Jain Journal 1996 04

Author(s): Jain Bhawan Publication
Publisher: Jain Bhawan Publication
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/520122/1

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ISSN 0021-4043 A QUARTERLY ON JAINOLOGY VOL. XXX No. 4 APRIL 1996 Jain JOUrnal | | | | JAIN BHAWAN PUBLICATION W ainelibrary.org

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Satkhandagama and Sauraseni Satya Ranjan Banerjee A Primer of Sauraseni Richard Schmidt Contents 101 125

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JAIN JOURNAL Vol. XXX No.4 April 1996 SATKHANDAGAMA AND SAURASENI SATYA RANJAN BANERJEE 1 Preamble The discovery of the Satkhadagama, Kasayapaida, Maha-bandha and some other similar works of the Digambara Jaina canonical texts sometime in late thirties and forties is a remarkable contribution to the field of Prakrit studies. These texts are important from the point of view of the Prakrit language. There has been a consensus of opinion that the two groups of Jains have two sets of canonical literatures. For the Svetambara the 45 Agama texts as current among the community are in Ardhamagadhi and the Digambara canonical texts as reflected in the Satkhanlagama and the others mentioned above are in Sauraseni. Whether this conclusion is true or false is not our concern. The fact is that the languages of both these groups of canonical literature are not exactly the same. There are certain features which are exclusively found in one and rarely in the others. As far as the Svetambara canonical texts are concerned, it is the general belief that they are in Ardhamagadhi. This does not mean that the Svetambara texts are very near to Magadhi as the name indicates, i.e. half Magadhi and half the others, but, in general, the characteristic features of Prakrit, or say Maharastri, are also found there side by side with some other forms which are not regular in Maharastri, but are available only in Ardhamagadhi. But in the case of the Digambara texts again there are certain forms which are not found in Ardhamagadhi texts, but are found exclusively in the Digambara canonical texts. However, one thing is very certain that whether it is Sauraseni or Ardhamagadhi, or Maharastri or Magadhi, there are major forms which are very common to all types of Prakrit, except a few phonological or morphological variations which are normally regarded as nothing but dialectal features. For example, the Sanskrit word krta has several forms in Prakrit and each form has a distinctive feature with regard to a particular dialect, e.g. keta >kaa (Mah.), kaya (Amg), kida ($), kada (Mg). These variations are generally found in the respective dialects as enunciated by Prakrit grammarians. In case,

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JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXX, No. 4. April 1996 either in an Ardhamagadhi or Sauraseni text kadais found, it should neither be regarded as a Sauraseni text, nor should it be treated as a sort of archaic Prakrit, rather it should be regarded as an editorial defect. This type of anomaly in an edited Prakrit text is profusely found, and as a result, we are at a loss to determine the language of a particular text. Let us explain this problem with particular reference to the Satkhandagama. 102 2 Prakrit and its dialects In ancient India the three languages were prominent-Sanskrit, Pali, and Prakrit. Of these three languages, Prakrit is considered as the language of the common people. Without going into controversy about the origin of Prakrit which is either from Skt. or from natural one, it can be said that it was the language which the masses used to speak for their communications. Once it is accepted as a spoken language, it is quite natural then that the same Pkt. should be spoken by different people at different places in a different way, as it is the general nature of a spoken language. Naturally Pkt. was also fused into different dialects used by different people at different places. The names of these languages were given in accordance with the name of the place. As a result Pkt. spoken in the area of Magadha is known as Magadhi, and that spoken in the area of Surasena, is Sauraseni, and that also of Maharastra is Maharastri. Besides these, some names which are given because of the type of people speaking that language are Paisaci, Pracya etc. However, in this way gradually the same language is perhaps divided into some dialects which bear some characteristic features which are peculiar to one dialect, but absent in others, even though some overlappings between the dialects are not uncommon. Naturally some of the features of common Pkt. are found in almost all the Pkt. dialects as recorded by the grammarians. So whatever dialects it might be some common features are bound to be found in almost all the dialects, e.g. Skt. sakala >sayala in Pkt. and the same form is found in Mah. Sau. and Mg. and also in Amg., even though sometimes sagala is also found in Amg. The latter form i.e. sagala when it is consistently used in Amg., we can consider it as one of the additional forms of Amg. and in this way some additional characteristic features are generally added to some respective dialects which are supposed to be absent in others. Otherwise, the grammarians could have written several Pkt. grammars for several Pkt. dialects. Of course, we know at a later stage one Ardhamagadhi Vyakarana was written by someone, but this book does not mean that Amg. has something peculiar which cannot be justified by other grammarians. However, in a similar way, I do not know yet any

