Jain Journal 1997 10

Author(s): Jain Bhawan Publication
Publisher: Jain Bhawan Publication
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/520128/1

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t shah Hemant f. ISSN 0021-4043 A QUARTERLY ON JAINOLOGY VOL. XXXII No. 2 OCTOBER 1997 1997 Jain Journal Nota Hai LAIMI DUAAN DIDIOATIAN

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a quarterly on Jainology JAN JOURNAL II GG HTG II JAIN BHAWAN CALCUTTA ernational www.jainel

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Vol. XXXII No. 2 October 1997 Rupees Fifteen Copyright of articles, stories, poems, etc. published in the Jain Journal is reserved. All contributions, which must be type-written, and correspondence regarding contributions, and book-reviews should be addressed to the Editor, Jain Journal, P-25 Kalakar Street, Calcutta-700 007 For advertisement and subscription please write to the Secretary, Jain Bhawan, P-25 Kalakar Street, Calcutta-700 007. Subscription for one year : Rs. 60.00, US $ 20.00 : for three years : Rs. 180.00, US $ 60.00 Life membership : India : Rs 2000.00, Foreign : US $ 160.00 Published by Satya Ranjan Banerjee on behalf of Jain Bhawan from P-25 Kalakar Street, Calcutta-700 007 and printed by him at Arunima Printing Works, 81 Simla Street, Calcutta-700 006 Editor : Satya Ranjan Banerjee

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Contents An Analysis of the contents of the Kalakacharya Kathanaka B.N. Mukherjee References of Paintings in the Kuvalayam ila Ramvallabh Somani Cultural Heritage of Bengal in Relation to Jainism S.C. Mukherji Social and Cultural Glimpses from the Kuvalayamala A.N. Upadhye 37 47 52 61

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ernational www.jainel

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Vol. XXXII JAIN JOURNAL No. 2 October AN ANALYSIS OF THE CONTENTS OF THE KALAKACHARYA KATHANAKA BY B. N. MUKHERJEE The Kalakachary-Kathanaka is a well-known cycle of legends found in Jaina scriptures and texts. One of its episodes deals with the quarrel between Kalakacharya and Gardabhilla, the king of Ujjayini. The important features of this episode, found in different long and short versions, may be enumerated as follows. Kalaka, according to most of the earliest versions2, was a son of Vairasimha (variants-Vairasiha. Vajrasimha. Versimha, Vayarasiha3, etc.), the king of Dharavasa. He became a Jaina monk and went to Ujjayini where his sister Sarasvati (called Silamai in one version) also resided in a Jaina convent. 1997 King Gardabhilla (also called Dappana in one edition) of Ujjayini was fascinated by the beauty of Sarasvati and ravished her. The enraged Kalaka left the city and according to the Long Anonymous Version, travelling "steadily came to the bank called the Scythian bank" (anavarayam ca gacchanto patto Sagakulam nama kulam). In the 1. The story is reconstructed here on the basis of a comparison of different published versions of the text. We have considered the earlier Prakrit and Sanskrit recensions, and not the later renderings in Gujrat or in mixed Sanskrit and Gujarati. For a description of different recensions, see N. Brown. The Story of Kalaka. pp. 25-35 and S.M. Nawab, The Collection of Kalaka Story, pt.1.pp. 1-32. 2. Op. cit. 37, 71, 87, 93 and 98. 3. Ibid. 4. 5. N. Brown. Op. cit, p. 102. 6. N. Brown, Op cit, p. 40. Ibid, p. 102. In the Nisithachurnni the name of the sister is given as Rupavati (see n. 9).

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38 JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXXII, No. 2 October 1997 version of Bhavadevsuri it is stated that Kalaka "went to the Scythian bank situated on the other side of the Sindhu" (Sindhu-parakulammi sagakulam gao muni?) whereas, according to the Sriviravaky-anumatam recension, Kalaka "went to the western bank of the Sindhu river" (surir gata eva Sindhornadyastatam Paschimparsvakulam3). The Nisithachurni, and the Kathavali of Bhadresvara 10 refer to the destination of Kalaka as the Persian bank (Parasakulam).11 In the land in question lived the Sahi, whose overlord was the Sahanusahi (i.e. the king of Kings). Kalaka stayed with the former. To this Sahi there came a messenger from the Sahanusahi, demanding his death as well as that of ninety-five other Shahis. In order to escape the wrath of their master the Sahis were advised by Kalaka to go to Hindukadesa (Malavadesa) in one (?) version12 and the kingdom of Gardabhilla in another. 13 According to the Long Anonymous Version, the Hindukadesa could be reached by crossing the Sindhu or the Indus. 14 The Sahis crossed the Indus and came to the land of Surashtra. There they settled for some time and then proceeded to Ujjayini. The city was besieged and Gardabhilla was ousted. Sarasvati was reestablished in the discipline. The Sahis began to rule the conquered land with that Sahi, to whom Kalaka had resorted, as their overlord. Thus arose the family of the Sagas or Sakas.15 7. Ibid, p. 89 v. 32. The Pushpamala of Maladhari Sri Hemachandrasuri also states that Kalaka went to the other side of the Sindhu called the Saga bank" (Sagakulam nama Simdhuparakulam) (Nawab, op. cit, pt II, p. 27, v. 37). 8. N. Brown, Op. cit, p. 99. V. 34. 9. Nisithachurnni, 10 Uddesa. 10. Bhadresvara, Kathavali (N. Brown, op. cit., p. 102, S.M. Nawab, Op, cit. pt. II. p. 41) 11. N. Brown, Op. cit. p. 102. 12. Haya-Padiniva-Payavo version (N. Brown, Op. cit., p. 974, V. 52; see also S.M. Nawab, Op. cit., pt. II, p. 205, v. 52). 13. Bhadresvara's Kathavali; (N Brown, Op.cit., p. 103; S.M. Nawab, Op.cit., 37). 14. N. Brown, Op.cit.. p. 41. See also the version of Vinayachandrasuri (S.M. Nawab, Op.cit., pt. II, p. 97, v. 25). 15. According to the Nisitha-churnni the Sagakula or the Saka family was established in Suratta (i.e Surashtra) during the sojourn of Kalaka and the Shahis in that region.

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MUKHERJEE THE KALAKACHARYA KATHANAKA 39 According to some recensions the Sakas were uprooted by one Vikramaditya. 16 The Long Anonymous Version states that this Viramaditya, who had become the king of Malava by exterminating the Saka family, established his own era, and that his family was later destroyed by another Saka king, who started his own reckoning when 135 years of the Vikrama had already lapsed.17 The earliest manuscript of the Long Anonymous Version, the most elaborate of all recensions, is dated in the year 1335 of the Vikrama Samvat, 18 i.e. A.D. 1277/78 or 1278/79. Again, another manuscript of the same recension, dated in following year, 19 contains many copyists' errors,20 and hence indicates that between the date of the original manuscritpt of this version and that of the present one should be allotted time enough for the accumulation of a number of bad readings, possibly as a result of inaccuracies of succeeding generations of the copyists. It may be noted in this connection that Bhavadevasuri, who wrote a brief version of the Kalaka story, is known to have flourished about the middle of the 13th century, A.D.21 Thus by this time the Kalaka legend had already become wellknown in Jaina literary circles. On the other hand, it has been pointed out22 that we should recognise in the name of Vairasimha of Dharavasadescribed in most of the versions as the father of Kalaka-one of the Vairasimhas of the Paramara family of Khara or Dhar.23 Thus the full 16. N. Brown, Op. cit, p. 43, v. 65; p. 90, v. 63 p. 95, v. 31, See also the version of Vinayachandrasuri (S.M. Nawab, Op cit, pt.II, p. 97. v. 25). 17. Ibid. p. 43 vv. 65 and 68-70. Some versions refer to the establishing of the Saka rule 135 years after the time of Vikramaditya (N. Brown, Op. cit., p. 93, v. 64 p. 95, v. 32), but not to the Institution of the Vikram Era. 18. Ibid. p. 2. 19. Ibid. 20. Ibid, p. 25. 21. Ibid, pp. 2 and 87. Brown notes in one place that Bhavadevasuri flourished in A.D. 1250 (ibid, p 2). And again he states in another place (ibid. p. 87) that the latter lived in samvat 1312 of the Vikrama Era (?)-A.D. 1254-55 or 1255-56. 22. Ibid, p. 2. 23. Brown considers the Vairasimha in question to be Vairasimha II of the Paramara family (ibid, p. 2). However, there is no reason why he should not be identified with Vairasimha I. Brown is probably wrong in thinking that Dhara became the capital of the Paramaras in the time of Vairasimha II. It may have been so from an earlier period (B. C. Ganguly, History of the Paramara Dynesty, p. 27).16. N. Brown, Op. cit, p. 43, v. 65; p. 90, v. 63 p. 95, v. 31, See also the version of Vinayachandrasuri (S.M. Nawab, Op cit, pt.II. p. 97. v. 25).

