaditya was officially crowned as the emperor of Calukya kingdom in the beginning of C.E. 1076.18 To commemorate the unique and propitious event of the coronation ceremony of TribhuvamamallaPermmäḍi-Vikramaditya, as the emperor of Calukya empire, perggade Śridharavarmadeva and perggade Kirtivarmadeva, two of the subordinates renovated and restored the Antara-basadi, a Jaina temple at Cilakur. 19 This shows how jubilent the Jaina community was on the succession of Vikki to the throne. Antara-Vasadi of Cilakūru attached to Indra-Jinālaya, with its presiding god being AtisayaPārsvadeva, was a temple of Rāṣṭrakūṭa period, because grants of lands were made over to this Antara-Vasadi in A.D. 1012, when Vikramaditya-V was ruling.20
6.2 When Tribhuvanamalladeva's kingdom was extending on all sides, dweller at his lotus feet, entitled to the band of five chief instruments, mahāmaṇḍaleśvara Nanni-Santara alias Govindaradeva was ruling Santalige-Thousand under the shadow of his sole umbrella (eka-chatra-chāye). He was more popular as Goggiga, a shortened nomen of his first name Govindara. He had a number of birudas including chief lord of northern Madhura, boon-lord of PattiPombuccapura, ornament of the great Ugra-vamsa by the boon obtained from the goddess Padmavatidevi.21
6.3 Govindaradeva, who had Nanni-Santara as his surname, having completed the tūlāpuruşa mahā-dāna and hiranya-garbha, highest gifts, having the monkey-flag and the lion-crest, a worshipper of the feet of Jina, the Santara-sun mahāmaṇdaleśvara was a devout Jaina Nanni-Santaradeva, for the repairs of the basadi, for the food of the band of ṛṣis and for the worship, gave villages (specified).
17
6.4 Adorned with the gems of good qualities, Caṭṭaladevi, crownqueen of Kaduvetți, a ruler of Tondenaḍ-Forty Eight Thousand and lord of Kanci, felt like erecting a memorial for the merit of her departed parents, younger sister and brother. She undertook the task of Pañcavasadi-five basadis [in Kannada basadi and basti (from Sk. vasati means a Jaina temple]. Pronouncing the name of Śrīvijayabhaṭṭāraka, her preceptor, at an auspicious moment, laid the foundation stone in the principal spot of the Pañcavasadi, an ornament of the earth
18. ibid., Sk. 109 to 130 and 221.
19. ibid.,, Hl. 14. 12-3-1076, Kuruvagrāma. pp. 372-74.
20. APGRE 1966, B-144, C.E. 1076, K.B. Museum, Hyderabad. 21. EA. II. pp. 50-55, Śaka 934 (A.D. 1012); G. Jawaharlal, 285-90.

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(urvitilakam). Srivijayadeva-bhattāraka, given to severe penance, esteemed for his proficience in all the sāstras and āgamas. 22
6.5 Panca-Küta-Vasadi-Jinamandira was the foremost in the world as if to vie with both the horizon and the sky. The unequalled Jinālaya, witnessing the great festivals in which filled the hearts of all people with merit and freed them from sins, while the temple shone every day with great ceremonies of worship. The jinendrālaya, which was caused by Cattaladevi, was like a huge ship for the monks who sought to cross over the ocean of family cares of terestrial interests, and reach the island of nirvāņa (release from bondage) in its midst, filled with the gems of unequalled virtues.23 The pancabasadi olim pancaküța basadi, consists of five garbhagrihas in one complex, and all the five aarbhaarihas are in a row. with a common antarāla and a sabhämandapa. This is one of the earliest pancakūta Jaina temples in Karnataka.
6.6 The celebrated Caţtaladevi also set up, like the mast, a mānastambha, a characteristic Jaina pillar of eminence, before the Pancakūta basadi making gifts to all. Ever bestowing food, shelter, medicine and learning, Cattaladevi, the theme of praise, shines in the world of women celebraties. That Rohiņi, Ceļini, Sitä, Revată and Prabhāvati are of unspotted virtue we hear, but that she is so we see Cattaladevi. By constructing new tanks, well, basadis, temples of all the four castes (catussamaya), watershed, sacred bathing place, feeding houses (satra), grove and other well-known works of merit, Caţtaladevi gained renown. She endowed food to many lines of monks, gold to Brāhmaṇas and raiment to others, as if suggesting, 'Who else is greater in bestowing gifts?'.
6.7 For the renovation of Panca-vasadi, for the gifts of food to the community of ascetics and for the worship without let, the four princes and brothers being present, washing the feet of the pontiff Kamalabhadradeva, gave villages and lands (specified); these endowments of the king, princes and Cattaladevi, were free from all varities of taxes (list given) alson with the boundaries marked.24
6.8 Cattaladevi has been compared to a tree: Its root the king of the serpents, its stem the sky, its tip the apogee; the peaks of the silver mountain its berries, its leaves the points of the compass, its buds the constellations, the white lotus its blossom, its fruit the moon,
22. EC. VIII (BLR). Nr. 35. 1077 Hombuja (Sh. dt). 23. ibid,, Hampa Nagarjalah, 1997-A. 24. EC. Vin (old). Nr. 39. 1077. Hombuja (Sh. dt., Hosnagara tk).

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19 watered by the milk ocean-was the tree of Caţtaladevi's fame. She, after laving the feet of Kamalabhadra panditadeva, disciple of Śrīvijayapanditadeva, appointing those of their congregation the chiefs, made, once again several grants of villages for the perpetual maintenance of Panca-kūta Jinamandira, which exists to this day in good condition. 25
6.9 A rare incident of historical significance also occurred in the same period. Nanni-Sāntara alias Govindaradeva or Goggiga was a close associate of Vikramāditya, when the latter was governing the Gangavādi-96,00 with his residence at Banavāsi, and the other main places being Balligāve, Bandalike and Pombuccapura, in his younger days as a mahāmandalesvara; (vide para number 3.6. in this paper). After being crowned as the emperor also. Vikramaditya, continued to cherish the friendship of Govindaradeva. Coming to meet him halfway, and giving him half the seat on his metal throne, the emperor (cakravartty Vikramāditya, placed the valiant Nanni-Säntara by his side. This is one of the unique occasions of an emperor honouring a sub-ordinate on equal terms. With the liberal support of the emperor to the rulers of Santaļige-nād, Jainism reached its zenith during this
period. 26
7.1. When the great general and minister, the dançanāyaka Barmma-Devarasa protecting and enjoying the Banavase-Twelve Thousand, the Sāntaļige-Thousand and the 18 agraharas was in the royal city Basligāve :
Jinanāthasvāmi his god, his own guru Gunabhadra-bratindra, his mother Jakkabbe, Soma his father, his younger brother Mechi, Bhāgabbe his wife, his father-in-law Kalideva, was Singa an ordinary man? He was a great benefactor, in union with dharmma. Singa alias Pratikantha Singayya, having commenced a discourse relating stories of works of merit, made petition to his ruler, saying- obtain from Ballavarasa a village (bāda) and give it to the Permmādı-basadi'. Where upon the dandanāyaka Barmmadeva, having represented the whole of the circumstances to his own lord, Tribhuvanamalladeva, (in C.E. 1077), for the services of the god of the Cālukya Ganga-Permmādi Jinālaya, which he had made in the royal city of Balligāve, when he was a prince (Kumāra-kāla), for the worship and anointing for the offerings, and food of rşis as well as for repairs of the basadi and new works, with pouring of water and all the ceremonies, he gave the village of Manevane in the Jiddulge-Seventy of the Banavase-Twelve Thousand
CONCE
25. ibid, Nr. 36. 1077. Hombuja. 26. ibid., Nr. 40. 1077. Hombuja, and ibid... Nr. 35, 1077.

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kampaņa to Rāmasena-pandita of the Śri-Müla sangha, sena-gana and Pogari gaccha, in C.E. 1077. Rāmasena-pandita, a pupil of Mahāsenabrati, was in grammar Pujyapāda, in logic Akalankadeva, in poetry Samantabhadra. The friar Mahāsenabrati was a confrere of the ascetic Gūnabhadradeva, whose lay votary Cāuņdarāya wrote the inscription.27
7.2 An inscription, written in Sanskrit and Kannada languages, records, the death (deham-vihāya-svayam) of Śrīnandi panditadeva of Sūrastha gana by the rite of sallekhanā observed for one month at Ane-sejjeya-basadi at Purikaranagara in 1077, and the death of Bhāskaranandi-Panạita, the elder confrere of the former, in 1078. Both the Jaina pontiffs were worshipped by the kings in such a way that the feet of the ascetics were shining bright with the rays of the precious stone fixed in the crown of the kings (sakala-nspati-mukuța tataghatita mani-gana-kirana masrunita).28
7.3 Another charter of the same period records the grant given to the Sāntinātha-Jina temple, constructed earlier at Hungund between C.E. 961 and 973 by Mārasimha (961-74), son of Būtuga-II (935-61), who had the cognomen of Ganga-cūņāmaņi, the head-jewel of the Ganga dynasty. The epigraph provides additional information about Mārasimha that he had caused a Sāntināthadeva temple at Hungund. In the Beļvola-300 was included Kisukādu 70 and it comprised of Hungund 30: Mārasimha was governing Gangavādi-96000, Kisukādu70, Purigere-300 and Beļvola 300.29
Śravanabelgoļa inscription clearly states that Mārasimha erected Mānastambhas and constructed Basadis at different places.30 Purigere was the capital of Puligese-300 and Annigere the residence of Beļvola300 and Hungund was an important town in Kisukādu; Mārasimha had built a Jinālaya at Purigese also.
7.4 Another epigraph of the same period, in temporal terms, twice mentions the name of Ghatāntakiya basadi which was to the north of the town Morab, and a Dānasale, a free feeding house attached to the same basadi.31 The cognomen Ghatāntaki has a special connotation in the context of Jaina pantheon; in brief, Gatāntaki is another name of Padmāvatidevī, a Jina-Śāsanadevī.32 Dānacintamani Attimabbe, who 27. EC. VII-i, Sk. 124. 1077. Balligāve (Sh. dt., SK tk) pp. 231-34. 28. SII.XX. 52. 1077-78. Lakşmeśvara. pp. 63-65. 29. El. XXXIV. 12. 972. pp. 59-62. 30. EC. 11(R) 64 (59). 975. p. 23. lines : 107-08. 31. SII. XI. XI-i, 1241. 1077. Morab (Dh. dt., Navalgund tk), pp. 143-44. 32. Hampa Nagarajaiah, 1996 : 18-19.

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21
caused 1501 Jaina temples also had the biruda Ghatāntaki and some of the temples, she built were named after her as the Ghatāntakibasadi.33 Attimabbe had built a Ghațāntaki-basadi at Morab is mentioned in another inscription.34
7.5 An inscription on the slab below a tamarind tree, to the southwest of the village, records that Baladeva, chief of the generals (dandanāthagaņi) of (Trailokyamalla-Vira-Noļamba-Pallava-Permmāļi) Jayasimhadeva, the heir apparent and younger brother of the emperor, was a devout Jaina; Jinanātha was Baladeva's lord and god, the celebrated Mäghaņandi-bratipati his precepter and obtainer of a boon from the goddess Padmāvati. With these and all other titles, the great minister and dandanāyaka Bāladevayya was ruling and in the enjoyment of Banavase-12000, the 18 agrahāras. 35
8.1 A much mutilated lithic record of this period, which refers to the reign of Tribhuvanamalladeva, registers certain grants of land to the temple, after laving the feet of the donee, Bāļacandradeva of Desiga gana Postaka-gaccha, a cohort of Jaina friars and nuns.36 The village Hire-singana-gutti was included in the Karividi (the modern Karadi) Thirty sub-division. The pontiff Bāļacandradeva may be the same ascetic, identical with the preceptor of Nāgacandra (1044-1100), the court-poet of Vikramaditya and an author of two Jaina classics, Mallinātha-purāņa and Rāmacandra-caritam olim PampaRāmāyaṇam 37
8.2 The distinguished Jaina laic of charitable disposition, BineyaBammisetti built and endowed (land specified) an Adi-Brahma-Jinālaya olim Brahma-Jinālaya and constructed a satra, a building where food and alms are given away to mendicants; there was an additional akştrima jinendrāgāra and bhojana-sāle, a feeding-house at Isūr, the same place;38 the thousand-Brāhmaṇas of the agrahāra also gifted land to the Jinālayas (the other details of the chater are effaced).
8.3 Nāļikabbe, a pious lady votary erected Cațța Jinālaya in memory of her (departed) husband at Kondakundeya-tīrtha and for
33. SII. XI-i, 52. 1007, SII. xv. 128. 1174. pp. 161-63, EC. 111(R) 146.
1337. p. 266, SII. xi-i. 177. 1125 pp. 232-33, SII. XV. 629. 13th cent. p.
405 etc. 34. SII. XV. 530. 1059, pp. 359-60. 35. EC. VII-i, Sk. 297. 1080, pp. 345-46. 36. SII. XI-ii. 209 C. 1080, Hire-singanagutti (Bij dt, Hungund tk) pp. 262-63. 37. Hampa Nagarajaiah, Nāgacandra-Itivịtta (1989) 1992. 38. EC. VII-i. Sk. 8. 1080. p. 124-26.

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JAIN JOURNAL : Vol-XXXIV, No. 1 July 1999 the service and maintenance of the same basadi Joyimayyarasa, a mahāmandalesvara made a grant of thirty mattars of land, a flower garden an oil-mill and eight house-sites, 39 Incidentally, it may be noted that this place is recognised as the birth place of the renowned Jaina apostle Kondakunda ācārya, author of several Prakrit works. There are two Kondakunde villages, the smaller one is called KişiyaKondakunde.
A record of the same year registers the death of Pami-gāvundi, wife of Nāga-gāvunda of Hebbāgri, a lay disciple of Narendrasenabhattāraka (SII. XV. 623. 1081. Sorațür (Gadag dt) p. 404). The Jaina ascetic Narendrasena also figures in another inscription (SII. XX. 53. 1081, Lakşmeśvar. p. 66), the details of which need an in extenso discussion.
9,1 A record refers itself, in prose and verse, to the reign of Tribhuvanamalla Vikramāditya-VI; His younger brother Jayasimhadeva-III, the yuvarāja, the heir-apparant, was at the time governing the 'two Three-Hundreds', namely Beļvola and Puligere, and the Banavāse-12.000, the Sāntalige-Thousand and the Kandūr
housand, 40 One of his subordinate barons, the mahāsāmantādhipat Esemayya (Erakapa, Erega-are his other aliases), a high minister, steward of the royal house-hold and general, was administering the Puligere-300, Dona, younger brother of Eremayya, also held high office in the government. Doņa assaigned a grant for the Jaina cult in Purikara olim Puligere, the modern Lakşmeśvar in Gadag dist. Dona, the donor, entrusted the grants to the trusteeship of Narendrasena-II, the then pontiffical head of the Jaina Matha at Puligere. NarendrasenaII was the senior disciple of Nayasena Sūri, who in turn was the senior disciple of Narendrasena-I, of the senagaña, a cohort of the friars and nuns in the Mūla-Sangha.
9.2 The charter further introduces a distinguished family of pious Jains, with the details of over five generations. Of the last members of this vast pedigree, Adinātha, śānti and Pārsva also made some grants to the Jaina monastery of Puligere, which continued to be a flourishing ('entre of Jaina settlement during the period of Vikki.41
9.3 Jayakesinrpa of Sagara olim Mañalera family, a feudatory and lord of the capital city Purikara (Puligere), the best of towns (puravara), and a famous Jaina settlement42, was governing as a rāştrika 39. Sxx. IX-1 150. 1081, Konakondla (AP : Anantapur dt. Gooty tk) pp. 131-33. 40. EI. XVI. 9-B. 108. Lakşmesvara, pp. 58-66. 41. SII. XX. 53. 1081. 42. Hampa Nagarajalah. Śãsanagaļalli Eradu Vamsagaļu : 1995 : 58-61.