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BANERJEE : SATKHANDAGAMA AND SAURASENI 103 grammar for Sau. Mg. or Paisaci, except that in modern times some have composed some grammars on each dialect of Pkt. based on the modern outlook of linguistics. When some of the dialects became very prominent either because of their literature or of the political supremacy of a particular language in a particular area, some dialects got a chance in the recorded documents of Indian history. I am at present going to refer to those texts where the Sau. is found as one of the dialects of Pkt. With this background in mind let me proceed to ransack the literature where the features of Sauraseni are mentioned. 3 Sources of Sauraseni As far as we know the sources for the features of Sauraseni are the Prakrit grammarians, Sanskrit dramas and some other literature, and the studies of modern Pra.crit scholars on Sauraseni. It is a fact worth noting that for the characteristic features of Sauraseni, we will have to depend primarily on the Prakrit grammarians. These grammarians are Vararuci (5th/6th cent. A.D.), Hemacandra (10881172 A.D.), Purusottama (13th cent. A.D.), Kramadisvara (13th cent. A.D.), Trivikrama (14th cent. A.D.), Laksmidhara (15th cent. A.D.), Ramasarma (16th cent. A.D.) Markandeya (17th cent. A.D.), and many others. As all these grammarians belong to different times and places, their views are to be analysed and judged from the historical point of view. The specimens of the Sauraseni language can also be gathered from the Sanskrit dramas beginning from Asvaghosa (1st cent. A.D.) down to Rajasekhara (10th cent. A.D.). The modern Prakrit scholars like Christian Lassen, Cowell, Pischel, Schmidt and many others have generally given the characteristic features of Sauraseni from the analysis of Sauraseni texts or passages. The fact that they have considered the text as a source of the Sauraseni passages is not generally questioned. But the point is how do we know that such and such are the features of Sauraseni? Here in this very context we should take the help of grammarians. The grammarians, from whatever sources it might be, have given some characteristic features of Sauraseni and other dialects or subdialects from which we definitely consider the features as genuine. Just as we have some traditions before us, so also the grammarians in those days had some authoritative texts before them. It is in this connection that we take the help of the grammarians for the features of respective dialects. I think the Western Prakrit scholars have got the clue of this dialect

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104 JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXX, No. 4. April 1996 from the Sanskrit dramaturgical texts. As early as 3rd cent A.D. Bharata had mentioned the names of the languages to be spoken by such and such characters of the Sanskrit dramas. And as the ladies and the Vidusaka of the Sanskrit dramas will speak Sauraseni, the passages of Vidusaka and the ladies of the Sanskrit dramas are considered as Sauraseni. Naturally, the type of Prakrit found in their speeches are generally analysed as the language of Sauraseni. These passages, of course, do not go against what the Prakrit grammarians say in their respective treatises. As a result though their studies on the Sauraseni language is very elaborate, it does not practically overstate the case in point. What I generally mean by this is that though the modern scholars, except, perhaps, Pischel, have not consulted the Prakrit grammarians, but they, on the contrary, follow the Prakrit grammarians indirectly. It is to be noted that Prakrit is the generic name for common man's language which is obviously different from Sanskrit or other languages at that time. Prakrit grammarians have generally given first the features of Prakrit. This Prakrit is more or less equivalent to Maharastri. Except a few grammarians who have mentioned that they are going to describe the characteristic features of Maharastri (atha Maharastri), almost all the grammarians have never mentioned that they are describing the features of Maharastri, yet we do not see any difference between the features of the Maharastri language on the one hand and Prakrit, on the other. As a result we generally come to this conclusion that Prakrit is the common generic name of the language and Maharastri would be the language par excellence. When that equation is accepted then the features which are not common to Maharastri, are considered as dialects, such as, Sauraseni, Magadhi, Paisaci and others. These dialectal features are also recorded by the Prakrit grammarians under different headings, sometimes, inter alia, in describing Maharastri or Prakrit. The name Maharastri is not very old. In Bharata's Natyasastra the name Maharastri is not found, rather the name Daksinatya was used. Probably in the 3rd A.D. or before that, Maharastra was regarded as Daksinatya, modern Deccan (cf Deccan Queen) rather than Maharastra. But the name Daksinatya was changed perhaps by the time of Dandin (7th c. A.D.) who in his Kavyadarsa (1.33) has mentioned that the poems written in Maharastri is the best (maharastrasrayam bhasam prakrstam prakrtam viduh). Perhaps from that time onwards Maharastri became popular and got a place in the ancient languages of Prakrit. However, the basic point is that the grammarians have recorded the characteristic features of such and such Prakrit which should not be ignored when we consider the features of subdialects of Prakrit. Naturally our starting point of