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40 JAIN JOURNAL : Vol-XXXII, No. 2 October 1997 development of the story cannot have taken place prior to the second quarter of the 9th century A.D., when Vairasimha I began to rule.24 The connotation of the term Hindukadesa, as used in the above form of the story, also indicates a late origin for the present state of that legend. Here Hindukadesa is placed to the east of the Indus-one version even replaces it by Malavadesa and another by the kingdom of Gardabhilla, Thus the Hindukadesa of our story cannot be identified with Sindhuka or Sindhudesa, meaning in-pre Christian and early Christian centuries a land to the west of the Indus.25 The term Hindukadesa may be more favourably compared with the name Hind, by which the Muslim chroniclers and geographers of early mediaeval times meant the Indian subcontinent or parts of it to east of the Indus 26 24. Ibid. p. 30. Vairasimha I ruled from c. A.D. 836-37 to c. A.D. 863. 25. The Hou Han-shu indicates that Shen-tu was situated between Kao-fu (on the northwest?), sea (on the south-west or south?) and Pan-ch'i (on the east). It lay on a big river. (Hou han-shu, ch 118, pp. 9-10). Kao-fu was the Kabul area, and the sea was obviously the Arabian Sea. Hence the river was probably the Sindhu or the Indus. Sindhu and Sauvira. mentioned in the Junagarh inscription of Rudradaman, (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VIII, p. 44) were probably situated respectively on the west and east of the Indus. See also B.N. Mukherjee, The Lower Indus Country, book I, ch. II. 26. Ibn Khurdadba, who died in 300 A.H. or A.D.912, distinguished between Sind and Hind and took Baker as the first place on the border of Hind. It is clear from the context that this author located Bakar to the east of at least the main channel of the Mihran, i e. the Indus. He also included the kingdom of Balhara (-of a Rashtrakuta king having the title Vallabha), of Kamrun (Kamarupa), etc. within India, (H.M. Elliot and J. Dowson, The History of India as told by its Own Historians. vol. I, pp. 12-14) which probably means Hind. (For the identification of Bakar, see J. Abbot, Sind-a reinterpretation of the unhappy valley, pp. 60-64). Ibn Khurdadba probably included in Hind only lands lying to the east of the Indus. One is left with the same impression after reading the Kitabu1 Akaiim of Abu Ishak Al Istakhari, written about the middle of the 10th century A.D. (Elliot and Dowson, op. cit. pp. 26-27; see also the map accompanying the Ashkalu- 1 Bilad, written in A.H. 589 or A. 1193. ibid. p 32) The Chaah-nama, the original Arabic version of which was written probably before 136 A. H. (A.D. 753). also distinguished between Sind and Hind, but made Alor capital of both. This indicates that Hind or a part of it was situated near Sind of the Chack-nama. Only a little more than a century prior to the date of the original Chah-nama, Sin-tu was taken by Hsuan-tsang as including a land immediately to the west of the Indus (T. Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, Vol. II, p. 252).

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MUKHERJEE : THE KALAKACHARYA KATHANAKA On the other hand, there are certain factors which suggest high antiquity for at least some portions of the Kalaka story. The name Kalaka is a celebrated one in Jaina hagiology, It may be pointed out, without entering into the question of plurality of Kalakas,27 that all relevant texts indicate that a Jaina monk of that name was alive in the year 453 of the Vira Era.28 In a stanza appended to three manuscripts of Dhrmaprabhasuri's version it is stated that in the same year Kalaka "took (gahiya) Sarasvati." This evidence, even though appearing in a comparatively late version,30 may be accepted on the ground of its not being contradicted by any other source at least as a working hypothesis. The Kalaka associated with Sarasvati should be the same as the brother of the Sarasvati of our story. In fact, Merutunga, though another late authority,31 explicitly states that in the year 453 after Vira's nirvana. Kalikacharya (i.e'Kalakacharya), the uprooter of Gardabhilla, was honoured with the title of Suri,32 hence it is possible that our Kalika lived in 452 of the Vira Era. Although there is a controversy about the epoch of this era, no existing theory would place the year 453 of that reckoning after the 1st century B.C.33 or much before it. 41 Traditional chronolgy, however, should never be accepted as an independent evidence. Hence the testimony of Ptolemy confirming a part of our story is much more important for our purpose. It states The word Sind may well be a corruption of the name Sindhu (i.e. Shentu). Hind within which Ibn Khurdadba includes lands lying to the east of the Indus, may also denote in the Chach-nama at least some of the same territory. (Elliot and Dowson, op cit., pp. 136 and 138). 27. N. Brown thinks that the Jaina traditions testity to the existence of the three Kalakas-one dying in the year 376 of the Vira Era. the second flourishing (perhaps becoming a Suri) in the year 453 of that era, and the third living in the year 933 of the same reckoning (Brown op. cit., p 7). U.P. Shah, on the other hand, supports the existence of only one Kalaka living in the 1st century B.C. 28. Brown, op cit., p. 6. 29. Ibid. 30. The earliest known manuscript of the version of Dharmprabhasuri is dated in samvat 1502. (Ibid. p. 93). 31. Merutunga composed the Prabandhacintamani in samvat 1367. (Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, os. vol. IX. p. 147). 32. Ibid. p. 148. 33. For different theories about the epoch of the Vira Era, see H. C. Ray Choudhuri, Political History of Ancient India (5th edition) p. 213, n. 3. See also JBBRAS, os, vol. IX. p. 147.

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JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXXII, No. 2 October 1997 that after crossing the Singdhu or the Indus Sahis or the Shahis entered into Surashtra (the widest possible geographical limits of which included, as the cumulative evidence of certain sources should indicate, the whole of the Kathiawad peninsula and the adjacent lands to its north as well as a part of the littoral lower Indus area to the east of the Indus34). Hence it can be assumed that within the land of the Sahis or Shahis, called Sagakula, was incorporated the coastal portions of modern sind to the west to the Indus. Again, since these Shahis crossed the Indus only once, they should have forded its main easters arm flowing near the Saurashtra area. In other words, the Indus delta, known to the classical writers as patalene,35 was included in Sagakula. This interpretaion compels us to reject the theories of Konow and Jayaswal, who placed Sagakula respectively in Sauvira36 and Seistan.37 42 34. The Junagadh inscription of c. A.D, 150 refers to Rudradaman I as the lord of inter alia Anartta and Surashtra (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VIII, p. 44) and speaks of Suvisakha as ruling on his behalf the whole of these territories (ibid. p. 45). Since this epigrah also states that Suvisakha repaired the dam of the Lake Sudarshana (ibid.), apparently in the vicinity of Junagadh (JBBRAS, os, vol. XVIII, pp. 47-55; IA, vol. VII, p. 257), this lake must have been either in Anartta or in Surashtra. It also appears from the same source that they were contigeous territories. The term Surashtra seems to have survived in Sorath, the name of an area in Southern Kathiawad (Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, pt. 1, p. 6). This may indicate that at least South Kathiawad was known in some earlier ages as Surashtra (ibid). Anarttapura, referred to in the records of the Maitrakas of Valabhi and identified Vadnagar in the Mehsana district, is considered to be connected with Anartta (Ibid,). So the latter may have included in some earlier periods certain regions to the east of the Little Runn of Cutch and immediately above Kahtiawad (Ibid). It has also been suggested that Anartta may have also incorporated Northern Kathiawad. (Ibid, Bhagwanlal Indraji observed that certain Puranic passages should indicate the inclusion of the whole of Kathiawad within Anartta). Surastra or Saurashtra seems to have been referred to in classical sources as Syrastrene (Ptolemy, Op. cit. VII, 1, 55-61; McCrindle, Ptolemy, p. 140). It appears from a section of the Periplus Maris Erythraei (sec 41) that Syrastrene included the territory now covered by the whole of the Kathiawad peninsula and the adjacent lands to its north as well as a part of the littoral Lower Indus Country to the east of the Indus. Syrastrene, the name of a province of Ptolemy's Indo-Scythia, may also have the wider connotation (Ptolemy, op. cit. VII, 1, 35-61). 35. Strabo, Op. cit., XV, 1 33; Ptolemy, Op. cit. VII, 1, 35. 36. Journal of the Asiatic Society, Vol XII, p. 18. 37. Journal of the Behar & Orissa Research Society, Vol. XVIII. p. 233. Brown's equation of Hindukadesa with the Lower Indus Country (Op cit. p. 57) is