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or bhojaka over Puligere-300 (tri-ŝataka). The five-hundred members headed by Santisețți alias Santanņa and Bammi-setți made a gift of land, after purchasing it from the Brāhmaṇas, with the money which had accumulated with interest, granted formerly to taļara Nāgavarman, a subordinate of Vāvaṇanṛpati, to Lakkanasetti, father of Santiseṭṭi. for the benifit of drawing water by picotta (eta) from the well called Rāṭaṇada-bāvi. Indranandi-bratisa, the chief prophet at that time, was the guru of Śāntiseṭṭi. Neminātha, elder brother of Santiseṭṭi, to the merit of his grand father, donated certain land (specified) to the maintenance of picotta for the public. 45
43
End of Eleventh Century
10.1 Mahamandalesvara Beta-II alias Betarasa, the third in the line of the Kakatiya rulers so far known, granted land and money to the Jaina temple, while Tribhuvanamalla was ruling the flourishing kingdom, the basadi called Vira-kamala-Jinālaya was constructed by Medarasa of Ugravāḍi viṣaya and Polavāsa (Polasa) country mahamandalesvara.44 Meḍarasa possessed the qualities of MadhavaVarma who had eight thousand elephants (aştau-danti sahaŝrāņi), ten crores of horses (daŝa-koṭyantu-vājinām), and endless crowds of footsoldiers.
23
10.2 Beta-II. lord of Anumakondapura, entitled for the five sounds, a mahā-mand-lesvara and a feudal subordinate, made the following gifts: the tank Mannanakere in the village of manmaddi, a small field of forty mattars to the south of it, 120 mattars of bilvoļa, the tank of Śri Ravicandra-Pandita, flower garden Vittalakere, to the west of the basadi, ten mattars of black land to the south of it, forty house-sites. twelve simgava-gadyāṇam, payable to the caitra-pavitra festival of Jogusiddhesvara.45 Meḍarasa alias Meḍarāja of Rāṣṭrakūṭa dynasty also made gift of land in his territory to Kadaļālaya-basadi.4 46
10.3 Mahāmaṇḍalešvara Āhavamalla-Permānaḍi donated cultivable lands to Kīrtivilāsa-Šānti-jinālaya; for the maintenance of the temple, for feeding the congregation of Jaina friars, wet land of two mattars below the tank and outside the fort of Candrakote, was made over ritualistically by pouring water on the gift and thus delivered it to the recipient Kamaladevasiddhanta, after washing his feet.47
43. SII. XX. 55. A.D. 1082. Laksmesvara. pp. 67-69.
44. EA. I. 10. 1082. Bāṇājipet (AP: Wg dt. Narasampețe tk) pp. III-17.
45. IAP :Wg dt. No. 14. 1082. pp. 26-30,
46. EI. I. 9. 1082. Hanumakonda. p. 256.
47. APGAS-iii. Medak-3. No. 39, 1084. Alladurgam (AP: Medak dt) pp. 45-46.

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10.4 An inscription incised on another fragment of a mutilated slab, records the gift of money, derived from taxes made by Barmmana for the feeding of the ṛsis and Ajjis (Skt. Āryikā), the monks and nuns of the Nirgrantha faith attached to the Jaina templè called GonadaBeḍangi-Jinalaya of the capital city Arasibiḍi olim Vikramapura.48 Barmana the donor was a sunka-verggade Mantara, a tax collecting officer under Barmmadevarasa, Lord of the city of Bhogavati of the Sinda family. Gunada-bedangi (handsome with virtues) was the cognomen of Akkādevi, sister of Vikramaditya-V and daughter of Daśavarma, who had Bhuvanaikamalla as his royal surname.49
24
10.5 The Jaina temple at Arasibidi was an old temple of tenth century; for the maintenance of this basadi, Akkādevi made a gift of land in 1047, while she was encamped at Gokage (the modern Gokak town), which was entrusted to the abbot Nāgasena Pandita of the Hogari-gaccha in the varasenagaṇa in Müla-sangha, the chief of the local Jaina diocese.50
Because this (Neminatha) Jinalaya was connected with the Calukya dynasty and enjoyed imperial status, it continued to receive grants throughout the period of Calukya rulers. 51
11.1 The Calukya emperor Tribhuvanamalladeva favoured the mahāmaṇḍaleśvara of mandali-Thousand-naḍ along with his cognomen, Tribhuvanamalla-Ganga Permāḍideva, an ardent follower of Jainism, with all the rights as regards treasure trove and under ground stores, according to the rule of one third. 52 Nokkayya, a great minister and senior perggade of Tribhuvanamalla-Ganga Permmāḍideva, erected Jaina temple, enlarged a tank, formed paddy fields, established places for distribution of water and food; the basadi that Nokkayya built shone with the big tank like the heaven surrounded by the divine river. Nokkayya built two basadis, one at Taṭṭekere and another at Nellavatti (the modern Nyamati) in Honnali Tk, for the merit of his two sons. Nokkayya, a laic of the exalted Prabhācandra siddhantadeva of the original congregation Krāṇur-gana and Meṣapāṣāṇa-gaccha, a cohort of the Jaina friars and nuns, made grants of land (specified) for the monasteries, to the local drummers and the potterer.
48. SII. XI-ii, 179. 1085. Arasibiḍi (Bij dt, Hungund tk) p. 239; EI. xvii. pp.
121-22.
49. EI. XV. 82. 1054.
50. SII. XI-i, 80. 1047. p. 73.
51. SII. xv. 47. 1151; ibid. No. 108. 1167 p. 138ff.
52. EC. VII-i Sh. 10 Taṭṭekere. pp. 19-21.

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25
11.2 The perggade Nokkayya had acquired such great fame that the king granted him the royal insignia of two horns, a canopy, cāmaras, big drums, a unique umbrella called the Meghadambara and thus made his shine like a mine of glory.53
The Vikrama Sāntara-II, who had Oddūga alias Oùdamarasa as his first name (1077-87) mahāmandalesvara of Santalige-Thousand nād, made over tax-free revenue of certain villages in Kallūr-nād and Hombuja-nād of Sāntalige-1000 division, to the worship and for feeding the group of Jaina-saints of Pañca-basadi in the Hombuja town, also the residence of Santara kings.54
The gift was entrusted after washing the feet, to AjitasenaPanditadeva who had the surname of Vädibhasimha.55
12.1 As mentioned earlier, in para numbers 10.4 and 10.5, Ararasibidu olim Vikramapura (Bij dt, Hungund t) was an established Jaina settlement from an early period of Rāştrakūtas where there were more than two basadis and the one with the cognomen of Gunadabedangi-Jinālaya was much known to the public. The temple of Arhat was again accorded grants in 1087.56
12.2 While the victorious reign of the prosperous Tribhuvanamalladeva, the supreme king of great kings, the most venerable, the glory of the family of Satyāśraya, the ornament of the Cālukyas, was flourishing with perpetual increase, king Kārtavirya, the fortunate mahāmandalesvara, the feudatory was governing the Kuhundi-3000, with its residence at Saundatti. 57
King Kāļasena of the Ratta family had built a temple of Jinendra at that place; and to that shrine king Sena-II, who was possessed of a mighty army, gave in his devotion 12 nivartanas of land as a grant to be respected by all.
12.3 Twenty-one of the years that bear the name of the era of the brave Vikrama having elapsed, in saka 1019 (C.E. 1087), the brave Permmādideva, the Cālukya emperor, gave as a grant to be respected by all, 12 nivartanas of land in his own custody (sivata) in Kāreyabāgu village to the temple of Vira-Permmāờideva-Jinālaya, the Jinālaya of
53. ibid., pp. 20-21. 54. EC. VIII (1902). Nr. 40-B. 1087. 55. Hampa Nagarajaiah, 1997-A : 71. 56. ARIE. 1928-29. App. E-39. 1087. 57. SII. XX. 62. 1087. Sandatti (Belgaum dt). pp. 75-76.

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JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXXIV, No. 1 July 1999 the brave Permmäḍideva.58 Raṭṭa chief Sena-II and Kannakaira-II, also endowed the temple with other gift of lands (boundaries specified). The Jaina preceptor Kanakaprabha siddhantadeva was the done.59
12.4 It is of socio-cultural and historical importance to note that there were two distinct Jinālayas in the very name of Vikramāditya; of the two, the one under discussion, the Vira-permmāḍideva-Jinālaya was at Saundatti, which was in the middle of the Calukya empire, and the other one was at Balligave in the extreme south of the kingdom. built by Vikramaditya himself. Incidentally, it may be noted that Saundatti (Skt. Sugandhavarti) was a nerve centre of Nirgrantha church and the nomen Saundatti itself has an etymology of Jaina origin. The place-name Saundatti is a variant of savaṇa [Pkt. Savana/Samaņa. Skt. Śramaņa' 'a Jaina monk'] datti ('endowment') which means a place given to the Jaina monk(s) as an endowment. The present temple of Yellmma, a popular local deity was the patta jinālaya, a royal Jain temple of the Raṭṭas, during the period of the Rastrakūtas, the Calukyas, and the Hoysalas.
13.1 Mahamandalesvara Pallava-Bhumipala, caused a Jinamandira to the west of the (existing) Candraprabha (tārāgaṇādhipa-prabha) Jinalaya, at Pundür (modern, Püdür), the place of his residence, in C.E. 1087,60
Pūņdūra Pallavarasa, the king of Pündür of a boon from Padmavatidevi the Jaina deity was also a lord of Kembu-kundür. As an ideal Jaina householder, his recreation was giving the four fold charities of food, shelter, medicine and religious literature. The new Jinalaya that he caused, and named after him as Pallava-Jinālaya was five storied, sarvatobhadra jinālaya which glittered like a Surendravimāna, the charriot of the lord of the gods. Pallava-Bhūpala, a diamond of kings, granted one hundred mattars of cultivable estate at Iṭṭakallu village, fifty mattars of land at Püṇḍūru, one mattar wet-land, two gardens, two oil-mills, two shops, twelve houses, one baļļa (a measurement) food grains, hundred betel leaves to each basketfull of betel leaves, two panas, 16 areca-nut for each thousand unit and one mattar paddy-field, all free of encumbrances to the Pallava-Jinālaya, 61 The charter states that with the Jaina temples, the rich endowments. the monachs, the excellent lay votaries, the Pündür looked like another
58. Fleet: JBBRAS. Vol. x. No. xxx (1874), pp. 195-98.
59. SII. XX. 62. p. 76.
60. APGAS-ill. No. 58. 1087. Mahabubnagar dt. Gadwal tk. pp. 40-41. 61. EI. xl-il (1978): pp. 81-86. 1087.

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Kopana olim Koppala, an eminent holy pilgrimage centre for the Jains.62 Pūṇḍūra Pallavarasa the mahamaṇḍalesvara, made over these gifts to Kanakasena-bhaṭṭāraka, his religious preceptor, after washing the
feet, 63
13.2 While Tribhuvanamalla, the eldest of the Pāṇḍava, the very Yudhisthira in truth, respledent with infinite lustre, as being a sun in valour and his auspicious reign was current, the monks of the Balätkäragana lineage of the original Jaina sect, was exceedingly lustrous in Kuhuṇḍi-nādu. Some of the Jaina temples were constructed while he was young and a mahāmaṇḍaleśa.
Among such early caityalayas one was at Saundatti, the other at Pratikantha Singha's place. Nidhiyama-gämunda, the chief of the Hilleyaru race, having had built in Kondanüru, a centre of the Balātkāra-gana saints, a beautiful shrine of Jina as being the crestJewel of the lovely woman on the earth. Nidhiga alias Nidhiyama joyfully set apart a portion never to be interfered with and gave free from all oppossing claims, in the circle of Kündi olim Kuhundi and in the field of Hindadhi (the present Hindwaḍi in Belagaum) which was in his own manya lands, two mattars of cultivated lands, twelve houses, one oil-mill and one garden; on the same day. i.e. in 1087, the fortunate mahāmaṇḍalesvara king Kanna alias Kannakaira-II came to do worship at the Jina shrine, laved the feet of Śridharadeva, gave (lands) for the angabhoga and rangabhoga of the god, for repairing whatever might become broken or torn or worn-out through the ages. Jayakarṇa, the beloved son of the fortunate emperor, and Nidhiyama-gāmuṇḍa gave free of all opposing claims to the Jain temple, lands and houses.64
13.3 The Thousand of the big-village (mahāgrāma) Piriya-Keṛeyūr (modern Hire-Kerür), were virtuous and like the royal swan in the lakes of Arhanta philosophy and other philosophies.65
27
13.4 An inscription from Besür (Sh. dt, Sägar tk) of 1089 states that Jaina seats were undisturbed.66
14.1 A Telugu inscription from Bekkallu states that Raviraḍdi of the fourth-caste (caturtha-kula) was a pious Jaina. He had a son by name Camdireḍdi whose friend was Punnireḍdi. Mallireddi, son of
62. Hampa Nagarajalah. Koppaļa-Šāsanagaļu : 1998: "Intro". 63. APGAS-II. Mahabubnagar-58, p. 41.
64. Fleet: JBBRAS, Vol. x-xxx. No. 8. 1087-88 and 1121, pp. 287-92. 65. KI. iv 32. 1088. Bāļambiḍu. pp. 71-73.
66. EC. VIII. Sagara. 103. 1089. Besür (Sh. dt. Sägara tk).

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JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXXIV, No. 1 July 1999 Punnireddi, established a Jina-temple and a Trikūța-basadi at Vrekallu (Bekkallu). This Jina shrine was a combination of twenty-one shrines. Mallireḍdi endowed the basadi with gifts.
28
14.2 Gomarasa, a māṇḍalika, constructed a Jina-gṛha and endowed it with a grant of paddy field, a flower garden, an-oil-mill, which was entrusted to his preceptor Candrasena-ācārya.68
14.3 A record of the reign of Tribhuvanamalla highly eulogies Gopanandi-Panditadeva of Kondakunda anvaya, Mula-Samgha, Desigagana and registers a grant of Racanahalla, a brook and the Belgola12, by mahāmaṇḍaleśvara Tribhuvanamalla Ereyanga-Poyasala for the repairs of the basadis of Kabbappu-tirtha, i.e., Sravanabelagola, for worship, gifts of food, dancing girls and attendants.69
15.1 Jakaladevi, beloved queen of Vikramaditya-VI, and daughter of Tikka, renowned for her attainments in fine arts, was in charge of the administration of the village Ingulige olim Ingalagi (Gulbarga dt. Citapur tk). She was a zealous follower of Jainism. "One day, a sculptor, having secured an audience with the queen, was exhibiting an image of the god Mahu-Manikya. At that moment, the king happened to come there. Moved by her unflinching devotion, he exhorted her to purchase the image from the artist and enshrine it in her estate village. Accordingly, she erected a decent temple and installed the image there in. This typical anecdote, simple as it is, bears profound significance. For it reveals, in conjunction with other similar instances, the psychological background for the mighty faith of Jainism that wielded powerful influence over the rank and file of the people of Karnāṭaka during this period."70
15.2 The queen Jākaladevi accorded an endowment of land in C.E. 1094, for the maintenance of the Jinageha that she caused so affectiontely at Ingunige, with the approval of the king and made over, with due ceremony of laving the feet, into the hands of IndrasenaBhaṭṭāraka who was to look after its management. She gifted 21 mattars of land, free of all imposts, a garden, a paddy field (all boundaries specified).71 It is suggested that the queen Jakaladevi and
67. IAP: Wg. 20 C. 1090 (undated). Bekkallu (AP: Wg dt. Janagaon tk) pp. 45-50.
68. APGRE 1965. B-257. 1093. Kolanupaka-Kollipake (AP: Ng dt) p. 53. 69. EC. II(R) 568 (V cn 148). 1094. Hale-Belgola (Hn dt, cn tk), pp. 349-51. 70. P.B. Desai, 1957: 230.
71. KJS: 1996: 115-118.