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BANERJEE : SATKHANDAGAMA AND SAURASENI 105 getting the features of Sauraseni would be the Prakrit grammarians on the one hand and the modern Western Prakrit scholars, on the other. While considering the language of the Satkhandagama we shall see how many of the features given by the grammarians are found in the text. And as such we shall be discussing whether the texts edited by scholars are on a par with the Prakrit grammarians. Here in this connection a problem is raised which is very fundamental and at the same time important for the language of the texts. The problem is how far the Prakrit grammarians are to be accepted against the manuscript of a particular text. The problem is obviously a difficult one to settle at this stage of our knowledge, yet let me start the problem afresh. 4 Sauraseni Literature Before considering the language of the Satkhantagama, it will not be out of place here, I suppose, to give a brief survey of the Sauraseni literature considering that the Satkhandagama is written in that language. The starting point of Prakrit, as it is, at least, historically recorded, is reckoned as the time of Lord Mahavira who is supposed to have flourished in the 6th /7th c. B.C. It is said that Mahavira preached his doctrine in the then common man's language which was later on known as Ardhamagadhi. In the Samavayanga-sutra it is said that Mahavira preached his doctrine in the then common man's language which was Ardhamagadhi for the understanding of the masses. As a result, when the doctrines of Mahavira were codified by the 5th cent. A.D. by Devardhigani Ksama-Sramana at Valabhi, the language as represented in the 45 Agama texts, is, therefore, considered as Ardhamagadhi on the basis of the statement found in the Samavayanga-sutra. After the establishment of the two schisms of the Jains, i.e. Svetambara and Digambara, it was found that these 45 Agamas were only accepted by the Svetambaras, while the Digambaras have doubts about the contents of these texts. To them the codification of Mahavira's doctrine is embalmed in the Drstivada which is, of course, lost. Anyway when in 1939 the Satkhandagama was published, it was immediately reckoned that this text was the text of the Digambara canon. And subsequently some other texts of the Digambara canon were also discovered and published. It was also said by the learned editors that the language of all these Digambara canonical texts was in Sauraseni, because some of the features of Sau. are found there. It was also decided that in the 1st cent. A.D the