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MUKHERJEE THE KALAKACHARYA KATHANAKA In the second or the third quarter of the 2nd century A.D.38 Ptolemy enumerated patalene, Syrastrene and Aberia or Saberia as the provinces of Indo-Scythia several towns situated outside the possible natural limits of any of those three religions.40 It appears that Ptolemy extended the ethno-geographical name of Indo-Scythia (i.e. land of the Indian Scythians or Scythians in India) to a larger political division. The latter incorporated the land denoted by the geographical connotation of the term Indu-Scythia and also some tracts politically annexed to the territory of some power ruling Indo-Scythia at the time to which Ptolemy's source of information should be dated. As a tract is not likely to be called after a people until some time after their first settlement in it. Ptolemy's evidence which implies that Aberia or Saberia, Patalene and Syrastrene were known as the lands of the Scythians, should indicate that the Scythian colonisation of these provinces probably started long before the date of his Geography or rather that of the source of his information. In fact, the Periplus Maris Erythraei, a text probably of the 1st century A.D.,1locates Scythia in the lower Indus area. 42 We have also convincing data to suggest that some of the sources of Ptolemy's information may be dated to periods earlier than the beginning of the Christian era.43 The evidence of Ptolemy thus shows that Patalene and Syrastrene began to be inhabited by the Scythians long-even centuries - before the date of his Geography, i.e. 2nd or 3rd quarter of the 2nd centruy A.D. There are precisely two of the three territories indicated in the kalaka story to have been colonised by the Sagas or Sakas by the time of Kalaka whom the Jaina hagiology dates not later than the 1st century 43 wrong; for the latter includes inter alia territories lying even to the west of the Indus. Konow was also wrong when he suggested that Hindukadesa was the Shen-tu of the Hou han-shu. (S.Konow, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. 11. pt I, pp. LXVII and LXVIII). Hindukadesa was situated on the east of the Indus, whereas Shen-tu incorporated some regions to the west of that river. 38. E H. Bunbury, A History of Ancient Geography, Vol, II pp. 546-547. 39. Ptolemy Geographika Huphegesis, VII, 1, 55-61. 40. B.N. Mukherjee, The Lower Indus Country c. A. D. 1-150 book II, ch. I; see also W.W. Tarn,The Greeks in Bacteria and India (2nd edn.) B.N. Mukherjee, op cite. book I, ch.; cf. W.H. Schoff. Periplus, p. 41. B.N. Mukherjee, Op.cit., book I, Ch I; W.H. Schoff, Periplus. 42. Periplus, etc. see 38. 43. W. W. Tarn, Op. cit.

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JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXXII, No. 2 October 1997 B.C. And as Sakas were certainly Scythians,44 the testimony of Ptolemy should land conviction to at least a part of the Kalaka story. 44 The Kalakachary-Kathanaka indicates that Sagakula or Sakakula (including the area called Patalene (in classical sources) was colonised by the Sakas before their settlement in Surashtra. We have noted above that in two versions there appear the name Paraskula in place of Sagakula. If the relevant portions of these two recensions, like the corresponding sections of other editions, echo events of a period very much earlier than the date of Ptolemy's Geography of the 2nd or 3rd quarter of the 2nd century AD., then the terms Sagakula and Parasakula are not necessarily contradictory. For the "Scythian bank" might also be called the "Persian bank", if it was included within the dominions of an Iranian overlord. We have produced elsewhere sources suggesting hegemony of the Imperial Parthians over the west bank of the Indus in a period of the 2nd and again the 1st century B.C.45 And from its situation, the Parthian empire may well have been referred to by an Indian author as a Persian empire. It is also to be noted that the overlord of the Saka Shahis is called a Sahansahi or Shahanushahi, an Iranian version-probably familiar among the inhabitants of the Indo-Iranian border lands-of the title Basileos Basileon appearing on the coins of the Imperial Parthians.46 If one accepts the evidence of the Long Anonymous Version as correct in stating that the Vikrama Era was established after the overthrow of Saka rule in Ujjayini, the Kalakachary-Kathanaka's references to the Sagakula and probably to the Parthian hegemony over Sagakula may be dated well within the first half of the 1st century B.C.47 However, it must be noted that neither are the earliest examples of the use of the era of 58 B.C. found in the region of Ujjayini, nor does the name Vikrama appear in such instances.48 Moreover the story of the Saka occupation of Ujjayini before the beginning of the Christian Era is not corroborated by any reliable independent evidence. 44. Sakai or Sacae referred to Strabo and described by him as Scythians (XI, 8.2), were obviously Sakas. See Monthly Bulletin of the Asiatic Society, Calcutta, Vol. I. No. 2, July, 1966, p. 5. 45. B. N. Mukherjee. The Imperial Parthians in the Lower Indus Country ch. II. 46. W. Wroth, Catalogue of Parthian Coins in the British Museum. 47. See also Konow's remarks in CII, vol. II. pt. I. 48. Ibid.

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MUKHERJEE THE KALAKACHARYA KATHANAKA No doubt, as Konow49 and Jayaswal contended, some Jaina treatises including the Pattavalis1 and the Theravali of Merutunga52 put the rule of the Sakas in Ujjayini before the beginning of the Vikrama Era. 53 However, they also place nabhovahana and Gardabhilla before the Sakas, 54 and think that Nabhovahana was the same as Nahapana of coins and inscriptions. The identification is made virtually certain by the facts that another Jaina work describes the protracted struggle between a Satavahana king and Nahavahana55. that the latter name may be variant of the name Nabhovahana, and that the only ruler known to have been involved in such a war and to have borne a name almost similar to that of Nabhovaha was Nahapana. But this Nahapana cannot have ruled before the 1st century A.D.56 This at once reveals the weakness of the relevant portions of the works on which Konow and Jayaswal depended. Hence it must be admitted that no reliable source testifies to Saka rule in Ujjayini in the 1st century B.C. It appears that, of the different features of the Kalaka story, only those concerning with or alluding to the existence of Saka colony on the western bank of the lower Indus, the Parthian hegemony over the same region, and the activities of the Sakas in Surashtra (in the 1st century B.C.?), can be taken as his historical facts. It is doubtful whether any Jaina teacher called Kalaka was in any way associated with the Saka activities in Surashtra. We can only admit that such an association was believed in by the time the story had grown up around the core of hard facts. When it was given literary form it was evidently altered, expanded and historically vitiated, and thus later characters57, such as Vairisimha, etc, were incorporated in it. 49. JBBRAS, vol, XVI, pp. 234f. 50. Indian Antiquary, Vol II, pp. 362-363; JBORS, Vol, XVI p. 234. 51. JBBRAS, os, vol, IX. p. 148. 45 52. See also Cunningham, Numismatic Chronicle, 1888, p. 232. 53. See IA. Vol. II, pp. 362-363, where Prakrit gathas from the works of Merutunga, Dharmasagar and Jaivijagani are quoted. 54. Srimad Bhadrabahusvami-pranita-Nityuktiyukta-bhashyakalita-SrimadHaribhadrasuri Suttritavritta-parivaritam Srimad Avasyakasutrasyottarardham, parvabhagai (edited by the Agamodaya Samiti) folios 712 713. 55. The name nahapana itself could easily be corrupted in the Indian sources into Nahavana, etc. 56. See B N, Mukherjee, op. cit., book III, ch, I. In this connection see also the Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 1953, pp. 30-40. 57. This critical appraisal of the contents of the Kalaka story indicates that Dr S K. Chattopadhyay is wrong in thinking that the legend is wholly unhistorical (S. Chattopadhyay, Early History of Northern India, p. 56).

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JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXXII, No. 2 October 1997 Thus the cumulative effect of the testimonies of the Kalakacharya Kathanaka and Ptolemy indicates the presence of a Saka colony including Patalene probably under the hegemony of the Imperial Parthians; and the activities of the Sakas or Scythians in Surastra.58 46 58. We must add here that there is no evidence suggesting the activities of the Saka-Scythians from the Lower Indus region, where Sagakula was situated in the Punjab area in the 1st century B.C. There is no proper foundation for the theory of Rapson (Cambridge History of India, vol. 1. p 568), Konow (CII, vol. II, pt. I, pp XXXI-XXXII). Tarn (Op. cit., p. 232). Marshall (Taxila, vol. I, pp. 44-45), etc. advocating such activites and connecting the Scytho-Parthian Mause with them.