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her father Tikka belonged to Telugu country,72 rather than of the Kadamba stock. 73
15.3 "Doni in the Mundargi Pethā was a conspicuous abode of the Jaina doctrine during the period of the 11th to the 13th centuries A.D. This town whose ancient name was Dronāpura, was being administered by Lakshmi Mahādevi, the senior queen of Vikramaditya-VI, in A.D. 1097. In that year, a Jaina temple was constructed in this place by a merchant named Sovisetti who made a gift of land for its maintenance into the hands of the preceptor Cărukirti-Pandita. Besides the temple constructed by Sovisetti, a few more Jaina temples must have existed in this place."74 Sovisețți made the gift of two mattars of land and a gardan, with the boundary marked, in the presence of the sixty mahājanas of the great agrahāra Droņāpura headed by the Urodeya, chief of the place, and the several settis, the traders of the place.75 The Dāyimayya, a lay follower of Municandra-Siddhāntadeva, has authored the concerned charter of 45 lines.
15.4 A slab from Ujjili containing two epigraphs, one in the front side and the other one on the reverse, refers to the Baddi-Jinālaya in the fort of the capital city of Ujji-Volal.76 The Jaina temple named after Baddega-Amoghavarşa (936-39), the Rāştrakūta emperor as BaddiJinālaya where cenna-Pārsvadeva, the 23rd Tirthankara was the presiding-god (müla-Nayaka). An early inscription records certain grants to this Jinālaya.77
A later charter, on the very reverse of the same slab, of the period of Vikramādityadeva, registers the gift of a tank to the god Pārsvanātha of Baddi-Jinālaya by the great minister cum dandanāyaka bāhattaraniyoga-Srikarana. Bhānudevarasa with the consent of Saudhare Keśavyya-nāyaka after laving the feet of the Indrasena Panditadeva, the abbatial chief of the local diocese. 78 The gift was for the ablution, lamp, frankincense, offering of fruits, eight types of worship, white washing, renovation and repairs.
Twelfth Century: First Decade
16.1 When Candaladevi, one of the senior queens of Vikramāditya,
72. Desai 231. 73. Fleet : Bombay Gazetter, Vol. I. part-ii, p. 448. 74. Desai : 144; ARSIE 1927-28, APP-E No. 74, 1097. 75. SII. XI-ii. 140. 1096-97. pp. 169-71. 76. APGAS-il. MN. 60 and 61. 77. ibid.,, MN. 61. A.D. 966-67. Ujjili. p. 43. 78. ibid.,, MN. 60 C.E. 1097. p. 42.

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JAIN JOURNAL : Vol-XXXIV, No. 1 July 1999 was governing the Alandenādu, Bibbarasa was the feudatory chief and the Lord of Kopanapura. Bibbarasa, obtainer of a boon from the Jaina deity Padmavatidevi, was an ornament of Alande. Caudhare Rakkasayya, an officer under Bibbarasa, "being a staunch adherent of the Jaina faith, he zealously practised its teachings. He was a lay disciple of the great teacher Bālacandra Siddhāntadeva. This teacher was a constituent of the Mülasangha, Desiga-gana, Pustaka gachcha and Piriya samudāya (senior section).79 Rakkasayya, a lay votary of the Arhanandi bettadadeva, known for fourfold charities prescribed for the Jaina house holder had an ideal spouse. Akkanabbe, consort of Rakkasayya, a jem of women, spent her days in worship, liberal grants. Sāntivarma allas Santa, a worthy son of Rakkasayya and Akkanabbe, was a lay disciple of Bāļacandradeva. Caudhare Rakkasayya and Malliyakka, his consort had caused a JinaPārsvanātha temple of stone and reading-hall where an image of Arhat Sāntināthadeva was installed. 80 They donated, in 1098-99, twelve mattars land of black soil, a garden, an oilmill and ten houses (boundary stipulated) to the Pārsvanatha temple and to the Sāntināthadeva at the pattasāle for conducting the ceremonial occasions of abhişeka, daily ablutions, aştavidhārcane, eight-fold worship, and fivadaya. aştami, the eighth day of the light half in the month of Āsvayuja, the typical Jaina festivals, and also made provision for feeding the rşis at Hadangile (the modern Hunasi-Hadagali). The inscribed tablet setup by the donor provides a long list of the pedigree of Jaina ascetics to which Bālacandra Siddhāntadeva belonged. 81
16.2 At Karjagi olim Sāyabbeya-Karanjige (Gul dt, Afazalpur tk), Pațţamahādevi-Bhāgaladevi, crown queen of Pandya-Vamsa (clan), caused an excellent Jaina temple called Ratna-traya-basadi, a temple of three jewels; Bhāgaladevi endowed it with seventy mattars of land, a garden and an oil-mill and entrusted it to Vimalacandra-Panditadeva in C.E. 1099.
17.1 An interesting non-Jaina inscription from Belur tk (Hn dt.) of Saka 1023 (C.E. 1100-01) has the usual Jaina invocatory Sloka of Srimat-parama-gambhira syādvādāmogha-lancanam, a quotation from Bhatta Akalanka-ācārya's Prämāna-Samgraha (C. 730 C.E.). 'but the last word has been changed from Jina Śāsanam to Sivasäsanam. 82
79. Desal 247. 80. KJS : Citäpura-38. 1098-99. Hunasi-Hadagall (Gul dt, citāpur tk). pp.
229-34. 81. Desai : 252-59. 82. E.C. IX (R) BI. (v BI 199). 1100-01. p. 177.

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The record states that mahāmaṇḍaleśvara Ballāļa-Poysaļadeva was on his way to Sosevur olim Angadi, an important seat of Jaina monastery.
18.1 A lithic-record of this period on the doorframe of a Jaina temple contains some Sanskrit verses (slokas) arranged in cakra bandhas, the lines of a wheel like circle with axle-box and spokes in sarvatobhadra style of composition; the verses are assigned to C. 1100 C.E.83
18.2 To the worship of the Santinatha temple and for the good of rşis, certain land was made over to Bahubali ācārya, a disciple of Indranandi-susamyami of Hanasoge-anvaya in the Mula-sangha Desiya gana Pustaka-gaccha of Kondakunda-anvaya.8
84
18.3 Govindarasa, a raṇa-raǹga-Bhairava, was protecting the Banavase-Twelve Thousand and the Melpatte Vadḍa-rävaula, in peace and wisdom. His son Soma alias Sovarasa, whose wife was Somāmbikā, had two daughters Virāmbikā and Udayāmbikā, who caused a Jaina temple to be erected at the old Amaṭekoppa village.85 The epigraph has the following unique description of the temple: Kim Devendravimāna eşa kimuta Sri-Nagarajāśrayaḥ kim Hemācala-Ŝaila ityanudinam Sankām dadhānam jane/nisseṣāvanipāla-mauļi-vilāsan Māṇikya-mālāñ citambhāty-atyunnati maj-jinendrabhavanam tābhyām vinirmmāpitam.86
18.4 An epigraph from (Basava) Kalyāņa (Bīdar dt) of C.E. 1100, registers the construction of Jaina temples at the capital city by several people including Dānacintāmaṇi Attimabbe and subsequent maintenance by several other pious Jainas of the time of Vikramadityadeva,87
18.5 Three Jaina lay followers (Śrāvakas) namely Tailnga, Govinda and Boppuga built a basadi and a hall for charities (Dāna-Sāle), when Sāntara king Oḍḍuga was governing the division of SantaligeThousand.88 And this was the period when Malanakoppa also progressed as efficacious Jaina seat.
89
83. E.C. VII-1. Sk. 222 to 224. Belligame (Sh. dt, Sk tk). pp. 299-300. 84. SII. XI-11. 123. 1100. Hungund (Bij dt). pp. 141-42.
85. EC. VII-I. Sk. 311. 1100. Hale-Amate-koppa. pp. 350-51.
86. ibid.,, lines: 25-27.
87. P.B. Desai, Basavesvara and his Times: 1968: 360-61.
88. EC. VIII (1902) TI. 192. 1102. Današale (Sh dt, Tl tk) pp. 687-88; Hampa Nagarajaiah, 1997-A : 36-37 and 48-49.
89. ARIE 1943-44. No. 3. 1103. Malanakoppa (Dh. dt. Kalaghtagi tk).

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19.1 Dhāraladevi, queen consort of Tribhuvanamalladeva, jinapūjālate, a creeper of the worship of Jina, endowed paddy-field under the tank (specified) and she delivered it by pouring water on the gift, in order to make it irrevocable, to the three recipients-Babbideva, the mahāpradhāna, Dhurimayya, the Śrikarana danḍanayaka and Bhogimayya alias Bhogadeva daṇḍanāyaka. The gift was intended to facilitate the acts of observing religious obligation and to perform meritorious austerity in the local Jaina temple.90 With this gift of Dhāraladevi, three of the queen consorts of the emperor VikramadityaVI, have openly extended their devotion to Jainism, the other two queens being Jakaladevi91 and Candaladevi.92
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20.1 When Tribhuvanamalla was ruling from Manyakere under his orders, one third of the endowment given earlier to the Cenince basadi, a Jain temple at Tāṇḍipāmulamka in Kalavaceḍu-40, was deviated to the god Someśvara.93 This is an (unusual) example of readjusting the gifts given earlier. The fact of taking away 1/3 of the grant of the Jaina temple need not be interpreted as a case of king's disrespect or unfavourable attitude to the faith, because there are many more instances of his undiminishing support to the spread of Anekāntamata.
Second Decade
21.1 An epigraph, on a stone set up near the ruined Jaina temple outside the village, registers the installation of the Jaina image and the gifts of a mango grove, twenty mattars of karamba (uncultivated) land and other lands for the repairs of the Jinālaya, feeding of the ascetics; the donars are Biramaraddi, the dandanayaka of the capital Bhuvanagiri, two karanams the village accountants of Bekkallu. Biramaradḍi belonged to vitți-vamsa olim biṭṭa-kula of the raddi-clan. Punniraddi of Nanganuru and Raviraḍdi of Vellamapaṭala also granted some gifts to the above Jinālaya.94
21.2 Another charter of the same period and from the same place as above, records that Malliraḍdi of viṭṭi-kula and the lord of the Bekkallu, granted land (specified) for the worship of manditadeva Jina, feeding of the Jaina friars and nuns; the donee was Gunasena
90. ARSIE 1960-61. No. B-521. 1106; STS: 1995: pp. 104-06. 91. KJS: 1996: pp. 115-18.
92. ibid.,, Citāpur 38, pp. 229-34 and SII. IX-i. 221. pp. 224-25. 93. ARIE 1961-62. B-65. 1107.
94. IAP. Wg. No. 18. 1108. Bairanipalli, pp. 40-44.

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paramātma-dhyānadeva.95 Malliraḍḍi is eulogised as an ornament of the Jaina householder (Śrāvakābharana), head-jewel of the right-faith, who had accomplished charity, worship, sterling character and fasting, the four virtues.
21.3 The trading community, the officials of the mint and others in the coinage, gave several gifts to the Brahma-Jinālaya of Hiriya('senior')-Gobbūru (Raichur dt). At present this inscription is preserved in the Hyderabad Museum.96 This lithic record also contains rare impricatory verses of Jaina motif, which I have discussed elsewhere. 97 The temple is also referred to as Nagara-Jinālaya which shows that it belonged to the corporation of the local traders. Gobbūru was a freely endowed agrahāra.
21.4 A Brahma-Jinālaya of the same period but different from the above mentioned temple, constructed at Beļavatti (Hāveri dt, Hānagal tk), flourished with munificent grants.98
22.1 In the 35th year of Calukya-Vikrama-kāla, i.e., C.E. 1111, Ketavve, Bittideva, Bhujabala-Ganga-permmāḍi Bamma-gāvunda and the nal-Prabhus (country sheriffs), made a grant of land (specified) with six houses and one oil-mill to the Jinālaya. Ketavve, who caused the Jinagṛha, was a lay disciple of Municandradeva who was a pupil of Kanakanandi-Traividyādeva, a confrere of Subhacandradeva.99 Bogadeva, a senabova, a village accountant and a lay votary of Kanakanandi-Traividyadeva composed this charter. 100
22.2 When the celebrated mahāmaṇḍaleśvara TribhuvanamallaBhujabala Ganga Permmäḍideva, his crowned queen Ganga-Mahādevi and their family of four sons, were in the Mandali-Thousand in their residence of Eḍehalli, the Mahāmaṇḍaleśvara's other half Bacaladevi, an accomplished musician and dancer, made a caityālaya of Pārsvanatha, an ornament to the Mandalinaḍ. In the 37th CālukyaVikrama year, the year Nadana i.e. C.E. 1113, the mahāmaṇḍdaleśvara, his chief consort, perggade Bacaladevi, the four princes and all the
95. Ibid.,, Wg. No. 19, undated (C. 1108) Bairanipalli (Wg. dt. Janagaon tk) PP. 44-45.
96. Hyderabad Archaeological Series No. 18: A Corpus of Inscriptions in the Kannada Districts of Hyderabad State, (ed) P.B. Desai, 1958, Inscription No. 8. C.E. 1109, pp. 51-52.
97. Hampa Nagarajaiah, Candrakoḍe: 1997-B : 159-60.
98. ARSIE 1946-47. No. 216. A.D. 1100.
99. EC. VII-i, Sh. 89. 1111. Hebbaṇḍegrāma (Sh. dt) pp. 102-03. 100. ibid.

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JAIN JOURNAL : Vol-XXXIV, No. 1 July 1999 ministers, in the presence of nād prabhus, made a grant, free of all imposts, of Būdanagere, certain lands in Bannikere, a garden, two oilmills and certain customs dues in both these towns. The Lokkigundi prabhu Erakanna granted for the decorations of the god, one and a half Lokki-gadyāna, to increase by interest and some land. Grant to the stone mason Kaloja and for the dancing girls was also made on the occasion. Subhacandradeva-munipa, a pupil of MaladhāridevaYamina and the chief abbot of the diocese of Bannikere monastery, was the recipient of the endowments. 101
23.1 Yet another lithic record of the same period records a grant of land made by tahāsāmantādhipati Kālidāsa dandanāyaka to the temple of Jina-Pärsvanātha constructed by Bijjasetti at Kannavuri (Kanura). Arhanandi Bettadadeva, illustrious of the hill, of Kondakunda anvaya Desigagana Postuka-gaccha Piriya-samudāya, belonging to the spiritual lineage of Kondakundācārya, stated to be the teacher (guru) of Bijjideva alias Bijjana or Bijjasețţi. Kālidāsa dandanāyaka granted land with tribhogābhyantara (the king, the god, and Brāhmaṇa) to the Pārsvanātha temple with the prior permission of Tribhuvanamalladeva. 102
24.1 The mahāmaņdaleśvara Ācarāja was the brother-in-law of Āycarāja, the perggade of Abbayagere and a worshipper of Jinapati. Acarāja also protected the old basadis and other temples and respected all religions as his own. 103
24.2 Hermmādi-arasa or Hemma alias Hermma-Māndhātabhūpa, son-in-law of Ereyanga-Hoysala and the governor of Mandali-nāų, made a Jina temple of the Kraņūru-gaña of the Mesapāşāņa-gaccha. The lay disciple of Prabhācandra-Siddhāntadeva, celebrated Bhujabala-GangaHermmāļi Barmmadeva and his Pațta-mahādevi, were bees at the lotus feet of Pārsvajinendra. Having made a caityālaya in Kuntalapura, to provide for the worship, for food to the four-fold congregation and four sects, for repairs of the temple, for making the Jinālaya the chiefstation for all, assembling the chiefs and farmers of Yeďadore-Mandalinād, and charging them to protect the work of merit, washing the feet of their family teacher Prabhācandra-Siddhāntadeva, Hermmādideva made a grant of the village with all rights pertaining, free of all imposts. 104
101. ibid., Sh. 97. 1113. Alahalli (Sh dt-tk) pp. 106-08. 102. SII. xviii. 109. 1112-13. Kannur (Bij dt. tk) pp. 120-22. 103. SII. XI-ii, 163, 1113. Abbigeri or Abbayagere. (Gadag. dt. Ron tk) pp.
209-11. 104. EC VII-i, Sh. 64. 1112. Purule-grāma. pp. 63-69.