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106 JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXX, No. 4. April 1996 Digambara text was first codified and then was lost, and some of these lost texts are nothing but the present Satkhandagama, Kasayapahuda, Mahabandha, and others. These are regarded as Digambara Jaina canonical texts and these texts are the earliest ones which are discovered, of course, very lately. After these Digambar a canonical texts the most important writer of non-canonical text is Kundakunda whose works, such as, Samayasara, Niyamasara, Pravacanasara, Pancastikaya and so on are in Sauraseni. And the date of Kundakunda varies from the 1st to the 3rd c. A.D., some even have gone down to 5th c. A.D, but not beyond that. It is not quite certain that in the 1st c. Sau. was predominant or not, but if the Digambara canonical texts were codified in the 1st c. A.D. then it was quite a good guess to supose that in the 1st c. A.D. Sau. was current. To the first centuries of the Christian era also belonged Vattakera and Karttikeya Svami. Vattakera wrote his Mulacara and Trivamnacara in Prakrit, or say, in Sauraseni, and so also the Kattigeyanupekha of Karttikeya Svami. According to Pischel (SS 21) these works are written in Jaina Sauraseni. It is also believed that the Tiloyapannatti of Yati Vrsabhacarya (bet. 6-8 centuries A.D.) is also written in Sauraseni. Though the date is not certain, yet it is said that the BhagavatiAradhana of Sivarya containing about 2170 (or 2166) verses, a pretty lengthy text, is also written in Prakrit or say, in Jaina Sauraseni. "The Prakrit dialect shows", says A.N. Upadhye in his Brhat-kathakosa, "close affinities with the Ardhamagadhi canon on the one hand and with the works of Kundakunda etc. on the other; and the commentaries explain certain queer forms as arsa" (p.55). As regards the date of Sivarya or the Bhagavati-Aradhana, Upadhye further says that "the Bh. A. belongs to the earliest stratum of the Pro-canon of the Digambaras consisting of the works of Vattakera, Kundakunda etc. It is quite likely that Sivarya might be senior even to Kundakunda, but we have to await further researches." (p. 55). Besides these books, there are some works where the specimens of Sauraseni are found. In the 8th century, in the Samaraicca-kaha of Haribhadra Suri (bet. 705 and 775 A.D.) there are some specimens of Sauraseni. "The "Samaraicca-kaha is written in prose with inserted verse passages of varying length (usually in the Arya metre). The language is Jaina Maharastri. In the verses it does not differ from the

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BANERJEE : SATKHANDAGAMA AND SAURASENI 107 dialect used generally in Jaina-Prakrit, in the prose it is mingled here and there with peculiarities of Sauraseni (History of Indian Literature, Vol-II, p. 525). At a much later period, there are some works written in many Prakrit dialects. Dharmavardhana's (about 1200 A.D.) Sadbhasa. nirmita-Parsva-jina-stavana and Jinapadma's (1325-1344 A.D) Saabhasa-vibhusita-Santinatha-stavana are poems written in six languages of which Sauraseni is one, besides Sanskrit, Maharastri, Magadhi, Paisaci and Apabhramsa. The Sau. literature that we find next is the Skt. dramas. All the Skt. dramatists have given some passages in Sau. representing some types of characters according to the Skt. dramaturgy. Beginning from Asvaghosa (1st c. A.D.) or Bhas 1 (1st c. A.D), Sudraka (2nd c. A.D), Kalidasa (5th c. A.D) and many others have given many Sau. passages in their respective dramas and these passages are good imples of the sau. language and most of the Sau. features are generally found in these Skt. dramas. These dramas came down upto 10th c. A.D. The only Pkt. drama written in Sau. is the Karpuramanjari whose language is a controversial one. Beyond these three categories we do not have any direct evidence of Sau. literature. But, on the contrary, we find some of the language specimens in some other contexts also. In the Inscriptional Prakrits beginning from Asoka (3rd cent. B.C) down to the 5th c. A.D. or even later than that, some of the characteristic features of Sau. are, of course, found in the Ins. Pkt., but these features do not mean that those inscriptions are in Sau. The point is that a literature written entirely in Sau. is practically not found after Kundakunda, but for the study of the sau. ig. some inscriptional and dramatic Pkts. can be consulted besides Kundakunda and the Digambara canonical literature. In this connection it should be mentioned that there is a difference between the dramatic Sau. and the canonical one. In most of the canonical literature the uniformity of the Sau. Ig. is not maintained. As a result, those irregularities are considered as archaic forms and naturally they justify them by calling them the oldest specimens of canonical language. Anyway for my present study this much is sufficient to say that before considering the language of the Satkhandagama, let us see how many of the Sau. characters are preserved in the Satkhantagama. Before discussing any other linguistic problem, it is better to give some of the linguistic features of the Satkhandagama to see in which dialect it is written, or whether it is written in Sauraseni or not.