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REFERENCES TO PAINTINGS IN THE KUVALAYAMALA RAMVALLABH SOMANI The Kuvalayamala was composed by Uddyotana Suri in 778 A.D. at Jalore, Rajasthan. It is a very important Jain work, having several references to the paintings done on canvas citrapattas, walls and other sites. It is also very rich in other descriptions. A Buddhist writer Lama Taranatha describes that the old Western school of art was developed by an artist-Srngadhar, under the patronage of King Sila of Maru-country. A divergence of opinion existed about the identification of this ruler. Attempts were made to identify him with Harsavardhan of Kanauj and Maitraka-ruler Siladitya2 of Vallabhi. But none of them had their possession over the Marawar state. Thus king Sila can be identified with Siluka (Sila) of Mandor. This fact can be corroborated from the iconographic repertory of the Pratihar Age, which proves that qualitative and positive development took place under the aegis of some trained masters. The Kuvalayamala contains manifold details of the art of paintings. It mentions that a Muni having some citrapattas in his hand met Kuvalayacandra. He gave his introduction that he was the son of Sinha, the ruler of Dvaraka and his name was Bhanu. He also stated that he had become fond of executing painting.3 He was so much accomplished in this art that he could appreciate the work by examining the linear conception, composition, use of colours and other details. This proves that certain norms pertaining to paintings were then popular. On the request of Kuvalayacandra, he began to display his pattas. Perhaps, every citrapatta was having several foldings and each folding was having some parts on which the series of different scenes were painted. The details of a citrapatta 'Samsara-cakka' were as under. These scenes were painted by some Upadhyaya who had handed it over to the above Muni-Raja. 1. Taranath-History of Buddhism in India (Indian Antiquary Vol. IV p. 10. Dr. Moticandra-Jain Miniature Paintings from Western India (Ahmedabad, 1949) p. 18. 2. Lalita Kala No. VIII pp. 83-84. 3. Mamam ca Cittamme Vasanam Jayam (Kuvalayamala) (S.J.G.M.). pp. 185 line 11). 4. Reha-Thanaya-Bhavehi, Sanjuyam-Vanna-Virayana Saram-Janami cittayammam narida Datthum piJanami, ibid. p. 185 line 12.

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48 JAIN JOURNAL : Vol-XXXII, No. 2 October 1997 1. In a hunting scene, an equistrian king was closely following his game. The frightened animals were running sharply to save their skins. Some persons, who were accompanying the king. were engaged to divert them forcibly towards him." 2. In the next scene a man detered by some robbers was trembling with fear. The cruel flagellating of robbers caused the man to groan deeply. 6 3. The details of agricultural life were depicted in several compartments of succeeding scenes. A man was ploughing his field. Dripping with blood, the oxen were carrying Juwa of the plough on their shoulders. A cord, which passed through the nostrils, was lied to their necks. Land thus ploughed was depicted separately by lines in the painting. The Labourers were shown working in the field, and did crop cutting also. In the scene of the Khaliyana the farmers were taking out corn from the crops with the help of oxen." 4. Thereafter, there were series of scenes which contained the details of a man's death. During illness he was enshrouded by his relatives. On his death, his relatives began to bemoan and wait. Later in a scene, his dead body was carried to cremationground. A good number of persons had accompanied it having pieces of wood, fodder and fire. In the cremation-ground, the dead body was kept on pyre and it was ignited to fire. The family members, including father, mother, wise and others, who were standing near it, were deeply mourning. It is interesting to note that women had also went to cremation ground with the dead body during that time. It has now been stopped. The Tarpana was given to the dead body in a tank. The scene ends by depiction of the charities to the Brahmins.8 The second citrapatia was mostly having the portraits and other amorous scenes. The details of these scenes are given below: 1. A beautiful scene of a youth and a damsel is given. The later had kept her eyes downwards and gesticulating shyness by moving her toe on the earth. The youth was bolding snuggling her and enjoying the pleasure of tactuality. Several postures 5. ibid., p. 185 line 28-31. 6. ibid. p. 185 line iv-32 page 186 lines 1 to 3. 7. ibid., p. 186 lines 14 to 32 p. 187 lines 1 to 5. 8. ibid., p. 187 lines 1 to 5.

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SOMANI REFERENCES PAINTINGS IN THE KUVALAYAMALA of sextual inter-course were given in the succeeding scnes. On the birth of a child celebrations of festivities were made as available in the later scenes." 49 2. Several portraits and scenes on different topics were arranged. As per description given in the text, each portrait was given separately. (a) A wrestler was displaying his feats. (b) A good looking man was decked with several ornaments. (c) A rich man was having ornaments Kantha and Katak. (d) A portrait of a man, who was conceited on high family traditions. (e) A very greedy man. (f) A pandit, though devoid of learning, was holding a book in his hand. (g) A man was holding a quiver and a bow. (h) A man was having a sword, (i) a parrot was in a cage, (j) A woman was badly writhing due to agony of pregnancy, (k) a child was playing with parrots and hens, (1) a man was dallying with the girls and young ladies, (m) a group of young women were sneering at an old man sitting between them, (n) a king was sitting on a Palaquine. (o) a battle scene, wherein the soldiers were shown fighting, (p) a scene of Raja-Sabha, wherein the king was attended by his Samantas, (q) a greedy man was diving into the sea for getting the treasures, (r) a thief was stealing others property and (s) the fishers were depicted catching the fishes.10 Its second part, according to the Kuvalayamala, was an excellent piece of art. It has several scenes of duals and other battles. The scenes delineated in them are mostly duals between an elephant and a lion, a tiger and an ox, two buffalos and a peackock and a serpant. Thereafter, the Muni had displayed a scene wherein ghastly tortures of hell were painted. Flow of hot-water in a river Vaitarani was depicted separately. In another scene of heaven dalliance of the gods with the Apsaras were painted. The Muni had also shown another citrapatta containing the narrative details of a story of two Vanik-putras, who after facing great hardships became the millionarie. They became the followers of the Jain-congregation. It was having twenty different scenes linked with the above narratives."1 Some more references about executing individual paintings on pattas were also described in the above book. Before a prince 9. ibid., p. 187 line 7 to 25. 10. ibid., p. 187 line 26 to 32 and p. 188 line 1 to 9. 11. ibid., p. 188 line 30, 33 page 189 line 1 to 32, page 190 line 1 to 32 and page 191 to page 193.

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JAIN JOURNAL. Vol-XXXII, No. 2 October 1997 Kamagajendra of Auranabhapur, a painter presented a patta having a portrait of a damsel (cita-putaliya). On its expressive and artistic qualities, all the persons presented in the court praised much and said that it was done by a painter, who was well-accomplished in the art. However, the Kumar, did not agree with them and said that the kings, painters, and poets, who misled by imagining and perceiving unreal thing as substantial, would positively go to hell. The painter strongly rescinded the charge and explained that a good painter was not free to adopt any scene imaginatively. He would always prefer to paint the thing which was subject to visualization. Thereafter the prince examined the picture of the patta and said that (i) the figure was quite graceful fascinating and charming. It was rivalling to the figure of Tilottama. (ii) It has clear linear conception and luminous clarity in expression, (iii) several colours were successfully usual in it.12 (iv) Various units of measurements (Mana Jutan) not only for the total height but for various parts of body were strictly followed. Thus due proportion was maintained. 50 The walls of the palaces and houses of the rich persons were spurred with the beautiful murals. There are references of cleaning the walls for doing the murals (Paphadesu-citabhitiyo). At the time of some auspicious ceremonies (marriage ceremony and others) the painting was done on them. Thus the following details of the technical matters of the art of the painting are also noticed. (i) Attempts were made to paint the figures more fascinating having expressive and artistic qualities. The only residuals of the contemporary-paintings are available in the Dasa-vaikalika-sutra-cumi and Ogha-Niryukti (1060 A.D.). The Pratihar sculptures specially of 8th to 10th centuries A.D. are obviously have similar senseousness and infinite grace. A careful study of them would reveal that both hieratic and profane figures were rendered with some angularity in poses. Depiction of careful platting and interwining of hair in braids, harmonious composition of body and arrangement of hands with obvious stances prove that the composition of the icons was made with luminous clarity.13 (ii) The painting was generally done on canvas. Sometimes a single story was painted on a citra-patta. But generally multifarious stories and portraits were done on it. The Samsaracakra patta was quite 12. ibid., p. 233 lines 20 to 24. 13. The Authors book 'Miniature Paintings from Rajasthan-chapter I.