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25.1 A much damaged and undated epigraph refers to the Jaina pontiff Nayakirti-Siddhāntadeva and Padmanandi-bhaṭṭāraka; when prince (kumāra) Tailapadeva was ruling, Macarasa, Sankarasa and Muddarasa made certain grants to a Jaina temple, the details of which are lost, 105
25.2 The charter says that danḍanāyaka Tikka bhaṭṭa, a ŚaivaBrahmin of the agrahara of the Balguli town, made a gift of the toll revenue at the rate of two hāgas on every load of merchandise, instead of one haga as before, for feeding five Brahmanas in the satra every day, the balance, if any, being utilised for the repairs of the tank. Besides this, a grant of two panas a small coin of silver or gold of certain weight, per month, for offerings in the Brahma-Jinālaya was made in the presence of Sivasakti-Pandita. 106 The gift was made into the hands of Śivamayya, when Tribhuvanamalla-Pandyadeva, a mahāmaṇḍaleśvara, ruling over Noalambavāḍi Thirty-two thousand. There were other Brahma Jinalayas during the period under discussion, caused by different donors at various places viz., Lakkuṇḍi 107 Isur, 108 Kubṭūr109, Beļavatti110, Bāḍli111, Seḍam112, cikka-Handigola113, JogiMattige114 and Niḍugallu 115. I have discussed the cultural and religious background of the concept of Brahma-Jinālayas elsewhere.116
26.1 The beauty of the Jina-caityāvāsa, constructed by Barmmisetți, is described at length, but much of the text is lost in the erased two lines. Following is the translation of the remaining portion; The caityalaya gave an impression to the onlookers, who were heartily describing, that it is a golden pitcher on the head of the goddess of the mother earth, the nectar of prosperity flowing in full, a platform to place the three jewels of Right belief, Ro-knowledge and Ro-conduct.117
105. SII. IX-i, 288. 1115. Konakoṇḍla (AP: Anantapur dt, Gooty tk) pp. 308-09.
106. ibid., 192. 1115. Bāgali (Bellary dt, Harapanahalli tk), pp. 187-88. 107. SII. XI-i. 52. 1007. Lakkundi (Gadag dt.).
108. EC. VII-i, Sk. 8. 1080. p. 124.
109. EC. VIII. Sorab. 262. 1075, p. 111.
110. ARSIE 1946-47. 216. 1100.
111. KI. I. 29. 12th cent. p. 64. 112. APGAS-III, 1124. pp. 95-96. 113. KI. V. 38. 1174. p. 153. 114. EC. XII (old) Śirā. 32. 1278.
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115. ibid.,, Pavagaḍa. 52, 1232.
116. Hampa Nagarajaiah, Kavivara-Kamadhenu 1996: 23-25. 117. EC. VII-i. Sh. 57. 1117-18. Nidige, pp. 57-61.

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JAIN JOURNAL : Vol-XXXIV, No. 1 July 1999 26.2 Satyavākya Kongauņivarmma Dharmma-mahā-rājādhirajaparameśvara, boon lord of Kuvalālapura, lord of Nandagiri, with other titles, Nanniya-Ganga, eldest son of Bhujabala-Ganga and GangaMahādevi, mahāmandalesvara of Mandali-Thousand, was ruling. Barmmisetti, the governor of Kalambūru-nagara, erected the above basadi. The consort of Barmmisetti extended her whole hearted support to her husband to be more bounteous in supporting the cause of their faith and to fulfill the desires of the four fold congregation of the Jainafaith. For the perpetual maintenance of the jinagsha, for the daily worship, for feeding the rşis, Barmmisetti with the approval of NanniyaGanga-Permmādideva made over land below savanana-kere, the in the name of Jaina hermit (Skt. Śramana : Pkt. Savana), consisting of several mattars. (specified), gardens, twelve house sites and an oilmill. Altruistically spurred, Bammisetti made over these gifts, after washing the feet of Subhakīrtideva bhattāraka of the Meşapāşāņagaccha, free of all imposts.
27.1 At Anmakonda (Hanumakonda, Ammakunde, Anmakundā), near Warangal, stands the small temple of Padmākşi: The rock close to which the temple stands, bears on a portion of its dressed surface, sculptures of some Jaina images seated in a row....the Padmaksi temple was originally dedicated to the Jaina goddess kadalālaya and that the pillar was set up there by the lady who built the basadi, Jain temple. At present the Brāhmaṇas of Anmakonda, who have somehow got possession of the temple, worship the goddess in it under the name Padmākṣī, which they believe to be synonymous with Durgā. It is not clear how or when the ownership of the temple passed from the Jainas to the Brāhmaṇas."118 The details of one of the important inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh, in the context of Jainism, are worth pondering.
27.2 Anmakonda, the best of towns, was the capital of the Kakatiya kings and was included in the principality of Sabbi-One Thousand, which formed part of the Kalyāņa Cālukya empire. Perggade Beta, a minister of Tribhuvanamalla Prola (1117-56), Kākati king. Mailama alias Mailamāmbā wife of Beta, caused the famous Kadalalāya-basadi
the top of the hill in 1117. and gifted six mattars of land below the tank, built and named after herself by her husband Betana Pergade. 119 Mahāmandalesvara Melarasa of Ugravādi, a member of the family of Madhavavarman, who possessed a fabulous army of eig elephants, ten crores of horses and innumerable foot-soldiers. He granted land situated below the Kūcikese tank, which belonged to
118. H. Krishna Sastry, El. ix p. 257. 119. EI. ix. No. 35. 1117. pp. 55-60.

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Oramgallu, a town under the control of Melarasa at the time of grant. A Päga (hāga) the fourth part of a pana out of the grants, was to be paid to Boya-Padda, a temple sweeper. Incidentally, it may be noted that Beta had constructed ten temples, houses for gods, of his Jaina faith. 120 The gift was for the daily worship, incense, lights and oblations in the temple and for the food, and clothing of the priest.
28.1 A badly damaged epigraph registers a gift of land to the worship of Jinendra in the Jinālaya, free of all imposts with the boundaries marked; other details of the donor and donee are completely obliterated. 121
29.1 An inscription, on the Candragiri of Śravanabelagola, records the grant of the village Parama by Gangarāja alias Ganga-camūpati, one of the greatest generals of the army of the Hoysalas, to his guru Subhacandra-Siddhantadeva, after washing his feet, for the maintenance of a Jinālaya constructed by his mother Pocabbe and his wife Laksmi. It also states that Gangaraya, the great minister and daṇḍanayaka, renovated all the basadis of Gangavaḍi and the enclosure built around Gommaṭadeva of Gangavādi. 122 The historical value of this inscription is enhanced by the fact that it has recorded an unusual incident of the army of Vikramaditya-VI which was made to flee from the camp at Kannegāla, not withstanding the attack of the general Gangaraja. Pleased at this, Hoysala Viṣṇuvardhana requested the general, to ask anything which he would grant; the result was that the general asked for neither kingdom nor wealth, but, intent on the worship of Arhat, only asked for the imperishable gift of the village Parama and in turn granted the same to provide for worship in the Jaina temples so lovingly erected by his mother. 123
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31.1 An inscription from Lakkundi registers gift of the dasavanda, one-tenth (Skt. daśabandha) income from the smithy of the god Bharatesvara, made by Ketoja and Ganga, to the god." 124
31.1 The Sankaraseṭṭi basadi as Piriya-Kaḍambūru, built earlier, continued to be popular; a grant of twelve mattars of land and a tank was made over to the god Parissadeva olim Pārsvadeva, mūlanayaka of this temple in A.D. 1119.125
120. IAP. Wg. 22. 1117. Annakonda pp. 55-60.
121. SII. XI-ii. 166. 1117. Jakkali (Gadag Dt, Ron tk) p. 213.
122. EC II(R). 82 (73). 1118. SB (Hn dt Cn tk) pp. 64-65.
123. ibid., p. 65. lines: 20-29.
124. SII. XI-ii. 193. 1118. Lakkui, p. 250.
125. APGES No. 6: IAP : Wg. 26. 1119. Pedda-Kadumuru, pp. 71-72.

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32.1 An inscription from Aiholle introduces a certain Keśvayaseṭṭi, son of Jempäryya, and Jetiyakka as a 'son' i.e., obedient of the FiveHundred svamins, the respectfull elders of the Ayyavole-Aihole [Ayya (cf. Skt. Ārya. Pali. Ayya) + Polal ('a city')-, a prominent city]. Kesavayya constructed a paṭṭa-sale (hall) of wood for the merit of his mother Jātikavve, who had become a nun, a basadi to the eastern side for the merit of his wife Saviyakka, another basadi on the western side for his own self, caused a well and installed the image of Lokapāla, and endowed house-sites and and oil-mills for the worship of the deities. 126
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33.1 A religio-historical important document comes from the charter of Kalluru-guḍda of C.E. 1121-22, which has gloriously recorded the genealogy of the Ganga dynasty and of a pedigree of Jaina pontiff of Mula-Sangha, Krānūr-gaṇa. 127 The celebrated Barmmadeva who had the family surname of Bhujabala-Ganga Permmāḍideva, made the Arhat-Parsva Jinālaya, which his great forefathers had established, the chief of all the basadis hitherto existing or in future to be established in Eḍatore-Seventy of the Mandali-Thousand, giving it the name of Paṭṭada-basadi, the crown-basadi and endowed it with certain lands (specified). His four sons also made a grant of certain lands at different places (specified). Finally, mahāmaṇḍaleśvara Nanniya-GangaPermmāḍideva, with all the titles of the Gangas, lay disciple of Prabhācandra-Siddhāntadeva caused the Paṭṭada-tirthada basadi, which his grand father had erected to be constructed of stone.
33.2 Again in C.E. 1121-22, he erected for the promotion of his Jaina faith, the Kurali and other basadis, altogether twenty five caityalayas, made grants of lands and the customs dues of Basadiyahalli, a village of Jain temple. Nanniya-Ganga-Permmāḍideva and his Paṭṭa-mahādevi, the crown-queen Kañcala-Devi, having made a vow to the goddess Padmavatidevi, obtained Hermmäḍideva and granted a tribute of five Pana from the villages of the nāḍ, the principality, that he governed to continue as long as sun, moon and stars. 128
34.1 When Bammagāvunda and Cila-gāvuṇḍa were administering Kāgenele-Twelve, the headquarters Kāgenele was glittering with a cluster of Jain temples (Jina-geha-samkulam), 129
34.2 Sobhana-gaunḍa, a resort for the splendour of KāgeneleTwelve, situated in Byāsapura (Bāsūr)-140 division, a Kampana, who
126. SII. XI-ii. 169. 1119. Aihole (Bij dt, Hungund tk) pp. 216-17.
127. EC. VII-i, Sh. 4 1121-11, pp. 10-15.
128. ibid., p. 15, lines: 88-93.
129. SI. XVIII. 117. 1121. Kāginele (Hire-Kerur tk) p. 138.

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obtained from the Calukya emperor of Kuntala, i.e. Vikramaditya-VI, a royal honour of holding white umbrella (Candra-Kode).Sobhanagaunda and his spouse Mallikavve were lay votaries of Jainism. Mallikavve is described as the moon to the ocean of Jina-dharmma. The later successors of this family liberally donated land, areca-nut garden and money to the worship of Saiva god Angajesvara. 130
35.1 A charter states that Madhava-cakravartin acquired by the mercy of the Jaina goddes Yakṣeśvari, eight thousand elephants, ten crore horses and innumerable infantry. In the line of that king was born Guṇḍarāja. Nāgarāja, minister of Gundaraja had Jaina hermits as his preceptors, who belonged to Krāṇurgana Meṣapāṣāṇa-gaccha. Nāgarāja alias Nāgadeva installed the image of Pārsva-jineśvara, built a caityalaya and endowed it with some tanks, with the permission of Meḍarāja, elder brother of Gunḍarāja. 131
35.2 Meḍarāja and Guṇḍarāja brothers made grant of land for the merit of their father; horse traders also made a gift of land and one pair of china silk cloth per each horse to the god. The merchants of the place Sanagaram who belonged to Vajikula also made several grants. There were two Jinälayas at Govindapuram; the Pārsvajineśvara image was installed in the temple which was already in existence and, in addition to that, another temple was caused. The genealogy of Jaina pontiffs also confirms the prominence of the place as a Jaina seat. A chronological list of the spiritual descendants like Bālacandra, Meghacandra-bhaṭṭāraka, his disciple MeghacandraSiddhantadeva, clearely confirms the existence of a Jaina-Matha, a monastery, at this famous Jaina settlement in medieval period.
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35.3 The inscription is on a stone pillar, erected in the tank called as a komați-ceruvu, the nomen evidently suggesting that the tank (ceruvu) was built by the merchants who were the horse dealers. The Komatis are the Vaisyas who were the Jaina seṭṭis and were later branched off from the Jaina stalk and developed with a separate entity.1
132
36.1 An epigraph from Aihole refers to the mountain (Per-giriyan) on which the temple is situated and to the Jaina ṛṣis of Mula-Sangha, the original congregation; it also mentions a certain Setti who must have gifted (lands) to the temple and for food to Jaina monks. 133
130. KI. IV. 10. 1121. Hire-Halli (Byadagi-Mahal), pp. 25-30.
131. IAP. Wg. No. 26. 1122. Govindapuram (AP: Wg dt. Narasampet tk). pp. 71-75. 132. Jawaharlal : Jainism in Andhra : 1994: 319-24.
133. ARIE 1968-69. No. 79. 1123, p. 31. Aihole.

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36.2 An inscription, now in the museum of Bijapur, of this period, contains verses of Nagacandra, the court poet of Vikramaditya.134
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36.3 The town Ponnavartti, the modern Honnatti village, was more scintillating with the reddish Jain temples [cem-basadiya tintiniyin alumbam sogayisugum] and the lay votaries were striving to attian the mokṣa (svargga-pavargga-sādhakas).135
37.1 A fairly long record of Teridāļa, a sub-division of Kuhundi3000, in Kuntala country, records that māṇḍalika Gonkadevarasa, the lord of Terdāļa, belonging to the Jimutavahana clan, had the GonkaJinalaya constructed in the midst of his residence and installed Nemi Jinanatha. His immediate master was Kārtaviryadevarasa of the Saundatti-Raṭṭa-family, who was a feudatory of Vikramaditya-VI. Himself a devout Jaina, Kārtaviryadevarasa was physically present on the holy occasion of installing the image of Arhat (jina-bimba). 136
37.2 In the presence of Kārtviryadevarasa, his mahāmaṇḍaleśvara, Gonkadevarasa māṇḍalika made a grant of land and garden for the worship and offerings of Neminātha-Jina; the gifts were received by his preceptor Maghanandi-Siddhantadeva who was the chief abbot of the diocese of the Rūpa-nārāyaṇa-basadi at Kolhapura. The epigraph contains an account of the ascetics of this genealogy. It is of historical value to note that the adept Maghanandi-ācārya was also the preceptor of Nimbadevasāmanta, a famous Jaina votary of this period.
37.3 The merchants of the town including the oil-mill owners, the potters, and the betel-leaf merchants, made liberal grants for the worship of eight kinds, for feeding the Jaina monks, for the repairs and for the dāna-sāle the house of charities. 137 This Gonkadevarasa is different form Vira-Gonkarasa-I and II, the feudatories of Taila-III.138 Gonka Jinalaya was one of the prestigeous Jain-temples of this period. Third Decade
38.1 A mānastabha, characteristic Jaina pillar of eminence, at Kolanupaka was erected by Svämideva, a daṇḍādhisa of Kollipaka7000.139 Daṇḍādhīsa Svāmideva alias Sāyimayya, protector of all the
134. SII. XVIII. 125. C. 1123. pp. 155-57.
135. ibid.,, 124. 1124, p. 155. Honnatti (Ranebennur tk) p. 155, lines: 34-35. 136. KI. V. 21. 1125.
137. IA. xiv. 1125. Terdal (Bij Dt. Jamakhandi tk) p. 14.
138. ARIE 1960-61. Nos. 513-14, p. 30.
139. APGAS-iii. Ng. 43. Ins. No. 45. 1125, pp. 53-57.