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108 JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXX, No. 4. April 1996 5 The Features of Sauraseni The characteristic features of Sauraseni as given by Hemacandra and other Prakrit grammarians mentioned above are generally considered as features of Sauraseni. This does not mean that the features which are not found in Prakrit grammars should not be considered at all as features of Sauraseni. Every dialect has some peculiar features which are absent in the others. Most of the featues of Maharastri or Prakrit being common to all types of Prakrit dialects, will also be considered as features of that dialect. Whether such and such features are features of such and such dialects depends solely on the basis of Prakrit grammars. As a result, the Prakrit grammarians have only described those features which are very distinctive in a particular dialect. Here in this dissertation I will discuss the features of Sauraseni as found in the Prakrit grammars of Vararuci, Hemacandra, Purusottama and others to see whether these features are found in the Satkhandagama. Phonology (i) Intervocalic -t- changes into -d-. All the Prakrit grammarians have said that the intervocalic nonconjunet -t- becomes -d- in Sauraseni; in other words, medially dis allowed in Sauraseni, e.g. tatah> tado (S), yatah > jado (S); tatah > tado (S). In this way examples can be multiplied. Normally this feature of Sauraseni is found in almost all the Sauraseni passages of the Sanskrit dramas. But there are some supposed Sauraseni texts where this rule is violated, i.e. instead of tado we also come across tao, and this type of example is a disturbing one for which the Sauraseni passages are mutilated. It should be noted that the basic difference between Sauraseni and Maharastri with regard to this particular point is that this intervocalic -d- in Sauraseni is never elided, whereas in Maharastri it is generally elided. The elision of intervocalic -d- in Sau. should generally be regarded as wrong editing. In most of the cases this type of wrong editing has forced scholars to believe that even in Sauraseni this intervocalic -d- is often elided. That this intervocalic -d- is never elided has some evidence also from the grammarian Hemacandra. While describing the ablative declensional endings of the Maharastri Prakrit, Hemacandra has made the sutra-nases-tto-do-du-hi-hintolukah (Hc.III.8.) and in the vrtti of this sutra he has made a remark that 'dakara-karanam bhasantarartham' which simply means that the inclusion of -d- in the sutra [of Maharastri] is to indicate that

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BANERJEE : SATKHANDAGAMA AND SAURASENI 109 this -d- is retained in some dialects (say, in Sauraseni). And this simple instance of Hemacandra is sufficient enough to prove that wherever in any sutra of Hemacandra we come across a rule of intervocalic-d-, that-d- must not be elided in a dialect, say, Sauraseni. In all these cases the evidence of manuscripts is not a strong proof to accept the reading in Sauraseni with the elision of -d-. So if any text is full of this type of readings (where this type of elision is found) that text should be considered as erroneous, because this is again principle of grammar or linguistics. In the Satkhandagama both the elision and retention of intervocalic -d- are found. ii) Intervocalic -th-, -dh-changing into -dh-. In a similar way another phonological feature which is strong enough to make Sauraseni distinct from the others, is the sound dh. iraseni, the intervocalic -dh-is retained. This is not elided, nor is it reduced to -h- as is done in the case of Maharastri. Not only that, even the -th- is changed to -dh- in Sauraseni cf. tatha>tadha (%); kathayati>kadhedi (%) and so on. This rule of Sauraseni is very often violated. In most of the editions of Sauraseni texts, if not all, this sort of confusion is regularly found. In this regard scholars are divided into two : one group of scholars thinks that the retention of -dh- or -th-> -dh- is not as such a very distinctive feature of Sauraseni. To them -dh- and -h- are mutually interchangeable. As a result in most of the texts where Sauraseni passages are found this type of interchanges between -dh- and -hare also found. The other group is of opinion that the retention of -dhand the change of -th- into -dh- are distinctive features of Sauraseni, and as such, this should be retained in the text. As a result, this group of scholars wants to correct the Sauraseni passages where -his retained by changing it into -dh-. In the works of Kundakunda and even in the Satkhandagama this phenomenon is found. And naturally scholars do not categorically say that this is not possible in Sauraseni. Though it is difficult to remove this sort of traditional belief, scholastic approach should be free from any kind of dogma. If we look at the problem historically we can say that this retention of-dh- and the change of -h' or -th-into-dh- is definitely a distinctive feature in Sauraseni. The country Surasena was situated in the midland (Madhyapradesa) which is regarded as modern Mathura. In