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SOMANI REFERENCES PAINTINGS IN THE KUVALAYAMALA important. It was painted in order to get a common man aware of the transitoriness together with direful tortures of human life (Manuyan) and others. 51 (iii) Attempts to depict natural scenary were made. It was perhaps a good tradition to paint the landscape and other scenes. (iv) The artists and painters were individually respected. We have their identification in the Kuvalayamala. They were known as CittakalaJutio, Cita-Kusalo, Cita-Kala-Kusalo, Cittagar-darao and others. It is interesting that the artist was compared with Lord Brahma. Similar comparision is also available in the Vasantgarh (Sirohi) inscription of VE 744 (687 A.D.) and Nagar inscription of VE 741 (684 A.D.).14 (vii) Some words for line (Reha), colour (Vanna), writing (VatiniVirayanam) expression of feeling (Bhava), posture (Thayana), measurement (Mana) and others were quite popular and were abundantly used in Indian literature. The word Dattanum was used in the Kuvalayamala for critical examination of the qualities of the painting. Stress was laid on linear conception, appropriate use and application of colours and proper expression of the emotions and feelings. 15 During the Pratihar period, the Kuvalayamala was the only example of depiction of paintings. We find similar good references in SamaraiccaKaha, Upamiti-Bhava-Prapanca-Katha, Dharmopodesa-Mala, SuraSundari-Cariu and other works composed in Rajasthan. Thus the Kuvalayamala remained a specific work containing the details not only of the miniature paintings, but also some other subjects of religious studies, art, architecture and others. 14. The Author's book Jain Inscription of Rajasthan 'Inscription No. I. 15. Dr. Prema Suman Jain, Kuvalayamala-ka Samsarktika-Adhyayan p. 302305.

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CULTURAL HERITAGE OF BENGAL IN RELATION TO JAINISM S.C. MUKHERJI Jainism, which was preached by Parsvanatha and Mahavira in pre-Mauryan times, is still a living faith in India. It has considerably moulded the cultural progress in India. It is one of the earliest religious faiths of India-the history of the growth and development of which have been elaborately delineated in various religious texts and commentaries of the sect both in Prakrta and Sanskrit besides various other vernacular languages of India. The influences which this religious faith once exerted upon the populace of India, specially the Vaisya and Ksatriya communities, including royal personages are evidenced by the existence of numerous temples, rock-cut caves, votive shrines illustrated manuscripts, images and reliefs of the Tirthankaras and their attending deities in bronze and stone in various places of the eastern, western and southern zones of India. Mathura and other places of northern India were also other important Jaina strongholds. Jainism like Buddhism had its origin in eastern India-Vaisali in Bihar, but it had its influence felt in the neighbouring states of Bihar, viz., Bengal and Orissa. Places like Vaisali, Rajgir, Pareshnath hill (Sameta-sikhara) and Pavapuri in Bihar are hallowed with the memory of the principal Jaina Tirthankaras of which special mention may be made of Parsvanatha and Mahavira. There are evidences to show that some of the royal personages of the Shaisunaga dynasty like Bimbisara and Kunika-Ajatasatru were adherents to Jainism. On the evidence of the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela, the Kalingaraja, it is clear that at least one king of the Nandas was a staunch supporter of Jainism, who carried a Jina figure to his capital, while conquerring Orissia, only to be brought by the great Kalinga king, mentioned above. The founder of the Maurya dynasty, king Chandragupta also embraced Jainism in the later years of his life and died as a member of the Jaina laity at Sravanabelgola in Mysore. Celebrated Bhadrabahu was the spiritual 'Guru' of this great monarch. While Buddhist preachers including Buddha selected Kosala and Magadha as the respective regions for propagation of their religious views, Vaisali and Bengal were chosen by Mahavira and his followers for the aforesaid purpose.

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MUKHERJI : CULTURAL HERITAGE OF BENGAL IN RELATION TO JAINISM 53 Mahavira, who was born at Kundagrama in the vicinity of Vaisalinagara, spent earlier part of his life in the towns and villages as well as in monastic recluses in hilly regions. We have it from some Jaina cononical texts, corroborated by Buddhist texts as well, that Mahavira personally visited the Radha desa and possibly also Suhmadesa to its south in connection with his religious preachings. According to some sceptic scholars, the great Jaina preacher did not actually travel in Bengal. Now, let us examine the correctness of the latter view in the following paragraph. According to the Jaina traditions, recorded in their canonical texts like the Ayaramga Sutta, Kappa Sutta and Bhagavai Sutla, Mahavira came to Angadesa, Radha-desa and Suhmadesa and spent as many as 18 years in preaching his religious ideas. In Lesson 3, Lecture 8 of Book I of the Ayaramga Sutta (ed. Jacobi, Trans), it is said that while travelling in the pathless country of the Ladhas (Radhas) in Vajjabhumi* and Subbhabhumi, Mahavira was encountered with various difficultics and oppressions, for the people of the said tracts attacked him with sticks, made the dogs bite him and used abusive languages against him. Sometimes it was difficult for him in reaching a village. In the long run, however, Mahavira became victorious and brought many people of the Ladha country to his fold. It has surther been recorded in the aforesaid text that the mendicants (Nirgranthas or Jainas) used to take rough food in Vajjabhumi and used to move about with long and strong poles in order to drive away the dogs so attacking. As to the presence of the Jaina medicants in that part of country in circa 3rd century B.C. (the date of the Sutra) we may construe that either Jainism existed there before the arrival of Mahavira and he only increased the number of his followers, or the description had nothing to do with Mahavira's travel in that land and probably related to the treatment meted only to some Jaina monks at a subsequent period. While the former conclusion cannot be well-substantiated at the present stage of our knowledge, the latter view is unwarranted : To my mind it appears that the Jaina monks came to the Radha country even before the travel of Mahavira in Bengal, and he went there in order to strengthen the number of his adherents. Were the Jaina mendicants, mentioned above, the followers of 'Caturyama' observance as preached and practised by Parsvanatha ? For some Jaina followers of parts of the districts of Hazaribagh, Ranchi and Manbhum were said to have practised the same even at the end of the 19th century A.D. The Bhagavati-sutra mentions that Mahavira once spent a rainy season at Paniyabhumi. The Jaina Kalpasutra, too records that the rainny season was spent by the great Jaina leader at Paniyabhumi (va of Paniyabhumi - 'anarya-desa-visesa'). This place was possibly inha.ed

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JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXXII, No. 2 October 1997 by the merchant community (panya-panita-panitya) place has been located by commentators in Vajrabhumi ('terrible indegenes') within Radha country. But, the point is where actually this region was located. According to some, it was equivalent to Birbhum, while according to others it may conveniently located either in Manbhum or in Dhalbhum or in Bankura, But it seems to me that the land comprised of stony or lateritic sterile and hard regions of West Bengal and the eastern escarpments of the Chotenagpur plateau bordering the former state, for the word Vajra means hard or sterile. It has perhaps nothing to do with Vracha or Vrajabhumi or Bajiraghara, as suggested by some. The district of Manbhum, however, derives its name from the Manavarjakas' or 'Manavarttikas', mentioned in the Mbh. (IX. 357) and the Mark. Purana (LVII. 43). It may incidentally be mentioned that Manbhum, which lies to the east of the Chotanagpur Division of Bihar comprised a portion of the Jharkhand region an indefinitely extensive area, coterminous with the Jungle Maha" tracks. In the opinion of Col. Dalton, the great Anthropologist, the Jungle Mahals district of the 19th century was the land of the 'Bhumijas' and comprised of the district of Burdwan as well as parts of the districts of Birbhum, Bankura, Midnapur, Santal Pargar as and the eastern districts of the Chotanagpur Division. As to the sterile character of Radha, comprising this Vajrabhumi, we have the evidence of epigraphic records and literature. The northern Radha, according to the BhuvanesvaraPrasasti of Bhatta Bhavadeva (cir. 11th cent. A.D.) and the Prabodhachandrodaya-nataka of Krsna Misra, also of the same date, was a sterile or barren region, lacking in water and consisting of pathless tracks in jungles etc. Subbhabhumi has been identified by some with Singhbhum, but the consensus of opinions would equate with ancient Suhma-desa comprising south-western part of Bengal. 54 Regarding Mahavira's travel in Radha it is further said in the Jaina Kalpasutra that Vardhamana-Mahavira spent the first rainy season at Asthika-grama (Lec. V., Sec. 122), which according to its commentator was formerly known as Vardhamana. But, to my mind it appears that the commentary of the relevant passage in it has not been rightly interpreted, for it was the intention of the commentator to explain that the name of Asthikagrama was changed to Varddhamana, after the visit of Mahavira in that region. Whatever that may be, the Jaina Kalpasutra, in question, refers to a legend amounting for the change of the name, viz. one Yaksa Sulapani collected an enormous heap bones of people on which was built a temple by the people afterwards. The place may be identified with modern of Burdwan. There is a temple called Sat Deuliya at the village of Devliya, a Jaina settlement, not far away from Burdwan Town. It may incidentally be