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NAGARAJAIAH : VIKRAMADITYA VI AND JAINISM four faiths, a bee at the lotus feet of Hari-Hara-Jina-Buddha, caused the Manastambha as a pillar of fame and victory; it manifested like a diamond pillar for supporting the woman earth. Kolanupāka, olim Kollipāka the modern Kulpak in Nalgonda district of Andhra Pradesh
nerve centre of Jaina church for centuries, during the reign of the Rāstrakūtas and the Cālukyas of Kalyāna. 140 In fact, it was known as a tīrtha during the period of Cālukyas.141 It was accorded a specially favoured position during this period; An inscription of the time of Vikramaditya-VI has a reference to the famous Jaina stalwart, who governed Kollipaki-7000 and caused basadis.142
38.2 It was here that one of the royal (crown) temples and an ornament of the Calukya-kula existed and which was renowned as Cālukya-kulatilaka basadi olim Ambara tilaka basadi; It was also known as Akkabasadi or Ambikādevi temple because of the image of Ambikā the jinaśāsanadevi (Yaksī) of Neminātha-Tirthankara. 143 There were basadis at the Jattu-pura of Kollipake. 144 Mahamandalesvara CalukyaGanga-Permmādi Kumāra (crown prince) Someśvara-III, son of Vikramāditya, on the request of his minister-dandanāyaka Sāyimayya, endowed the Ambikādevi of Ambara-Tilaka olim Cālukyakula-Tilaka, temple par excellence for the anga ranga-bhoga, a village named
ura and was entrusted to the perggade of the temple.145 The inscription on the pillar near the tank, behind the Someśvara temple contains twelve Kannada and seven Sanskrit verses with the description of Jaina monks of Kāņür gana Meşapāsaņa-gaccha.
39.1 A record dated Saka 1047 (A.D. 1125), of the reign of Tribhuvanamalladeva, states that mahāsāmanta Bammadeva had the grant of land previously made by his uncle Mahā-sāmanta Mārtandayya, for the upkeep of a tank inscribed on stone; Bammarasa and his cousin Nākarasa, members of a prestigeous Jaina family, were descended from Cāvundarāya, the Nārgāvunda of Muguda-Thirty situated in Mahārājavāļi-nāļu, a sub-division of Palasige-12,000.146
39.2 Cāvundarāya had caused the acts of merit by building basadi, tank, well, an alms-shed for free distribution of water and buttermilk.
140. SEAP. IX. p. 22. 1100, and SEAP. X. p. 25. 1111. 141. Jawaharlal : 1994 : 93-94. 142 ARIE 1961-62. No. 84. 1067. 143. ARIE 1961-62. No. B-92. 144. APGRE 1965. No. B-260. 1056. 145. APGAS-iii Ng. 43. Ins. No. 45 1) 25 p. 56-57. 146. SII. XI-ii 177. 1125. Mugad (Dh. dt. tk) pp. 231-36.

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Gojjyakka, spouse of Mārtandayya had the title of Ghatāntaki, a cognomen of Dānacintāmaņi Attimabbe and jina-sāsanadevate, attendent goddess of the Jina.147 Nakarasa a banner of Jinadharmma, had constructed the Jain temples (āyatanas), distributed food, respected the four faiths as his own and lived like a bee in the lotus feet of Jina; so were Bammarasa and Mārtanďayya. The record was composed by the poet Nagarjuna-pandita; This epigraph is a continuity of an early inscription, 148 and there are two other charters providing additional information of this illustrious Jaina family. 149
40.1 A damaged inscription from the village Togarakunta records the grant of one flower garden, two house sites (nivesaņa), one oilmill, twelve mattars of land and pasture-ground by the dandanāyaka Komanayya and others to the basadi of Candraprabhadeva, the eighth Tirthankara at Togarikunţe in Kudiyape-40 sub-division for an oblation (nivedya) for conducting worship, for feeding the rșis, for the repairs and white washing. 150 This gift was made for the merit of Mahāmandalesvara Kumāra-Tailapadeva, son of Vikramāditya and his wife Candaladevi.
41.1 A much damaged and broken slab in two parts mentions that mahāmandalesvara Sankaradeva made a gift of land of black soil (twelve mattars), a garden, an oil-mill, a house site and certain other lands (specified) to a Jaina temple.151
42.1 Manigāra Kāļisetti, a great trader of Tumboļa caused a Jinagriha at Gangāpura and installed Cenna-Pārśva. 152 An inscription on the slab opposite to Cenna-Keśava-devālaya at Gangāpur provides this information. Megacandrabhattāraka of Mūla-sangha, Kānūr-gana Meşapāşāņa-gaccha was the pontiff of this temple. The Five HundredSvāmins of Aiyyavole, 36 Bidus, Mummuri-dandas, the whole ubhayanānā-desis, all the faiths, the setti jointly endowed the temple. 153 It is possible that Bammisetti of Manakere installing once more the CennaPārsva image caused by Kālisetti of Tumbola, after washing the feet of Meghacandra-Siddhāntadeva, and made serveral grants. 147. ibid., lines : 35 and 47. 148. SII. XI-i. 78. 1045. Muguda. p. 68. 149. ibid., Nos. 206. Sirūr, p. 261, and 211. Mugud pp. 254-65. 150. SII. IX-i, 221. 1125. Togarikunta (AP : Anantapur dt. Dharmāvaram tk)
pp. 224-25. 151. SII. IX-i. 290. C 1125. Kuruvatti (Bellary dt, Harapanahalli tk) pp. 309
10. 152. ARIE 1961-62, B-39 C. 1125. 153. EA. IV. No. 7. 1125. Jadacherla.

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43.1 The Jaina temple at Tambūru, tall like a mansion, caused by mahāmandalesvara Hākiballadeva, husband of Padmaladevi who was the elder sister of Jayakesi-II (1126-47), mahāmandalesvara of GoaKadamba. 155 Jayakesi's crown-queen Mailaladevi was the daughter of the Cālukya sovereign Vikramāditya-VI.156 When Jayakesi was ruling Konkana-900 and Palasige-1200, Hākiballadeva built the Jinālaya for the merit of his father Māvulideva, which was endowed with several gifts from his two ministers, Barmacayya and Rācamalla and the guild of merchants. This Jinālaya had the cognomen of 'Padmaladevi Jinālaya' named after the sister of Jayakesi and wife of Hākiballadeva. The inscription has recorded the genealogy of the Sūrastha-gana line of teachers. 157
43.2 Mailadevi was the daughter of Vikramādityadeva-VI, from his wife Malayavatidevi. Mailaladevi and her husband Jayakesi-II had two sons, Permmādideva (1147-87) and Vijayadeva, who caused a Jinālaya.159 With this information, it is learnt that Vikramādityadeva and three of his queens, along with his daughter and grand sons have all extended their support for the sustainence of Jaina faith.
44.1 Ādaki was another important seat of Jainism where Kopparasa alias Koppadeva dandanātha the lord of Ādakki caused a basadi for Arhat Pārsvadeva, which was named after him as KoppaJinālaya. 160 He also gave endowments of a garden, lands under the tank of Brahmadeva (a jaina yakşa) and a shop for the special worship on the occasion of greater festivals like jivadayāştami and Nandiśvarāştami. The other merchants of the town gave certain gifts to basadis. The Cenna-Parsvadeva Jinālaya to the south of Ādaki continued to be supported by a number of gifts. 161
45.1 Bammisetti of the Virabalañjiga community, who had caused a Jina-Pārsva basadi at Gangāpura, as referred earlier in Para number, 42.1, had also constructed another basadi at Gollathaguļi, a village
154. G. Jawaharlal, Jadacherla Jain Inscription for Andhra Pradesh-in,
Jinamanjari, 17-1 April, 1988. 155. ARSIE 1965-66. No. 407. AD. 1125. Māvalli (Dh Dt. Kalagahatagi tk). 156. ibid., No. 408. 1125. Tambūru. 157. AREP. 1965-66 No. 411. 1125. Tambūru; Gurava, R.N., Tambūra
Śāsanagaļu, Sadhane, 3-3. 158. ibid. 159. KI. V. 33. 1176. Golihalli (Belgaum dt, Khānāpur tk). 160, KJS : Seļam-2. 1125. Ādaki (Gul dt) pp. 468-69. 161. ibid., Sedam-3. 1165. pp. 470-71.

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JAIN JOURNAL : Vol-XXXIV, No. 1 July 1999 adjacent to Gangāpur, three KMs away from Jadacherla (Andhra Pradesh) included as part of Kandūr-nad olim Kandur-1000 region. 162
45.2 It is stated in an inscription from Balehalli that a certain Bammisetti constructed a basadi in Baleyahalli (AP: MN dt] and set up the image of Pārsvanātha therein and made certain gifts to Maladhārideva of Kondakundānvaya Desiga-gana Postaka-gaccha, while Jagadekamalla Boppadevarasa was governing Banavāsi-12,000, and registers other gifts to the Pārsva Jinālaya. 163 Bammisetti referred to the above para (45.1) may be identical with this pious Jaina lay votary.
45.3 The slab containing the above inscription has been fixed into the shrine of the Bāļenhalli tank; it gives the genealogy of Cālukya Cakravarti Jagadekamalladeva III (1137-49), grandson of Vikki. The place name Balehalli, a Kannada word, has been changed into Bādepalli, a Telugu form.
46.1 An inscription from Aihole mentions the name of SiddhantaCakravarti (other details of the name are lost) belonging to Müla-Sangha Desi-gana Postaka-gaccha, and Sātisetti of Gunda-Perūru. It is quite likely, as the circumstantial external evidence supports, that the Setti mentioned in ARIE 1968-69. No. 69 of 1123 (p. 31. Aihole) may be idential with Sātisetti of the present charter. The nature and the purpose of the gifts given by this donor are not known. 164
46.2 A fragment lying in the Banasankari temple of Asundi (Belgaum dt, Parasgad tk) of the period of Tribhuvanamalladeva, invokes the Jinaśāsana, mentions the Two Hundred Mahājanas of Asundi, versed in the four Vedas and in the six tarkas. The rest of the portion of the (undated) charter is lost. 165
Epitome
47.1 The main aim of the present paper is, not to interpret the fundamentals of Jaina Siddhānta (philosophy), but to focus the position held by the Jaina church during the conspicuously long reign of Vikki, from the historical genesis and its functional role, wherever possible. His reign is most notable for political success and outstanding by the patronage extended to religious activities; it was a period of a leap
162. Jinamanjari, 17-1, April. 98, pp. 56-58. 163. ARIE 1947-48. No. B. 176. A.P. 1146. p. 22. 164. IA. VIII. p. 245 1127. 165. ARIE 1939-44. APP. E-3. p. 240.

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forward in the history of Jainism. The other contemporary religions that also flourished along side Jaina creed, were not diametrically opposed philosophies, in spite of their dogmatic differences; in fact, some of them were complimentary to each other.
47.2 Vikramāditya's reign has been rendered memorable by the glorious all-round activities of the Nirgrantha church; as observed early in this paper, the king was tolerant towards all sects, but he was particularly interested in Jinadharmma. He fostered the cause of Jainism so prominently that the marvellous period of the Gangas had its second birth. He took a direct and active part in the spread of Jainism, extended royal umbrella and raised its status. He did not pay merely a lip sympathy to the Nirgranthamata is evident and proved beyond doubt by the reliable account of the contemporary charters which established him as a lay votary of Jainism.
47.3 A good number of inscriptions prove to be sufficient evidence of the flourishing condition of Jainism under the aegis of Cālukyas of Kalyāna. But of all its kings, it is Vikramāditya who did his best, in quality and quantity, to establish the indigenous Jaina religion firm in Karnātaka and also elevate its position in his reign. As a consequence, Jainism had an overwhelming influence in the royal court, and a hold over the country in that period.
48.1 The emperor had accorded royal patronage to the activities of the learned monks and nuns. Imperial support and popular backup provided an opportunity to Jain seers to establish centres of learning, monasteries, śrta-bhandaras and basadis, where vigorous cultural activities were carried on to build up a solid organisation of Jaina laymen. Cālukya kingdom had become an abode of safety for Jaina monks, who were successfull in mustering the respect of the palace and the allegiance of the most important section of the middle classes, the commercial sects.
48.2 The Jain saints, the pontiffs and partriarchs, the friars and nuns, as depicted in the inscriptions of this period, are known for their celibacy, strict moral and physical discipline, zeal for study who went in search of a good teacher for the sake of obtaining better knowledge in the canonical literature.
48.3 Idol worship was firmly established among the Jains, as far back as second century B.C. In Karņāțaka, during the reign of Vikki also, the Jaina ascetics encouraged the laics to cause images and temples of Jina; as such there were many basadis throughout the length and breadth of the Cālukya kingdom in this period; the pulse

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JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXXIV, No. 1 July 1999 of exuberance in the Jaina community is transperant in a number of epigraphs.
48.4 There were many Jaina settlements, the old and the new, and a missionary zeal was vibrant. The available data illustrates that the women were better and more faithful custodians of Jaina tradition, rituals and culture. Majority of the gifts were done at the instance of the religious preceptors.
49.1 The discussion of Vikramaditya and Jainism, will not be complete without reference to the Jaina generals, ministers mahāmāṇḍalikas, the queens and other Jaina women and consorts of higher officials, major centres of Jaina settlement and the monks and nuns. But for want of space, an in extenso discussion is not possible.
50.1 To sum up, Jainism had many adherents and patrons and continued to be the religion of a strong minority throughout the reign of Vikramaditya-VI. His whole hearted support to Jainism is corroborated by several epigraphs by copious references to Jaina preceptors, monasteries, centres of pilgrimage. The description of the society in general also gives a convincing impression that the religion of the Arhats was embraced by large and increasing numbers. Vikki laid a firm foundation for a prosperous career of syādvada-mata. He persisted to foster the cause of Jainism to which alone the CalukyaHouse had owed its solid base ab initio.
AP APGES 0
APGRE
APP
ARIE
ARSIE
Bij
BLR
Cent
Cn
Dh
dt
EA
EC (R)
EI
: Andhra Pradesh
Andhra Pradesh Government Epigraphical Series 0 Andhra Pradesh Government Report of Epigraphy
Appendix
: Annual Reports on Indian Epigraphy
Annual Reports on South Indian Epigraphy Bijapur District
:
......
Abbreviations
: Benjamin Lewis Rice Edition
:
century
:
Cennarayapatna
: Dharwar District
:
District
: Epigraphia Andhrica
: Epigraphia Carnatika (Revised)
: Epigraphia Indica

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47
Zufski zerritada. A Bee
Gul : Gulbaraga District HI
Honnāli taluk Hn
Hassan District ΙΑ
: Indian Antiquary IAP
Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh ibid,
ibidem, in the same place Intro : Introduction JBBRAS : Journal of the Bombay Branch of Royal Asiatic Society JSI
Jainism in South India (P.B. Desai) KI
Karnatak Inscriptions KJS
Kalburgi Jilleya Sāsanagalu (ed. Gogi, H) MAR : Mysore Archaeological Reports MN : Mahabubnagar District Ng
Nalgonda District Nr
Nagar i.e. modern Hosa-Nagar taluk PP P;
pages Pkt
Prakrit SB
:
Śravanabelagola SEAP : Select Epigraphs of Andhra Pradesh SII
South Indian Inscriptions SKt
Sanskrit Sk
Shikaripur taluk Sh
Shimoga District STS
Surapura Taluku Śāsanagalu (Gogik, H)
Taluk : Tirthahalli taluk : Warangal District.
Tk TI wg
Bibliography 1. Aditya Sarma, M.V.N.: Bānajipet Inscriptions of Kakatiya Beta-II; EA, vol
I, No. 10, pp. 111-17. 2. Barnett, Lionel D.: Two Jaina Inscriptions of Mulgund and Lakshmeswar,
EI. XVI. No. 9. pp. 52-66. 3. Bhuvanendra Kumar, (ed) Jinamanjari, 17-1, April 1998. 4. Desai, P.B.: 1. Jainism in South India and some Jaina Epigraphs, 1957
2. Basaveśvara and his Times, 1956. 5. Dhaky, M.A.: (ed) Arhat Parśva and Dharanendra Nexus, 1997. 6. Ganesh. K.R. : Andhra Pradeshada Kannada Sāsanagahi, 1996. 7. Gogi, Hanumakshi : 1. (ed.) Kalburgi Jilleya Sasanagalu, 1996.
2. (ed.) Surapura Talukina Säsanagalu, 1995. 8. Jawaharlal, G : Jainism in Andhra, 1994. 9. Kamala Hampana : Attimabbe and Chalukyas, 1995.