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110 JAIN JOURNAL : Vol-XXX, No. 4. April 1996 this particular area the Vedic language had great influence and in Vedic language -dh- is retained in many places where in classical Sanskrit -h- is found, e.g. classical iha > Ved. idha > S. idha, Cl. kathayati > Ved.* kadhayati > S. kadhedi, > As kadhati and so on. Though this retention of -dh- in an intervocalic position in Asokan inscriptions situated at different places is not uniform in this particular feature, we can only assume that this Vedic feature which was retained in Sauraseni dialect has a sort of pan-Indian development even in later inscriptional Prakrits. This intervocalic -dh- is also found in many inscriptions other than those situated very near to Mathura. And in the early Sanskrit dramas, particularly in the Mrcchakatika and Bhasa, this feature is prominent. Obviously, the later the Sanskrit dramas the better the preservation of this feature. This short survey of the retention of -dh- in ancient Surasena land is sufficient to say that the retention of intervocalic -dh- in Sauraseni is one of the dominant features. At a very later stage there was a controversy with regard to the language of a Prakrit drama Karpuramanjari by name. Let me discuss the problem of this drama in this particular case. The language of the Karpuramanjari is a controversial one. Some say that it is entirely written in Sauraseni, Rajasekhara being a man of Surasena, it was quite possible for him that his drama should bear the stamp of the Sauraseni language. The other type of scholars thinks that the prose passages of the Karpuramanjari are written in Sauraseni whereas the verses are in Maharastri. The main pioneers of this problem are the two scholars-Manmohan Ghosh and Sten Konow. The edition of Sten Konow's Karpuramanjari was published in 1902 in the Harvard Oriental Series. Though the edition is excellent, full of copious variant readings, his edition bears two types of language, one is Sauraseni and the other one is Maharastri. Sten Konow has retained the Maharastri features in verses and the Sauraseni features in prose passages, sometimes against the evidence of the manuscripts. Sten Konow has consulted several manuscripts, about 10, of which W manuscript represents the Sauraseni features even in verses. Sten Konow has not accepted them in the main body of the text, e.g. the very first verse of the Karpuramanjari is given in Maharastri even though his W manuscript has Sauraseni features as well. e.g. Sten Konow reads bhaddam hou where W manuscript has bhodu and Y manuscript has hodu. Though hodu is a hyper-prakritaisation, the bhodu reading is supported by the Prakrit grammarians. S. Konow has not accepted that, but he has given these variants in the footnotes. This has been done throughout his text. The loss of intervocalic -t- is found in the verses where it should be -d- according to the

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BANERJEE : SATKHANDAGAMA AND SAURASENI 111 prescription of Sauraseni. This edition had some influence for a long time till the appearance of Manmohan Ghosh's edition in 1938 published by the University of Calcutta. Ghosh, on the contrary, has given the features of Sauraseni both in verses and in prose passages. In his opinion, Rajasekhara must have written the Karpuramanjari in Sauraseni. As a result, he has corrected all the Maharastri features of the verses into Sauraseni, of course, in the support of new manuscript designated by him as A which he thinks is akin to Sten Konow's W. On the strength of these two supporting statements, Ghosh has edited the Karpuramanjari all through in Sauraseni. In this connection we may note that even though Ghosh has a bold step over Sten Konow to make his text full of Sauraseni, he could not maintain his gusto till the end. Almost in the 4th act and in part of the 3rd, he could not maintain the Sauraseni features even in the verses. Whether Ghosh's unique manuscript was mutilated at the end or whether the manuscirpt is incomplete for this incongruity, is not easy to ascertain at this moment, particularly when Ghosh himself is not explicit in this regard. Be that as it may, one main point of difference between the two may be that Sten Konow was perhaps goaded by the influence of Sanskrit dramaturgy which says that the songs in Prakrit should be in Maharastri, the idea which Sten Konow might have extended to the verses as well. Whatever may be the reason between the two, it is pretty certain that scholars who follow either edition will be guided by the reading of that edition, and therefore, there cannot be any reconciliation among the scholars. But one thing is sure that whether it is Maharastri or Sauraseni the characteristic features of both the languages are maintained throughout. There is no intermixture between Sauraseni and Maharastri in the same passage. But the edition of Kundakunda who is supposed to have written in Sauraseni is not uniform as far as the editions are concerned. Both-dh- and -h-are found in any one of the editions of Kundakunda; and not only this, even in the same verse this dh- and -h- are interchanged, even though the manuscripts do not always support it. As a result, what happens scholars who are not familiar with the Prakrit grammars or even the linguistic principles maintain that both are found or possible in Sauraseni. The same confusion is also found in the Satkhandagama. I do not know whether the manuscript contains this confusion or the editor himself is responsible for this confusion. In either case, in my opinion, it should be rectified or corrected in accordance with the rules of grammar or linguistics.