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MUKHERJI: CULTURAL HERITAGE OF BENGAL IN RELATION TO JAINISM 55 mentioned here that there are places called Hadaipur and 'Yakher Danga in the district of Birbhum. It is related in the Kathasaritsagara (a work of circa 11th cent A.D.) that once a traveller from the town of Vardhamana reached the great forest of the Vindhyan system through the southern quarter perhaps via Bankura and Purulia. There was a Vardhamanavihara (a stupa) at Tulaksetra, mentioned in one illustrated Buddhist manuscript of the Pala epoch. But it was located in Varendri. i.e., north Bengal, Vardhamana as a place-name was very familiar in Bengal (in Radha, Varendri and Samatata-Chittagong regions) and other states of India in ancient and medieval times. It is held by scholars that before the coming of the Aryans, the Radhadesa was inhabited by the non-Aryan people, who spoke an unintelligible speach, i.e. not in an Indo-Aryan language. Major parts of eastern India was considered as 'Vratyadesa'. Though aryanization of Bengal began in circa 7th century B.C., there are scholars who think that the land was aryanized by the Jaina preachers. As to the time and manner of the spread of Aryanism in Bengal scholars differ, but it seems true that Radha was aryanized later than Pundrabhumi. According to the Ceylonese Mahavamsa, reclamation of Radha was achieved by the semi-legendary king Vijaya of Vanga. This text has described Radha as being covered in jungles, infested by wild animals and inhabited by peoples with totemistic beliefs. Thus, we see that though the suggestion of the aryanization of Bengal by the Jainas cannot be accepted as true, it is certain that both Aryans and nonAryan monks often visited Radha or Suhma country in the 5th century and onwards. From a critical analysis of the Jaina and Buddhist chronicles and canonical texts, it seems certain that Bengal (Pundravardhana, Radha and Suhma) was the sweet home of Jainism in the 4th-3rd cent B.C. onwards untill it was checked by the tide of the resurgent Buddhistic and Brahmanical faiths in 8th cent. A.D., though it continued to remain as a living faith even few centuries after, not to be wiped out even in the present era. The history of Jainism, which begins with the travels of Mahavira and other Nirgranthas (Jainas), culminated in the 3rd cent., B.C., when the illustrious disciple of the famous Jaina religious leader Bhadrabahu (a contemporary and religious guru of Chandragupta Maurya), a native of Bengal born at Devikota Godasa (who seemed to have born in East Bengal) formed a sect of his own (Godasagana) in eastern India with four sub-sections or branches, viz. a) Pundravardhaniya, b) Kotivarsiya, c) Tamraliptiya and d) Dasi-Kharvatika. Each of these sects except the last one was associated with the well

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56 JAIN JOURNAL : Vol-XXXII, No. 2 October 1997 known regions of Bengal. Dasi-Kharvatika was possibly situated somewhere in the highly tracts or lateritic terrains of West Bengal in Manbhum--Midnapore- Bankura zone. But, the insluence which the Godasa-gana' exerted upon the Jaina community cannot be assessed at present (cf. cxistance of Gowdas in Mysore), nor is it possible on our part to determine the importance of the Pancastupanikaya of the Vatagohali in Rajashahi apparently in the Kotivarsa region in Bengal, of the Gupta times. On the evidence of a tradition, recorded in the Buddhist Divyavadana the Nigantha (=Nirgrantha or Jaina) sect was wellestablished in Pundravardhana town, the members of which were massacred by the order of Asoka, the Maurya for allegedly having despoiled the pictures of the Buddha. The Pundravardhaniya monks of the Nigantha order were also mentioned in the Buddhist Vinaya texts and in one of the descriptive lables of the Bharhut railings. One of the Jaina monks or Radha (Rara) caused the erection of Jaina image at Mathura (inscribed in the 2nd c. A.D.). There was perhaps a dearth of Jaina inscriptions in Bengal in the few centuries before and after Christ, due to the great massacre of the Jainas at the behest of Asoka. But a revival of Jainism can be noticed in the 5th century A.D., when a Brahmin couple donated land grants and made offerings at Vatagohai (Goalbhita) for the maintenance of a Jaina vihara founded by Acarya Guhanandin of the 'Panca-stupa-nikaya' of Kasi or Navya-vakasika. This information has been derived from the Paharpur c.p. inscription dated in the G.E. 159, i.e. 478-79 A.D. The said 'vihara' is now occupied by the great Buddhist temple monastery at Paharpur. The plan of the Paharpur temple is of 'Sarvatobhadra' type. It is suggested that the 'Sarvatobhadra' type of architecture has been evolved by the Jainas, for the 'caturmukha' or 'caumukha' votive shrines or the Jainas tally well with the former type. K.N. Dikshit has also suggested as to the existence of an earlier 'caturmukha' shrine in situ. One monastic recluse of the Jainas is said to have been found at Mainamati, now in Bangladesa. Few Jaina images, mostly fragmentary and appertaining to the Gupta and the post-Gupta times have also found in Bengal. We have it from Hiuen-Tsang that Jainism was in a flourishing condition in Bengal when he visited the parts of the east, north and south Bengal. He also noticed some Jaina temples and establishments therein, Even in the time of this great Chinese traveller, the Digambara Jainas outnumbered their rival sect. With the revival of Brahmanical faiths and the royal patronage to Buddhism. Jainism went on waning in Bengal from 8th century onwards. But most of the images and temples, as found in Bengal,

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MUKHERJI : CULTURAL HERITAGE OF BENGAL IN RELATION TO JAINISM 57 belong to 9th-10th centuries A.D. though some of them may belong to 11th-12th centuries A.D. Some Jaina shrines, mostly in a ruinous condition, have been noticed in the westernmost districts of westBengal and the border-districts of Bihara. During the Pala-Sena times the Jainas in Bengal were mostly assimilated in the 'avadhuta' sectonly to be revived after few centuries-chiefly due to religious zeal or the Jaina imigrants from western-India, some of whom, however, embraced Hinduism afterwards. The bulk of the Jaina religionists may now be found at Azimganj (Kayahas), Jaiganj. Berhampur, Rangpur, Rajshahi, Rampur Boalia-Lohardaga, Manbhum, Bali, Hooghly, Uttarpara, and Culcutta. Most of them belonged to Marwar and Bikaner, who came to the aforesaid places for business purpose in or about the 18th cent. A.D. Most of the temples at Manbhum and Bankura were erected in the 9th-10th centuries. Dalton has attributed the erection of the temples to the Sravakas or Saraks (Jaina) of Manbhum, who came to Manbhum in connection with the working of the copper mines in the adjacent areas in Singhbhum. Like all colonists they followed the river courses and the remains of their temples may be on the banks of the Damodara, Kansavati and Suvarnarekha. These temples, according to Dalton, belong to circa 14th century A.D., But after a detailed survey of the temples in the area, it has been seen that a bulk of them belonged to 9th-10th cent. A.D., while the other to 11th cent. A.D. and after. There is an inscribed image, belonging to the 'Nahar Collections', Calcutta, which is datable in the 15th century A.D. However, some of these temples were repaired or renovated by Akbar's General, Man Singh in the 17th century A.D. Majority of the Jainas of Bengal belonged to the Digambara sect. Most of the Jaina temples, as noticed in Bengal, have been found in the districts of Bankura and Manbhum. As regards temples in Bankura, mention may be made of those at Harmashra, Bahulara, Kendua, Barkola. Paresnath, Ambikanagar, Chitgiri, Dharapat, Biharinath Hill & Deulbhira which were evidently centres of Jainism. Temples of Saresvara and Sallesvara in the said district belong to the Jaina group. Architecturally, they belong to circa 10th century A.D. the District of Manbhum is also rich in Jaina antiquities. Large ruins of Jaina establishments and temples exist there in places like Chara. Sanka, Senera, Boram, Balarampur, Palma, Arsa, Deoli, Pakbira, Lathondungri and Dulmi. The temple at Rajpara-Organda, dt. Midnapore, belonging to the medieval times, is also of Jaina character. There were perhaps more temples in Manbhum than in the rest of Bengal put together. The development of Jainism possibly centered round the valleys of Damodar, Kansavati and Suvarnarekha, which abounds in scores of Jaina Shrines and chaityas' as well as images in