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10. Krishna Sastry, H: Anmakonda Inscription of Prola, EI. IX. 35. C.E. 1117, pp. 256-67.
11. Nagarajaiah, Hampa :
a. Śāsanagalalli-Eraḍu-Vamsagalu, 1995
b. Kavivara-Kamadhenu, 1996-A
c. Viṣṇuvardhana-Vijayaditya-Kirtivarma, 1996-B
d. Sāntararu: Ondu Adhyayana, 1997-A
e. Candra Kode-1997-B
f. Koppala Šāsangaļu, 1998-A
g. Śāsanagalalli Basadigaļu, 1998-B.
h. Sasanagalalli Jaina-Tirthagalu, 1998-C.
12. Nagaraja Rao, M.S.: (ed) The Chalukyas of Kalyana, 1983.
13. Raghunath Bhatt, H.R.: Jainism and Buddhism under the Chalukyas of Kalyana, in-Nagaraj Rao, (ed) 1983.
14. Saletore, B.A.: Mediaeval Jainism, 1938
15. Venkataraya Sastry, V.: Bilhana's Vikramānkadeva Charitam, in-Nagaraja Rao (ed) 1983,

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RELEVANCE OF NON-VIOLENCE IN MODERN LIFE
DULI CHAND JAIN The image of Jaina community as persons of peace and goodwill and committed to vegetarianism is strongly imprinted on the Indian mind. Mahātmā Gāndhi, perhaps, the greatest champion of nonviolence in our age, said that he had been deeply influenced by nonviolence as a political instrument, by the revered Jaina scholar Raichandbhai Mehta through intimate personal contact. To abstain from violence is the foundational vow of Jainism from which follow the other vows....to abstrain from falsehood, theft, continence and possessiveness. Great importance has been given to non-violence by every Indian school of thought, but none have carried it to the extreme as the Jains have done. However, the concept of Ahimsā, which is the supreme Dharma ahimsā paramo dharmaḥ has not been properly understood and there are many misgivings about it.
What is meant by "Ahimsā”? Generally it is taken to mean nonharming or non-violence to any living creature, but really speaking it is an attitude by which a person identifies himself with all living beings. Ahimsā is equanimity. It is the holy law of compassion in body, mind and spirit. The term "Ahimsā” has both a negative and a positive connotation. It is generally understood by its negative reference, i.e. refraining from causing any injury or harm towards any one. However, positively it has a very sublime and profound aspect and it stands for the practice of love towards all beings.
Aim of Human Life
Lord Mahāvīra says “Dharma (righteousness) is supremely auspicious. Non-violence, self-restraint and austerity are its essential features. Even the celestials revere him who is rooted in Dharma". (Daśavaikālika-sūtra 1.1)
The aim of human life is to achieve Nirvāna or liberation. How to achieve this? Ācārya Umāsvāti (writer of Tattvārtha-sūtra, the hand book of Jainism) says that it can be achieved by right faith, right knowledge and right conduct together.
Jainism takes an integral view of life. Only faith or knowledge or conduct alone cannot take us to the path of Nirvana. We should have faith, knowledge and conduct as well. Without right faith, there cannot

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JAIN JOURNAL : Vol-XXXIV, No. 1 July 1999 be right knowledge, without right knowledge, there cannot be right conduct and without right conduct man can never achieve Nirvāna or emancipation.
Conduct of a Monk and a Householder
Jaina texts describe the conduct expected from a monk as well as from a householder elaborately. Amonk is expected to follow five great vows (Mahavratas) and a householder five primary or minor vows called Anuvratas. Abstinence from violence, falsehood, stealing, carnality and possessiveness are the vows. Violence, falsehood and the like, influence behaviour so deeply that they are seen as entrenched habits which require vows to root out. Non-violence is mentioned first, because it is the principal vow, the basis of all other vows. Just as a fence is meant to protect a field, the last four vows are meant to protect the prim vow of non-violence. A vow is a self-imposed obligation as to what one ought and ought not to do. It must be practised in thought, word and deed with full commitment of its careful observance at all times. Vows may generate the positive activities which result in beneficial karmas as Lord Mahavira says that the result of good karmas is beneficial and that of evil karmas is harmful.
The Principle of Non-violence
The rationale behind the principle of non-violence is the equality of all living beings. Lord Mahāvira said, “Not to kill any living being is the quintessence of all wisdom. One has to understand that nonviolence and equality of all living beings are the essentials of Dharma" (Sūtrakstānga-sūtra 1.11.10).
He further says, "O man! think that the being whom you want to kill is just like you, he too experiences happiness and sorrow just like you. The being whom you want to hurt and harm is just like you, the being whom you want to punish and drive away is also just like you. A noble aspirant lives upto these sentiments and neither harms nor kills any living being, nor does he cause them to be harmed and killed by others. One has to bear the consequences of one's actions" (Ācārānga-sūtra 1.5.5.5).
Equality of Living Beings
Jainism believes that all living beings are equal and life in every creature has to be respected. They believe that not only human beings but animals, birds, plants and even the tiniest creatures have souls. Not only that, but even creatures in air, water and fire, though invisible, have souls. Lord Mahāvira says, “All living beings desire to live. They

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JAIN : RELEVANCE OF NON-VIOLENCE IN MODERN LIFE detest sorrow and death and desire a long and happy life.” Therefore, he gave the famous slogam "live and let live."
The world to-day is passing through a serious crisis. Violence has increased tremendously in society. Advanced countries are producing weapons and most dangerous bombs on such a mass scale that the whole humanity can be wiped out within a few days. During the bomb attacks in Hiroshima and Nagasaki 55 years ago, lakhs of people were killed, but to-day if unfortunately another world war breaks out, it will be most disastrous for the whole Humanity. Besides the dangers of war, there is too much suspicion in the minds of the people. For the last few years, terrorism has spread in many countries and societies, thus tension has increased and there is no real peace in the world.
The principle of non-violence embraces not only human or the animal kingdom, but also trees, vegetables, air and water as all these are considered as living beings with souls. As such they also fell pain when injured or destroyed and one commits violence when indulging in such acts just as cutting of trees, excavating the earth recklessly, over-exploiting the rivers etc. Incidentally, all ecologists, environmentalists and preservationists are coming to the same conclusion as a result of the latest advances in science. There is a movement for preservation of animals, realising that every creature, tiniest or wildest, has its place in the scheme of nature. Tree cuttings, pollution of rivers and oceans and needless unplanned excavation of earth is raising protests. The world is coming to the same path as preached by Jainism thousands of years ago.
Living in Harmony with Nature
All the living beings have to live in co-existence with each other. Ācārya Umāsvāti writes in the Tattvärtha-sūtra 5.21 that all souls render service to one another. They cannot live independently. They have to share their pleasure and pain with others. Unfortunately the modern man thinks that he is the master and controller of nature and all agencies should serve him, hence he overexploits natural resources. All the agencies of nature, rivers, mountains etc. have their own role to play and Man, if he wants peace, must co-exist with them.
According to the theory of Karma, violence leads to bondage and defilement of the soul thus delaying its liberation. The injurer soul suffers from the passions accompanying the act of causing injury and the injured person forms a sense of enmity and hatred towards the injurer. This perpetuates the cycle of birth and death by defilement of both souls.

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In more simple and direct terms, one cannot visualise a world full of violence or without non-violence. Indeed in spite of age-long emphasis on non-violence, love and kindness by all spiritual leaders, the world is still not a fully peaceful place to live in. Can you imagine the prospects of a world where only violence prevails? That is the rule of the jungle. There are some who hold the view that life survives by destroying life jivo jivasya bhojanam, but what is forgotten is that life survives more with the help of life. It is the mutual help, love, kindness and compassion shown by one living being for another that makes the world a fit place to live in. Non-violence is, therefore, a practical necessity in the world to-day.
Nature of Violence
Violence is caused by injuring vitalities (prāņa), by reackless or passionate activity. There are in all ten vitalities (prāna) with which living beings are blessed, the number depending upon the evolution of soul due to its past karmas. There are five sense organs (touch, taste, smell, sight and hearing), respiration, life duration, energy or body, organ of speech and mind. The number of vitalities vary from class to class, i.e., one sensed being have only 4 vitalities while the five sensed beings have ten vitalities. In the same manner, the quantum of violence involved in causing pain or injury to different classes of creatures also vary. Thus the infringement of non-violence and defilement of soul is greater in killing an animal than in cutting a tree.
52
Violence is caused by passions and carelessness. Lord Mahāvīra said, "Anger, conceit, deceit and greed are four powerful enemies which stimulate sinful deeds. One who desires his well-being should renounce these four faults" (Daśavaikālika-sūtra 8.37). The activities (Yoga) are of three types....activity of mind, speech and body. Thus we observe that violence is any activity caused by carelessness and which results in injuring any of the ten vitalities of living beings. Abjuring such activity is observation of non-violences. Let us examine four situations of conduct of a person.
1. There is no carelessness and also no injury to vitalities of a living being.
2. There is no carelessness but there is injury to vitalities of a living being.
3. There is carelessness but no injury to vitalities.
4. There is carelessness as well as injury to vitalities.
The first situation is a perfect example of non-violence as there is neither negligence nor passion nor injury. The second example is also

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of non-violence. It is said in Pravacanasāra 3.16. "A tiny insect may be trampled to death under the foot of an ascetic of restrained movement. However, since there is no attachment or hatred, no bondage is caused." In the third example though there is no injury or damage to vitality of the victim the person engaged is full of carelessness.
t is called Bhāva Himsā or mental violence. The last or fourth category is the worst example of violence. Hence we come to the conclusion that careless conduct is violence and careful conduct is non-violence.
Himsa or violence has been generally understood as harm done to others; for Jains, however, it refers primarily to injuring oneself – to
ur which prevents the soul's ability to attain Nirvana or emancipation. Thus the killing of animals, for example, is reprehensible, not only for the suffering produced in the victim, but also even more so because it involves intense passions on the part of the killer, passions which bind him more firmly in the grip of samsāra (transmigration). The Jaina concept of violence then is very broad in terms of the actions to which it refers, and the need for abandonment of such action becomes of permanent importance to the spiritual aspirant.
Non-Violence in Practical Life
Recognising that total adherence to non-violence is impossible for a householder, Jaina teachers have drawn a distinction between injurious activities totally forbidden and those which may be tolerated within strict guidelines. From this standpoint violence has been classified in the following four categories. 1. Sankalpi violence-involving deliberately and purposefully
injuring the living beings like organising bull fights etc. 2. Ārambhi-involving unintentional, but indirect injury to living
beings from acts necessary for normal life like cooking or cleaning. 3. Udyogi-resulting from industrial or agricultural activity of the
individuals for earning their livelihood. 4. Virodhi-resulting from opposing attack on one's life, property
or country. The saints or nuns abjure all the four types, but the layman can renounce only the first type, while has to indulge in the other three categories, but after observing vigilance.
The positive side of non-violence is as important as negative side. This side sometimes is not fully appreciated. The positive aspect implies forgiveness, kindness, compassion, charity and service. Ācārya

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Amitagati, a great Jaina exponent and writer of the famous "Śrāvakācāra" (code of conduct for householder) writes: "Friendliness towards all creatures, respect for the virtuous, compsssion (kindness) towards all creatures in distress and neutrality towards those who are not well-disposed to me. I pray those qualities be bestowed in me."
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The Jaina community has responded well by adopting the above virtues preached by the spiritual teachers. This one crore strong community has taken lot of interest in practising and propagating teachings of non-violence, animal welfare, animal protection and service to the community as a whole. They provide food to the hungry, clothing to the unclad and medical and educational services to the needy. They have opened many goshālās and shelters for the animals.
Observance of Vows
Jainism provides complete guidance for observation of non-violence in day to day life. The practicing of the major and minor vows like truthfulness, non-theft, continence, non-possession etc. make it easy to serve non-violence. Again, there are five observations which strengthen the conduct of non-violence viz. 1. control of speech, 2. control of thoughts, 3. regulation of movement, 4. care in planning and upkeep of things and 5. examining food and drinks before use.
A non-violent person should be full of benevolence towards all living beings. Also he should avoid food and clothing and other requirements which involve the slaughter of animals, fish, birds etc. All kinds of intoxicating drinks are to be avoided. Similarly for earning a living it is necessary to avoid trades like brewing, fishing, and butchering.
Above all, the origin of non-violence is in the attitude of the mind as explained earlier. The mind should be constantly vigilant, careful and considerate. This would help in eschewing the four passions-anger, greed, deceit, and pride. All acts performed by such persons will be free from violence. This has been authoritatively stated in the Daśavaikālika-sūtra. Realising that no space is free from life and any moment in the form of thought, speech and physical action involves some injury to some form of life, the question was naturally asked:
"How should one walk, stand, sit, sleep, eat and speak, so that the sinful karmic bondage may not accrue (to the soul)."
Lord Mahāvīra replied
"With vigilance one should walk, stand, sit, sleep, eat and talk (thus) sinful karmic bondage shall not accrue to the soul."

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JAIN : RELEVANCE OF NON-VIOLENCE IN MODERN LIFE
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Such a vigilant conduct avoids defilement of the soul by karmas or sins leading ultimately to freedom from bondage. Apart from future or life hereafter, practice of non-violence makes for a better existence in this life itself. It can ensure peace between nature and man, between man and man, between man and society, and between nation and nation. All the conflicts are solved through non-violent methods once its principles are put to practice at different levels.
Non-violence in the conduct of man and society or of the state is the greatest need in the present times. Faced with the danger of ecological disaster and nuclear holocaust on the one hand and unrestrained materialistic pursuit on the other, humanity is groping in the dark for a ray of light which can save its very existence. Such light is provided by shunning violence at all levels by practising nonviolence. No wonder Lord Mahāvīra called non-violence as goddess“Bhagavati Ahimsā".

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PRAKRIT IN THE MAURYA EMPIRE
[326 B.C. - 183 B.C]
SATYA RANJAN BANERJEE
It seems quite possible that in the Maurya period from the time of the Maurya Candragupta (326-302 B.C) down to the rise of Pusyamitra, commander of Bșhadratha (183 B.C.), the last recorded king of the Maurya empire, the languages prevalent were mainly Sanskrit, Pali and Prakrit, as can be gleaned from the literature written in these three languages. Though the literature found at that time were not, perhaps, very many, it can still be guessed quite reasonably that there were some literary documents at the time of the Mauryan empire. The Mauryan emperors, perhaps, did not stimulate authors to write books at that time, but yet we cannot imagine that the Mauryan kingdom which was at its height of glory, particularly at the time of Asoka, did not produce any literature. However, my essay is divided in two partsone part devoted to languages available at that time and the other part their literature.
It has been mentioned above that there were three languages prevalent at the time of the Mauryan empire. Sanskrit, being the foremost of them, had many phases. Historically the origin of Sanskrit is normally traced from Indo-European whose date is tentatively fixed as 2500 B.C. When the Indo-European peoples started migrating from their original home (whatever may be the place-some parts of Europe or Asia), they were divided into two courses--one group migrated towards the west in Greece, Rome, Germany and other countries, and the other one made their way towards Iran and India. This group ultimately formed the Indo-Iranian unity sometime between 2000-1750 B.C. of which again the Iranian block remained in Iran, ultimately resulting in Avestan and Old Persian literature sometime in the very late 8th-6th centuries B.C., while the other group came to India and started writing their literature to preserve their thoughts and ideas. The earliest document of this group of people, known as Indo-Aryan, is the Rgveda whose date is reckoned as the 1500 B.C. From 1500 B.C. down to 400 B.C. we have the Vedic period divided into Samhitā, Brāhmana, Āranyaka and Upanişad. It was at the time of Upanişads, we had the first reference to a colloquial language known as Prakrit. In the Samavāyānga and in the Aupapātikadašā-sūtra, we have the