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JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXXII, No. 2 October 1997 stone of the Tirthankaras and Sasanadevatas, appertaining to Jaina hierarchy. In the following paragraphs the temples in the districts of Purulia (part of the Manbhum which has come to West Bengal and has become a separate district), Bankura and Burdwan are being described briefly locality-wise. 58 Deoli (Purulia)-This place, which is several miles to the southwest of Purulia town, was once a stronghold of the Jainas. The vestiges of the same consists of four stone temples in the four corners with a larger temple in the centre. In one of this 'pancayatana' group is found the life-size image of Tirthankara Aruanatha-over the trefoil area round the head of which, was noticed the carved out images of three Tirthankaras in each side of the two rows. From Jorapukur, a place adjacent to Deoli, several images of Jaina hierarchy were found. Pakbira (Purulia) - Several temples in brick and stone as also stone images of the Tirthankaras were found from this place, which is only few miles to the south-east of Purulia town. Images include those of Mahavira, Parshvanath, Kunthunatha, Neminatha, Santinatha and Rsabhanatha. Most of these images are now being housed in a shed, which possibly occupied the site of a stone temple. Particular mention may be made of one colossal stone image of Mahavira, locally known as 'Bhiram'. There is an inscription in the pedestal of the image written in the characters of the 9th-10th centuries A.D., i.e. the time of Pala suzerainty over Bengal. Some have characterised it as an image of Chandraprabha. The name 'Bhiram' was probably derived from the second part of the name 'Mahavira'. The place named Pakbira was also possibly derived from 'Mahavira (Pakbira meaning the place of Bira, i.e. Mahavira). Some of the temples at Pakbira face to the west and south. The temple, which covers the shed, was once a stupendous temple and faced to the west. Chara (Purulia)-This stronghold of Jainism once contained as many as seven temples of which two round temples now exist. Stone images and votive 'chaumukha' shrines representing the 24 Tirthankaras, have also been found from this place, which is only six miles to the north of Purilia. Besides the aforesaid places there were other places of Jaina interest in the district of Purulia, viz. Sanka, Senera, Jhalda, and Arsa and Balarampur. In the district of Bankura also there were many Jaina temples, of which mention may be made of Bahulara, Ambikanagar, Chitgiri, Dhararat and Deulbhira, Barkola and Paresnath, Saresvar and Sallesvara.

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MUKHERJI : CULTURAL HERITAGE OF BENGAL IN RELATION TO JAINISM 59 Jaina temples have also been found at Deuliya in Burdwan. The Sundarbans area was possibly once an important centre of Jainism, as images of Tirthankaras have been from places like Nalgora, Chatrabhoga and Raipur. It is possible that Jatar Deul' in that region might have originally been a Jaina temple. Most of the aforesaid temples in Purulia were made of stone and consisted of a cella, vestibule portico, mandapa and ardha-mandapa. Stylistically, most of them belong to 9th-10th centuries A.D. Temple-building activities of the Jainas in Bengal were revived again in the 17th-18th centuries by the immigrant Jainas from Bikaner and Marwar, who built marvellous temples-chiefly in marble-in places like Berhampur, Azimganj and Calcutta, after a pull of about three centuries due to the inroads of Islam. The sectarian rancour and animosity played not an insignificant part in converting Jaina establishments or shrines into corresponding Brahmanical and Buddhist norms and forms in subsequent year when Jainism became a spent up force in Bengal. As to the images in stone and bronze of the Jaina Tirthankaras and other accessory deities, special mention may be made of the images of Rsabhanatha from Bhadrakali in Hooguly, Mandoil in Rajshahi Surohar in Dinajpur, Jhalda-Patamda-Sanka-Bhrabhum-Pakbira in Purulia, Ambika Ambikanagar-Barkola in Bankura, Rajpara in Midnapur, Adina in Maldah (inscribed in Arabic characters of the 14th century A.D., image being a product of the 10th century A.D., name Adina has been derived from Adinatha); Santinatha from Rajpara in Midnapur; Ujani in Burdwan, Pakbir in Purulia, Chiada and Chitagiri in Bankura; Parsvanatha from Deulbhira, Biharinath hill, 'Dharapat, Bahulara. Barkola and Chiada in Bankura, Pakbira, Baram and Lathondungri in Purulia, Kantaben and Nalgora in 24 Parganas, inscribed image (date Sam. 1110) from Azimganj in Murshidabad; inscribed Vasupujya image in Rajasthani script from Sagardighi; Candraprabha from Pakbira in Purulia; Aruanatha from Deoli in Purulia; Neminatha from Malpah, Murshidabad and Pakbira; Ajitanatha from Barkola in Bankura and Pakbira in Purulia. Images of Mahavira and the Shasanadevatas like Ambika or Amra or Kusmandini and Padmavati (Jaina prototype of Brahmanical Manasa and Buddhist Jaguli) have been found from several places in West Bengal. Of these, Ambika of Ambikanagara and Bankura, one such image in bronze from Nalgora in 24 Parganas, Padmavati from the same district (preserved in the State Arch. Gallery. West Bengal) as well as seated images of two Sasanadevatas (in one slab), probably identifiable with Ambika and Cakresvari with babies in their laps and the four Tirthankaras with their emblems carved in the pedestal from

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60 JAIN JOURNAL : Vol-XXXII, No. 2 October 1997 Natai in Midnapur and ascriable to c. 9th cent. A.D. (also preserved in the State Arch. Gallery) are very interesting and unique of their kind. As inscribed image of Rsabhanatha, belonging to 10th cent. 11th cent A.D., refers to the gift of a certain lay Jaina worshipper (Shravaka) has recently been collected from the district of Purulia. The Tirthankara images, as found in Bengal, are mostly in the *Kayotsarga' pose, and they generally belong to 10th-11th cent. A.D. Some 12th century-Jaina images have also been found here. In the *Nahar collections' there is Jaina image, which is dated in the 15th century A.D. While some of these images are still to be found in Jaina centres in West Bengal, others are now being preserved in the Galleries of the Indian Museum, Varendra Res. Soc. Mus.. Vangiya Sahitya Parisat Museum, Archaeological Directorate of West Bengal and the Asutosh Museum. Besides Museums, there are some Private collections in West Bengal which are rich in Jaina antiquities. For the Jaina images preserved in the State Archaeological Gallery of West Bengal readers are requested to go through the scholarly and informative article, written by my colleague Sri D.K. Chakraverty, M.A., and published in Souvenir on the 'Mahavira Jayanti 1965, pp. 27-33. Select Bibliography 1. Ayaranga Sutta (S.B.E. Ser., Vol. 22), ed. H. Jacobi. 2. Bagchi, P.C. 'Vangadeser Jaina Dharmer Praramoha', V.S.P.P., 1346 B.S. (in Bengali). 3. Bandyopadhyay, A.K. Bankurar Mandir (in Bengali) 1964. 4. Banerji, R.D.: Eastern Indian School of Mediaeval Sculpture (Mem, A.S.I.) 1933. 5. Chakraverty, D.K. : A Survey of Jaina Antiquarian Remains in West Bengal' in the Souvenir on the 'Mahavira Jayanti 1965'. Dasgupta, P.C. : Archaeological Discoveries in West Bengal - Bulletin of the Direct. Arch. West Bengal, No. 1. 7. Ganguly, K.K. : 'Jaina Images in Bengal', I.C., Vol. 6, 1939. 8. ""*Jaina Art in Bengal-Souvenir, "Mahavira Jayanti Week'. 1964. 9. Ghosh, D.P. 'Trace of Jainism in Bengal', Mahavira Jayanti Souv., 1965. 10. Jain, C.L. - Jaina Bibliography. 1945. 11. Majumdar, R.C. History of Bengal, Vol. I. (ed), Dacca University, 1943. 12. Manbhum, District Gazetter, 1908. 13. Mitra, D.: 'Some Jaina Antiquities from Bankura, West Bengal' in Jour. As. Soc., Vol. XXII, 1958 No. 2. 14. Nahar, P.C. : Jaina Inscriptions. 15. Sen, B.C. Some Historical Aspects of the Inscriptions of Bengal, 1942.

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SOCIAL AND CULTURAL GLIMPSES FROM THE KUVALAYAMALA* A.N. UPADHYE Lately the Kuvalayamala of Uddyotansuri has been edited by me (Singhi Jain Series, No. 45, Bhartiya Vidya Bhavana, Bombay, 1959). It is a unique Campu in Prakrit. Though it is Dharmakatha, it is samkirna in character, with the result that its contents are not only didactic but replete with details pertaining to various walks of life. There is a stylistic Digest of it in Sanskrit by Ratnaprabhasuri (lately edited by me as a supplement to the above); but the varied details are conspicuously absent in the Sanskrit Digest the primary object of which is to narrate the tales in a classical Sanskrit style so usual in the works of Dandin, Bana and others. The Kuvalayamala (in Prakrit) bristles with striking social and cultural touches of great interest. The author draws his chief characters from the different well-known layers of the society. By birth Candasoma was a Brahmin; Manabhata, a Ksatriya; Mayaditya, a Vaisya; Lobhadeva, a Sudra; and Mohadatta, a prince. The pilgrimage to Ganga and other holy Tirthas was prescribed by the priest as a prayacitta against various sins (48 f., 63 f., 72 f.), though not approved of by the author. A typical Tirthayatrika is described with reference to his dress and equipments (58.1 f., see also 48.24 f.). A famine or draught of twelve years often led people to migrate for food and prosperity (E 202). The author supplies a list of respectable ways of earning wealth (57.22 f., also 191.1 f.) and also of benevolent channels of spending it (65.8 f.) Though Varanasi had many good and bad openings for earning wealth (57.16 f.) it was Daksinapatha, with Pratisthana as an important town therein, that was looked upon as a prosperous territory by the traders (57.27 f.), whose preparations for a trade-trip and onward travel from camp to camp (65.13 f., 135.21 f., 198.23 f.) are noteworthy. We get a good sketch of the preparation of a trader's fleet; the rituals are interesting, and the various items in the boat deserve special attention (61.1 f.). Often the trade-routes pass through perilous forests (& 118). In the vicinity of the Sahya mountain, there were parties of Bhillas who often robbed the caravans (135.27 f.). Their Pallis (for instance, the Cintamani, p. 139) seem to be pretty prosperous Reprinted from C.L. Jain Feliciation Volume

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JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXXII, No. 2 October 1997 samnivesas (227). The Bhillas are Mlecchas; but now and then, despite their wild habits (112.21 f.) in contrast to the respectable, they too have their code of behaviour (146.13-6). Traders had their clubs; and the custom at such a Club in Sopparaya (i.e. Sopara near Bombay) was that the foreign traders narrated their experiences and adventures and were honoured there with Gandha, Tambula and Malya (65.22 f.). These traders exchanged their information as to what commodities were available in different places and where they could be sold with greater profit. Horses were sold in Kosala in return for elephants; betel nuts were exported to Uttarapatha in exchange for horses; and pearls were exported to Eastern country (purvadesa) in exchange for Camaras. Conchs were available in Dvaraka. From the Barabarakul a tusks and pearls were brought in exchange for clothes. Palasa flowers could fetch gold in Suvarna-dvipa. Buffaloes and cows fetched netrapatta in Cina and Mahacina. Neem leaves could buy jewels in Ratnadvipa. Men were in great demand in the kingdom of ladies etc. Some of these details cannot be accepted on their face value: they may be just exaggeration ( 129). In the busy market places, men from the different parts of the country came and had conversations in different languages (246) which are interesting specimens of contemporary spoken idioms as the author could catch them. Their business conversations are quite lively and give some ideas about the weights and measures (153.16 f.). Greedy merchants took risks of travelling on land and by sea of the dangers of which they were quite aware (65.15 f., 66 6 f.). Now and then there were shipwrecks (166). Traders went on long journeys, some time for more than twelve years, leaving their young wives behind (74.12 f.). Various good and bad omens were attended to while going on a journey for the preparation etc. (see (285), and they are explained in short ( 289). 62 The birth of a prince and the subsequent activities and festivities are elaborated in a stylistic manner. Likewise the wedding is described in all the details: the prelimineries of the marriage, the wedding function along with the rituals and concluding rites, the bed-ceremony, the couple enjoying the sea-sight from the palace terrace and various pastimes such as prehelika etc. ( 273-80). A good description of the coronation of Yuvaraja is available (200.8 f.). There is a scene of the royal apana-bhumi at which various sweet drinks are served (50). Very interesting are the gossips of the village ladies bringing water and of the boys in residential schools (149.30 f., 151.18 f.). The parade of conveyances ( 57) in the royal courtyard and the scene of the

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UPADHYE GLIMPSES FROM THE KUVALAYAMALA Jayavarana running amuck (248) reflect events in the contemporary capitals. Playing on the swing was an important sport of the spring (51 f.) during which was celebrated Madanamahotsava giving an occasion for youths to meet in the festive gardens (77 f., see the reference to Madanatrayodasi in line 15). During the autumn, parties of dancers, actors etc. moved from village to village; and how a programme was enacted at a village is graphically described (46.5 f). There was a festival on the day of the Sharat-paurnima (103.32). While describing the scenes and activities in the city, late in the evening, the author presents a picturesque sketch of the movements of the Kamini ( 156-58). There may be some exaggeration; still there are available some glimpses of the fashionable and luxury-loving section of the society. Festivities like the Indramaha, Mahanavami, Dipavali and Baladevotsava appear to follow in succession after rainy season (148.11 f.). 63 There is a pretty good number of beliefs reflected in the Kuvalayamala here and there. Blood and flesh were taken from a living body and used for alchemical purpose (69.24 f.) A robber possessed a miraculous sword and a pill, the latter being always placed by him in his own mouth (251.25, 253.18). More than once a miraculous movement, jumping up a like flash of lightening (vijjukkhittam karanam) is mentioned (73.24, 87.13).

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64 English : 1. JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXXII, No. 2 October 1997 JAIN BHAWAN PUBLICATIONS P-25 Kalakar Street, Calcutta - 700 007 Bhagavati-sutra-Text edited with English translation by K.C. Lalwani in 4 volumes; Vol-I (satakas 1-2) Vol-II (satakas 3-6) Vol-III (satakas 7-8) Vol-IV (satakas 9-11) 2. James Burges-The Temples of Satrunjaya, Jain Bhawan, Calcutta, 1977, pp. x+82 with 45 plates [It is the glorification of the sacred mountain Satrunaya.] 3. P.C. Samsukha-Essence of Jainism translated by Ganesh Lalwani, 4. Ganesh Lawani-Thus Sayeth Our Lord, Hindi 5. Ganesh Lalwani-Atimukta (2nd edn) translated by Shrimati Rajkumari Begani 6. Ganesh Lalwani-Sraman Samskriti ki Kavita, translated by Shrimati Rajkumari Begani 7. Ganesh Lalwani-Nilanjana translated by Shrimati Rajkumari Begani 8. Ganesh Lalwani-Condana-Murti, translated by Shrimati Rajkumari Begani, 9. Ganesh Lalwani-Vardhaman Mahavir 10. Ganesh Lalwani-Barsat ki Ek Rat, 11. Ganesh Lalwani-Pancadasi, 12. Rajkumari Begani-Yado ke Aine me, Bengali : 13. Ganesh Lalwani-Atimukta, 14. Ganesh Lalwani-Sraman Samskrti Kavita, 15. Puran Chand Shyamsukha-Bhagavan Mahavir O Jaina Dharma, Three Journals: Price Rs. Price : Rs. Price : Rs. Price : Rs. Price : Rs. Price : Rs. Price : Rs. Price : Rs. Price : Rs. Price : Rs. Price : Rs. Price : Rs. Price : Rs. Price : Rs. Price : Rs. Jain Journal A Quarterly research Journal on Jainism yearly Rs. 60.00 Life Membership-Rs. 2000.00 Titthayara A Monthly research Journal on Jainism in Hindi Life Membership-Rs. 1000.00 Sramana A Monthly research Journal on Jainism in Bengali yearly-Rs. 30.. Life Membership-Rs. 500.00 150.00 150.00 150.00 150.00 100.00 10.00 10.00 40.00 20.00 30.00 50.00 60.00 45.00 100.00 30.00 40.00 20.00 15.00

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