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reference to Ardhamāgadhi where it is said that lord Mahāvīra preached his doctrines in common man's language known as Ardha-māgadhi (bhagavam ca nam Addha-magahie bhāsāe dhammam āikkhaiSamavāyanga 898). Almost at the same time Buddha, a contemporary of Mahāvīra, also preached his doctrines in common man's language which was later on known as Pali, though it is said in one couplet that Buddha used to speak his doctrines in common man's language which was Māgadhi. (sā Magadhī mūlabhāsā narāyāyādikappikā/ brahmaņā cassutālāpā sambuddhā cāpi bhāsare//) These two statements as found in their respective literature gave us this clue that the two lords preached their doctrines in the then spoken languages known as Ardhamāgadhi or (old) Māgadhi and Māgadhi respectively. The Māgadhi which is known from a later dramatic literature is, perhaps, different from the Māgadhi of Buddha.
Apart from these two languages there was another type of Prakrit found in inscriptional languages. These inscriptional languages are not recorded in any literary documents available today. But these inscriptional languages formed a group by themselves and as such, the modern name 'Inscriptional Prakrit' is given to them. Inscriptions discovered till the time of the Mauryan empire are mainly the inscriptions of Asoka scattered at different parts of India and each inscription of Asoka proved the dialectal differences among themselves. Almost at the same time we have another inscription in Sutānukā known as Sutanukā inscription which is different from Asoka's. As this inscription is found in the Eastern zone of India, scholars think that this inscription is influenced by Māgadhi. After that we have also some inscriptions belonging upto 2nd cent A.D. and these are Heliodoras' inscription and so on. Thus far is the existence of Prakrit during the time of the Mauryan empire.
Side by side with Prakrit and Sanskrit we have another language, known as Pali. Though the name Pali is given to this language, perhaps, at a very later date, Buddha spoke in common man's language, was true. One of the interesting references found in the Cullavagga (V. 33) or Vinayapitaka (II. 139.1) is the fact that some Buddha's disciples used to speak a type of language other than Buddha's language, which was very near to Vedic Sanskrit. Some of his disciples complained to Buddha that the Lord's language is being mutilated by this speech which is known as chanda, that is, Vedic Sanskrit. The word chandaso sakkāya is used to refer to that language. This incident, perhaps, shows that people used to speak a type of Sanskrit which can be termed as Popular Sanskrit. As regards Sanskrit, as has already been discussed above, it can be said that 600 B.C. was a time of the

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transformation of the Vedic Sanskrit into the classical one. The language of the Upanişad can be called a pre-classical Sanskrit owing to the fact that already the peculiar features of Vedic Sanskrit started dwindling and a new type of Sanskrit which is very much prone to the classical was emerging. But some of Vedic peculiarities were retained and some features of Pre-classical Sanskrit were coming up. It was at that time Mahāvira was born. After the Upanisadic age, we have the age of Prātisakhya and Sūtra literature whose language was very near to classical Sanskrit rather than the Vedic one. After that, Panini came in 400 B.C. So even though Sanskrit was prevalent at that time, it was the Sanskrit of Panini rather than the Vedic one that was current.
So, in conclusion, from the above survey, we can say that the languages, at the time of the Mauryan empire, were ma classical Sanskrit (interspersed with some sort of Popular Sanskrit, some features of which are also recorded by Pāņini), Pali (mainly of the old Māgadhi type) and Prakrit, with its inscriptional and literary varieties. There might have been some other languages, but they are not recorded either in literature or in any research document discovered later.
As these were the major languages at the time of the Mauryan empire, it is expected that there should be three types of as represented by these languages. The literature in Sanskrit from the 4th cent. B.C. onwards is not as such very much recorded. We have the last phase of the Vedic literature, particularly of the Sūtra type. Vedic literature is characterised by some sacrificial rites and as such, the sūtra literature grew up at the time of the Maurya empire. That these were sacrifices performed by the people at that time was evident by the fact that Maurya Candragupta used to perform sacrifices by himself, even though the Jain versions of the story tell us that as he was a Jain, he could not perform any sacrifice which was against the doctrine of Jainism. Though the date of the sutra literature is not certain, it is at least accepted that some of the sacrificial texts, such as, Āśvalāyana-srauta-sūtra, Katyāyana-srauta sūtra, and Śāmkhāyana-srauta-sūtra were perhaps composed sometime in 400 B.C. in order to direct the people on how to perform sacrifices. Some of the Prātiśākhyas, such as, Taittiriya, Samavediya were also composed at that time. It will not be a case of guess work, if we think that the two Epics--the Rāmāyaṇa and the Mahābhāratawere composed at that time and they were perhaps revised in course of time and finally completed by the 4th cent. A.D. We do not have any literature on Sanskrit Kāvya except some references here and there which tell us that there were some Kävya literature at that

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BANERJEE PRAKRIT IN THE MAURYA EMPIRE
time. A kavya called the Pātālavijaya or Jämbavati-vijaya, quotations from which are available in some anthological works, is ascribed to Pāṇini. If this kavya can be attributed to Panini, then it can be said that the kavya style of writing was prevalent at the time of Panini in the 4th or the 5th cent. B.C. The reference to the Nața-sutra by Pāņini (IV. 3. 110) shows that there might have been a book of instructions for the dramatic art as found in Bharata's Natya-sāstra at a later time.
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The Varttikakāra Kātyāyana (250 B.C.), also composed some extra sūtras on Pāṇini in order to supplement some of the grammatical features of Sanskrit, not recorded by Pāṇini.
Patanjali (150 B.C.) in his Mahābhāṣya while explaining the vārttika sūtra lub-ākhyāyikābhyo bahulam under Panini's adhikṛtya kṛte granthe (IV. 3. 87) mentions the names of three ākhyāyikās, such as, Sumanottara, Bhaimarathi and Vasavadatta. These three books are lost, but the mentioning of these three books shows that they were very famous, at least, at the time of Patanjali.Patanjali's Mahābhāṣya could also be regarded as a text belonging to the last phase of the Mauryan empire. The Mahabhāṣya also refers to a poem called Vararucam kāvyam (under IV. 3. 101) by Vararuci. In the same place a poet named Jaluka is also mentioned. Is he Aśoka's son Jaluka, otherwise known as Kunala? Pingala, perhaps, a contemporary of Patanjali, presupposes in his Metrics the existence of some love-lyrics.
Cāṇakya or Kautilya was the minister in the court of Candragupta and his Arthaśāstra was composed at that time.
The teachings and doctrines of Lord Buddha were finally codified after the Mauryan empire, but there was a council at Pāṭaliputra where some portions of Buddha's teachings were codified. What was the nature of that literature is not known to us, but from this council we can say that there was an attempt to codify the messages of Buddha in the form of a literary document.
Apart from these two literary documents, we have some specimens of Prakrit literature. Like Buddha, Mahāvira's doctrines were also codified much later (454 A.D.), but there were several attempts to put the teachings of Mahavira in the form of a book sometime during the Maurya Candragupta. During the Maurya period, a famous book named Rṣibhāṣitāni, one of the oldest works of the Jain canonical literature in Ardhamāgadhi seemed to have been composed: This work, classed under Prakimakas, is, perhaps, the first work where the Rsis and Śramaņas were held in high esteem in Vedic, Buddhist and Jain

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JAIN JOURNAL : Vol-XXXIV, No. 1 July 1999 traditions. It was at the time of Chandragupta, Bhadrabāhu I (433357 B.C.) lived and several works like Kalpasūtra and Niryuktis were generally ascribed to him. It was in the time of the Maurya Candragupta that there was a great famine in Pāțaliputra which lasted for 12 years, and that incident made the Jain monks disperse from Pataliputra to some other places in the South. As the Jain monks normally live on begging alms, it was not possible for them to seek food from door to door. As a result, Bhadrabāhu with a band of Jaina sādhus migrated to the south at Sravanabelagola, and ultimately Prakrit was introduced in the south. This incident later on in the 1st cent. A.D. divided the Jains into two schisms, known as Svetambara and Digambara.
Apart from this, the major Prakrit literature found in the Maurya empire is the inscriptions. The inscriptions of Asoka (3rd cent. B.C.) were numerous. These were scattered all over India from East to NorthWest as far as irnar, Shahbazgarhi and Manshera in both Kharoşthi and Brāhmi scripts. This inscriptional literature is very solid and form the major literary documents at the time of Asoka, one of the emperors of the Maurya family. Almost at the same time we have the Sutānukā inscription (Devadinna's Jogimara Cave Insription - 3rd cent. B.C.) found in the East of India. The inscriptions belonging to the 3rd cent. B.C. are - Mahāsthān Stone Plaque Inscription (North Bengal), Sohagaura Copper plate Inscription (Gorakhpur Dt. U.P.), Piprahwa Vase Inscription (Basti Dt. U.P.). Another very important inscriptional document is the Hatigumpha inscription of Khāravela, belonging to the 2nd cent. B.C.
The Gathāsaptasati of Häla might have been composed during the second phase of the Maurya empire, though the date of Hāla varies from the 2nd cent. B.C. to 2nd cent. A.D.
This, in short is a survey of the available literary documents at the time of the Mauryan empire which covers nearly 150 years beginning from Candragupta the Maurya (326 B.C.) down to Brhadratha (183 B.C.), the last emperor of the Maurya-kingdom.

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A KEY-NOTE ADDRESS ON UMĀSVĀTI
AND HIS WORKS
SATYA RANJAN BANERJEE Convener of the International Seminar on Umāsvāti
Mr D.R. Mehta, Dr L.M. Singhvi, Mr Pratap Bhogilal, Mr Narendra Prakash Jain, delegates, ladies and gentlemen
It is, indeed, a great pleasure on my part and on behalf of the Bhogilal Leherchand Institute of Indology to welcome all the delegates, both foreign and Indian, to this International Seminar on Umāsvāti and his works for their co-operation on being present here in this city of Delhi. An International Seminar on Umāsvāti has long been a desideratum, and it is because of this, the authority of BLII, an Institute of International standard, has decided to hold an International Seminar on Umāsvāti to know the views of the scholars of the world about the progress of the studies on Umāsvāti and to chalk out a future line of research on him. This then, in a nutshell, is the background of holding this Seminar.
Umāsvāti is one of the illustrious logicians in Jainology. Though his date is a controversial one, and scholars fly into fancy to put him down to the 5th/6th cent. A.D., it is still acknowledged that he belongs to the 1st cent. A.D. In fact, S.C. Vidyabhusana in his A History of Indian Logic has put his date between 1-85 A.D., but it is pretty certain that whether he belongs to the 1st or 6th cent. A.D., his contribution to Jain Logic in unique. His Tattvārtha-sūtra, popularly known as Pramāna-śātra, is a compendium on Jainology. The TS is an epitome of Jain philosophical texts, particularly based on the Jain canons. Whatever may be the date of the Jaina Āgama texts, it is certain that Umāsvāti has accumulated most of his ideas and themes, if not all, from various Agama texts and has systematised them in one place in his book Tattvārtha-sūtra. He was, perhaps, the first man who had systematised the philosophical concepts of Jainism as embalmed and treasured up in the Jaina Agama texts. His first sūtra-samyag-darśanajñāna-cāritrāni mokşamārgah (TS I.1) has a parallel to Sthānanga and Uttaradhyayana-sūtras. He is great, because in the early Christian centuries, when the Indian system of logic was not fully developed, Umāsvāti had shown a fully developed logic. 1. This key-note address was delivered by me at the inaugural ceremony of
the International Seminar on Umāsvāti and His works held in Delhi on 4, 5, 6 January 1999.

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The origin of Indian logic could be traced from the Vedic literature in whose later stage between 900-600 B.C. a sort of logical idea primarilly emphasizing Jñāna-marga, "path of knowledge", developed. This speculation of logic was in an embryonic stage till we come to Nyāya-system of Gautama, whose date, though varies from the 2nd cent. B.C. to 2nd cent. A.D., is, in a sense, very near to Umāsväti. Before this logical system there arose other heretic systems as well whose pioneers were Cārvāka (650 B.C.), Akṣapāda (650 B.C.), Kapila (650 B.C.) and Kanāda (550 B.C.). All these heretic logicians considered pramāņa as something which can be perceived by direct knowledge. Gautama, the first logician in ancient India, in his Nyaya-sutra, for the first time formulated different categories of knowledge in a systematic manner. Actually, his logical system was greatly appreciated by Vätsyāyana (2nd/3rd A.D.) who in his commentary on the Nyāyasūtra has elaborated the sixteen categories for the acquisition of knowledge of which pramāņa is the first. In the opinion of Gautama, the knowledge of these sixteen categories is the way to getting (adhigamah) of nihsreyasa which is nothing but mokṣa (emancipation). It is actually at this juncture of logical atmosphere Umāsväti flourished. So it is no wonder that Umāsväti started his book with the conception of mokṣa as it was done by Gautama.
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Umāsvāti considers logic as a pramāṇa-sastra which is the vital force for acquiring knowledge of this universe. In his book divided into ten sections, the different aspects of Jain logic are treated. He begins his book with the conception of mokṣa which can be attained by samyag-darśana, samyag-jñāna and samyak-caritra. Some scholars think that the word samyak used once at the beginning of the first sūtra should not be associated with other two words like jñāna and caritra, because the word samyak is used only once in the sutra. To this class of people it can be answered that in a dvandva compound, if any nipata or particles or any additional word is used either in the beginning or at the end, then that word should be construed to be also with each member of the compound by the dictum-dvandvādāu dvandvante ca śrūyamāņam padam pratyekam abhisambadhyate. So the word samyak used in the beginning of the sutra should be added to every other member of the duandva compound. So we have samyagjñāna and samyak-cāritra as well. It seems strange, but nevertheless perfectly true that Pujyapada (6th cent. A.D.) in his commentary entitled Sarvārthasiddhi did not raise this problem for obvious reason that it was so common at that time that it was not necessary that this point should be elaborated in his commentary.
One of the major contributions of Umāsväti is his definition of sat

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BANERJEE : A KEY-NOTE ADDRESS ON UMĀSVĀTI AND HIS WORKS
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(Reality) which is utpāda-vyaya-dhrauvya-yuktam sat (V. 30), i.e., "it is a permanent reality in the midst of change of appearance and disappearance". The Jains say that reality is permanent and changeable, it has a growth, development and destruction. For example, let us look at the seed of a plant. "When the seed is planted in the soil it must necessarily break the shell and sprout out. This is the first step in its attempt to grow. Then the sprouting seed further undergoes change and some portions of it comes out seeking the sunlight and another goes down into the earth. That portion of the sprouting which goes down into the soil will undergo enormous changes into the root system. Similarly, the portion that shoots up into the air and sunlight will also undergo enormous changes, of sprouting out in tendrils and leaves finally resulting in branches and stem of the plant, all engaged in the task of procuring nourishment with the help of sunlight. At every stage thus we find change, the old leaves being shed off and the new sprouts coming up. This seems to be the general law of nature. The life of the seed does not die. It lives even though it is being constantly changed, and this is what is sat. And so the Reality has multifarious aspects, and this is what is known as anekānta-vāda in Jain philosophy.
The Jains have contributed quite a lot to the system of Indian logic and philosophy. In course of time by the 10th cent. A.D., the basic philosophical texts were composed, where the doctrine of Ahimsā was greatly stressed. Every system of philosophy has something to prove categorically, so also the Jain philosophy which tries to establish substantially the doctrine of Ahimsā as the ultimate philosophy of their system. Though the germs of their anekāntavāda could be traced to the Jaina Agama texts, the real system of Anekānta philosophy actually started from the 12th cent. A.D. when Hemacandra (10881172 A.D.) wrote his Pramāna-mināmsā where he had summarised the basic tenets of Nyāya-Vaiseşika, Sāmkhya-Yoga, and Vedānta by criticising the earlier systems of Indian philosophy. Almost after a century, Mallisena (1292 A.D.) wrote his Syādvāda-manjari, a commentary on the 32 verses of Hemacandra's Anya-yogavyavacchedikā. In a similar way, he also criticised the earlier systems of Indian philosophy, for instance, the ya-vāda of the Buddhists. It is here also the other system of Saptabhangi in order to establish the anekāntavāda was evolved. And this system of Jain logic is a unique contribution to the Indian logical system. Before the Jains the ancient Indian philosophical thoughts did not look upon a thing from two angles. The simple outlook of the anekāntavāda is to describe a thing in both positive and negative ways. As the Jains say that in a positive way a thing exists, but in a negative way the thing does not exist. This

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JAIN JOURNAL : Vol-XXXIV, No. 1 July 1999 idea seems to be a paradox at the initial stage. But a closer insight will reveal the fact that it is true from the point of view of anekāntavāda; e.g., if a glass is half-full with water, it can be described in way that the glass is hall-full, but in a negative way it can also be said that the glass is half-empty. However, this is not a place where I should dilate upon the importance of anekāntavāda, but in order to show how the Jain logical system has produced a system which is quite unique in the logical history of Indian philosophy.
It is needless to say that the Indian history and culture cannot be complete without the study of the contributions made by the Jains. In religion and philosophy, in art and architecture, in history and culture, in language and literature, in cosmology and cosmography, or in any other branch of human knowledge, the Jains have contributed so much that any aspect of Indianism cannot be complete without taking into consideration the contributions of the Jains. So also in logic. From the time of Umāsvāti till the 17th cent. A.D., lots of Jain logicians appeared and a thorough and systematic study of all systems of Jain logic is necessary. This International Seminar on Umāsvāti might help scholars to re-assess the history of Jain logic.
To cut my speech short, I can place before the scholars present here to deliberate upon the contributions of Umāsvāti to Jain logic and compare and contrast it with the other systems of Indian logic. I believe that this Seminar will enhance our knowledge on Umāsvāti for understanding the Indian logic and philosophy in a greater and better way.
In this Seminar the fifteen topics on Umāsvāti have been chosen for doing primary research on him. It is the intention of the authority of the BLII to dilate upon all these points, so that some fruitful and substantial discussions may emerge out of this Seminar. It is also the intention of the authority concerned that a complete analysis of the TS is a sine qua non, and for this reason this seminar is organised.
In the end, I again welcome all the delegates present here for the troubles they have undertaken for making this International Seminar a great success. I also welcome their contributions to Umāsvāti which we will listen in all these three days. I hope their stay will be comfortable and there will prevail a congenial atmosphere during their stay in this part of the country. I again express my thanks to all the delegates and am looking forward to their deliberations.
Thank you.

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NEWS ON JAINISM AROUND THE WORLD
An International Seminar on Umāsvāti and His Works
An International Seminar on Umāsvāti and His Works was organised by the Bhogilal Leherchand Institute of Indology, Delhi, on the 4th, 5th and 6th of January 1999. The Seminar was well-attended by both foreign and Indian scholars, and several papers were read on different aspects of Umāsvāti. There were 22 papers and 3 plenary sessions. Four delegates including 3 foreigners expressed their inability to join the Seminar. The venue of the Seminar was in the India International Centre. Delhi.
In both the Inaugural (on 4.1.1999 at 10 a.m.) and the Valedictory (on 6.1.99 at 3.00 p.m.) functions, the need of a thorough study of Umāsvāti and his works was exphasized. The speakers was Shri Pratap Bhogilal (Chairman, BL11), Shri Narendra Prakash Jain (ViceChairman, BLII), Professor M.A. Dhaky, Professor Namver Singh, Professor P.S. Jaini (Berkeley, U.S.A.). Professor Sagar Mal Jain (Director, PV Research Institute), Professor Fuginaga Sin (Japan), Shri Deven Yaswant, Shri R.K. Jain (Secretary, Smarak), Shri Parasmalji Bhansali, Shri Ravindra Kumar Jain, Dr Kapila Vatsyayan and Dr Vimal Prakash Jain. Professor Satya Ranjan Banerjee of Calcutta University was the convener of this International Seminar. The papers of the Seminar will be published in due course.
The tentative topics of the Seminar were as follows : 1. Annotated Bibliography of Umāsvāti. 2. Commentaries published on Umāsvāti's Sūtras. 3. Influence of Umāsvāti on later Jain works/writers. 4. Analytical contents of Umāsvāti's Tattvārtha-sūtra (comparing
and contrasting it with some other writers).
Umāsvāmi or Umāsvāti ? 6. Other works of Umāsvāti.
Quotations of Umāsvāti from other works. 8. Origin, growth and development of the conception of Umāsvāti
as reflected in his books. 9. On the technical terms of Umāsvāti. 10. Jain Āgamas and Umāsvāti. 11. Digambaras and Svetämbaras on Umāsvāti.

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12. Style of Umāsvāti. 13. Relevance of Umāsvāti's works in modern times. 14. On the English translations of Tattvārtha-sūtras. 15. Origin and growth of the concept of Tri-ratna'.
16. Any other topics related to Umāsvāti. A National Seminar on Bhadrabāhu and His Works.
On the 10th and 11th of April 1999 there was a two-day National Seminar on Bhadrabāhu and His Works at Ahmedabad. The Seminar was attended by a large number of delegates from all over the country. There were not less than thirty papers on different aspects of Bhadrabāhu. The Seminar was a grand success.
Special Lecture Series
Just after the Seminar on Bhadrabāhu, a three-day lecture series on Prakrit Textual Criticism was organised by the L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. The lecture was delivered on the 12th, 13th and 14th of April 1999 by Professor Satya Ranjan Banerjee, Quondam Professor of Linguistics, Calcutta University. In his inaugural speeches Dr Jitendra Bhai Shah, Director, L.D. Institute of Indology, emphasized the need for such a topic in the present day situation of the Prakrit Studies, Dr Ujamshi Kapadia, Co-ordinator of the Institute, introduced the speaker to the audience. Professor M.A. Dhaky in his Valedictory address explained the position of the Jaina Āgama texts in the context of Prakrit Textual Criticism. Professor K.R. Chandra was the main commentator of the lecture series. The lecture was well-attended by a galaxy of scholars in all these three days. The lecture will be published in course of time.
Summer School on Prakrit Language and Literature.
The eleventh Summer School on Prakrit Language and Literature was organized by Bhogilal Leherchand Institute of Indology, Delhi. The duration of the course was three weeks from the 23rd of May upto 13th of June 1999. Many students from different parts of India came to study Prakrit. There were two courses-elementary and advanced, and in both the courses there are prescribed texts and grammar. The Drilling Course was one of the specialities of this Summer School. The certificates and diplomas were given to the successful candidates after the written and viva examinations. The BLII has been running this Summer School of Prakrit since May-June 1989.
The inaugural function was held on May 23, 1999 at Shri Vijay Vallabh Smarak Complex, Delhi. The function was inaugurated by

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Professor Siddheshwar Prasad, Governor of Tripura, and Mr Nirmal Chandra Jain, Member, Finance Commission, presided over the function.
The Valedictory Function was held on the 13th June 1999. Dr. Balmiki Prasad Singh, I.A.S., Secretary, Ministry of Health, Government of India, was the Chief Guest of Honour. In his Valedictory Address, he emphasized the need for the study of the Prakrit Language and Literature to promote Indian culture. The power of Mahavira's and Buddha's words lies in their message of truth, non-violence and nonpossession. It does not lie in blind faith.
Presiding over the function, Mr. M.C. Joshi, Member-Secretary, Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts, Delhi, said that the Prakrit Language was one of the links of the main cultural current of this country, which is dying under the blaze of the English language and western culture. This Institution has been working for more than one decade past for the propagation and preservation of the Prakrit language and literature, which deserves encouragement from all national educational establishments. Otherwise, the Prakrit and Sanskrit languages, the heritage of ancient Indian culture, will die out.
Six prizes of Rs. 2100/-, Rs. 1100/- and Rs. 500/- to the 1st, 2nd and 3rd position holders in the Advanced and Elementary Courses were given to the recipients along with a set of books.
The 4th annual Ācārya Hemacandrasūri Puraşkār of Rs. 51,000/for the year 1998, was presented to Prof. A.M. Ghatage for his outstanding contributions to the Prakrit language and literature by Shri Deven Yashwant on behalf of the Jaswanta Dharmārth Trust. As Prof. Ghatage was indisposed, his son, Shri Atul Ghatage, had received the Prize on his behalf.
The function was attended by Dr. R.C. Tripathi (Secretary- Rajya Sabhā), Prof. Satya Ranjan Banerjee of Calcutta University, Prof. Prem Singh of Delhi University, Prof. Vimal Prakash Jain, Director, BLII, Shri Pratap Bhogilal (Chairman), Shri Narendra Prakash Jain (ViceChairman), Shri Raj Kumar Jain (Secretary, Smarak) and Shri Deven Yashwant (Treasurer, BLII) and many others.

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JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXXIV, No. 1 July 1999
SOME PUBLICATIONS RECEIVED
Jainism, An Indian Religion of Salvation- by Helmuth von Glasenapp, an English translation of Der Jainismus Eine Indische Erlösungsreligion (1925) by Shridhar B. Shrotri, with a Foreword by Satya Ranjan Banerjee, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Pvt. Ltd., Delhi, 1999. Rs. 595.00.
Ascetics and Kings in a Jain Ritual Culture- by Lawrence A. Babb with a Foreword by Satya Ranjan Banerjee, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Pvt. Ltd., Delhi, 1998. Cloth Rs. 225, paper Rs. 125.
Kalpasūtra, text edited with English translation, Introduction and notes by K.C. Lalwani, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Pvt. Ltd., Delhi, Reprint 1999, Price Rs. 250.00 (HB).
Aspects of Jainology, Vol. VI-Dr Sagarmal Jain Felicitation Volume ed, by S.P. Pandey, Pārsvanatha Vidyapitha, Varanasi, 1998, Price Rs. 800.00.
[It is a collection of the important articles of Dr Sagarmal Jain in Hindi and English]
Mahābandha Vol. I and II-text edited with introduction, Hindi translation and notes, Bharatiya Jñānapitha, Delhi, 3rd edn. reprint 1998, Price Vol. I Rs. 140.00, Vol. II, Rs. 140.00. Vol-I ed by Sumeru Chandra Diwakar, Vol-II ed by Phoolchandra Siddhanta-shastri.
[The Mahabandha is the sixth kända of the Saṭkhanḍāgama. It deals mainly with the Karma-theory of Jain Philosophy. The text is in Sauraseni. This edition is exceptionally well-bound with a good quality of paper. The publisher is to be thanked for reprinting this text.]
Bharata-Samhita Vol. I and II-ed by Keshav Ram K. Shastree, Gujrat Research Society, Ahmedabad, 1998, Price Rs. 600.00.
[The author has tried to find out the original nucleus of the Mahābhārata called by him as Ur-Mahabharata of about 8800 ślokas.]
Isibhāsiyāim kā Prākṛta-Samskṛta Sabda-kosa-by K.R. Chandra, Prakrit Text Society, Ahmedabad, 1998, Price Rs. 60.00. [It is a Prakrit-Sanskrit Word index of the Rṣibhāṣitāni]

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SOME PUBLICATIONS RECEIVED
Ritthanemicariya of Svayambhu, Part III (2) Jujjha-Kamda-ed by Ram Sinh Tomar, Prakrit Text Society, Ahmedabad, 1997, Price Rs. 200.00
69
Pāhuḍa-doha of Muni Ramasimha-text ed by Devendra Kumar Śāstri with introduction, notes and translation in Hindi, Bharatiya Jñānapiṭha, Delhi, 1998, Price Rs. 55.00.
Karmabandha ki Prakriyā mē Mityātva aur Kaṣāya ki Bhūmikā-by Devendra Kumar Shastri, Jñānodaya Grantha Prakāśan, Nimac, M.P. 1995. Price: Rs. 12.00.
Paümacariu of Svayambhu-by Kiran Sipani (Kocar), Svetambar Sthanaka-Vāsī Jainasabhā, Calcutta, 1998, Price : Rs. 150.00. [It is a general study on Svayambhu's Jaina Rāmāyaṇa named Paumacariu]
Tattvärtha-sutra aur uski Parampara-by Sagarmal Jain, Parsvanatha Śodhapitha, Varanasi, 1994, Price : Rs. 30.00.
Tattvärtha Sūtranā Āgama Ādhāra Sthāno-by Muni Divaratna Sāgar, Abhinava Śruta Prakāśan, Bhavnagar, 1991.
Tattvārthadhigama-sūtra Abhinava Tikā (in 10 Vols)-text edited with a new commentary in Gujarāti by Muni Dviparatha Sagar, Abhinava Śruta Prakāśan, 1994.
[The ten sections of the Tattvartha-sutra of Umāsvāti are divided in 10 vols, each section for each volume. Each sūtra is explained elaborately in Gujarāti.]
Tattvārtha-sūtranā Kartā Kon?-by Ananda Sagar Sūri and ed by Akshay Candra Sagar, Agamoddhārak Pratiṣṭhān, Chanî381740. Baroda, Vir samvat 2463, Price : Rs. 40.00.
[The author deals with the authorship of the Tattvārtha-sūtra] Visnubhaṭṭa-viracitā Anargha-rāghava-pañcikā-ed by Harinārāyan Bhat. in two vols, Institute Français de Pondichery, 1998. Vol-I. The Commentary of Viṣṇudatta.
Vol-II. The Anargharaghava of Murāri as read by Viṣṇubhaṭṭa, Notes and Appendices.
Anantanāha-Jina-Cariyam of Nemicandra Sūri-Text ed by Pt. Rupendra Kumar Pagariya, L.D. Institute of Indology Ahmedabad, 1998, Price : Rs. 400.00.
[This text in Prakrit is edited on the basis of a single manuscript available in the Samvegi Upāśraya Jñāna Bhāṇḍāra in Ahmedabad. The Anantanatha-Jina-Carita is a biographical work describing the life-story of Anantanatha, the 14th Tirthanka. The author, Nemicandra, flourished in the 13th

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JAIN JOURNAL : Vol-XXXIV, No. 1 July 1999 century. The text is edited nicely, and the printing is excellent. The editor has shown his scholarship in editing this text. It is a well-done edition which can be recommended for all the libraries
to buy.) Samkhitta-Tarangavai-Kahā (Tarangalolā)- text with Gujarāti
translation ed by H.C. Bhayani, L.D. Institute of Indology,
Ahmedabad, 1979, Price : Rs. 60.00. Niryukti-Samgraha-ed by Vijayāmrta Süriśvara and Vijayajinendra
Surīśvara, Harsa-puşpāmộta Jaina granthamālā, Lākhābāval
śāntipuri, Saurāṣtra, 1989. Some Topics in the Development of OIA, MIA, NIA-by H.C. Bhayani,
L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad, 1997, Price : Rs. 75.00. Siri-Paumappaha-Sami-Cariyam of Devasūri-text ed by Pt. Rupendra
Kumar Pagariya, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad, 1995,
Price : Rs. 250.00. Mahānisiha-Suya-Khamdham-ed by Muni Sri Punyavijaya and
Rupendra Kumar Pagariya, with a report on Mahānisiha: studies and editions in Germany by Chandrabhal Tripathi,
Prakrit Text Society, Ahmedabad, 1994. Price : Rs. 100.00. Vasudeva-Hindi of Sanghadāsagani-ed by Caturvijaya Muni and
Punyavijaya Muni (1933), first reprint with a Foreword by H.C. Bhayani, Hasu Yagnik, Registrar, Gujarat Sahitya Akadami,
Gandhinagar, 1989, Price : Rs. 300.00. Svādhyāya-Śikṣā, a Jain Journal in three languages - Prakrit, Sanskrit
and Hindi, ed by D.C. Jain, Jodhpur. Pritam Singhvi - Anekāntavāda as the basis of Equanimity, Tranquility
and Systhesis of opposite view points, Pārśva Foundation Series
No. 4, Ahmedabad, 1999. Price : Rs. 60.00. Samana-suttam-ed by Sagarmal Jain, translated by Justice T.K. Tukal
and K.K. Dixit, New Delhi, 1999, Price : Rs. 100.00. Praśnottare Jaina-dharma (in Bengali) - by Satya Ranjan Banerjee, Jain
Bhawan, Calcutta, 1998, Price : Rs. 20.00. On the Language of the Satkhandāgama- by Satya Ranjan Banerjee,
Śri Ganesa Varni Digambara Jaina Samsthāna, Nariya,
Varanasi, January 1999, Price : Rs. 20.00. Prāksta-vyākaraņa-Praveśikā (in Hindi) -- by Satya Ranjan Banerjee,
Jain Bhawan, Calcutta, May 1999 Price : Rs. 20.00. Weber's Sacred Literature of the Jains-ed by Ganesh Lalwani and Satya
Ranjan Banerjee, Jain Bhawan, Calcutta, July 1999, Price : Rs. 100.00.

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