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112 JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXX, No. 4. April 1996 (iii) Treatment of ks in Sauraseni. Among the conjuncts the development of Sanskrit ks seems to be a little peculiar to Sauraseni. According to Hemacandra (II.3) ks has three developments in Prakrit: ks> kkh; ks> cch; and ks> jjh. Among these three developments modern scholars normally think that the development of ks into kkh is one of characteristic features of Sauraseni, e.g. paksa> pakkha. But initially kkh is not doubled, e.g. ksama > khama. But as far as the other developments are concerned they are generally sporadic. There is hardly any definite line of demarcation where ks should be cch, e.g. maksika > macchia > Beng. machi. This development seems to be quite regular in the case of eastern region. And the same word is developed into kkh in the western region, e.g. maksika> makkhia> makhiin Marathi. Because ks develops into kkh in the western region, it is normally suggested that the development of ks into kkh is normally found in the western region and that into cch in the eastern region. And as a result, ks changing into kkh must be one of the dominant features of Maharastri rather than Sauraseni. But Pischel and Woolner think that ks> kkh is a feature of Sauraseni. In that case it can be said that Maharastri has borrowed this feature from Sauraseni. But the development of ks into jjh does not seem to be a very regular one, e.g. in the case ojjhara < Skt. avaksara is a glaring instance of Maharastri. So also ksinam > jhinam. In the Kasayapahuda the forms jhinamajhinam occurs in the passage-payadie mohanijja. vihatti taha tthidie anubhage ukkassamanukkassam jhinamajhinam ca tthidiyam va (verse 22). In the Jayadhavalatika the form jhinam is not explained. This development is mostly found in the Maharastri dialect. In fact the examples of this development are not very many. Coming back to the development of ks into kkh we can say that this development is equally found both in Maharastri and Sauraseni, with this exception that Maharastri's other two developments (cch and jjh) are not found in Sauraseni, at least, in the Sauraseni passages of Sanskrit dramas. Whether kkh was a regular development either in Sauraseni or in Maharastri is a matter of speculation. Supposing this development is in either language, we can say that one has borrowed this development from the other, and as in most of the cases Sauraseni passages have only one development, i.e. kkh, scholars might have accepted this development of ks into kkh as a feature of Sauraseni. So, Sauraseni, being in the midland, has influenced both

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BANERJEE : SATKHANDAGAMA AND SAURASENI Maharastri on the one hand and Magadhi on the other. We also find kkh in Magadhi. To sum up from the above discussions, we can say that kkh is the normal development of ks, while the other two developments (i.e. cch and jjh) are sporadic and are also confined to Maharastri only. In the case of Magadhi either is possible, though kkh is the dominant one. 113 Coming back to the Satkhandagama it is found that this book has only kkh and not the other one. (iv) The retention of bh in the root bhu in Sauraseni. The root bhu has several forms in Prakrit, depending on the dialects. In Maharastri the root bhu > hu and then ho (a gunated form) to which the personal terminations are added, making it hoi, hosi, homi etc. Though initially bh does not become h as per rules of aspiration in Prakrit, in the case of bhu it is an exception. But in Sauraseni this bh of the original Sanskrit root is not changed into h as in Maharastri. So the Sauraseni forms will be bhodi, bhosi, and bhomi. These forms of Maharastri and Sauraseni are very regular. In the case of Sauraseni, Hemacandra (IV.269) has optionally accepted hodi, hosi, homi as well. This form i.e. bh>h in Sauraseni is not regular even though we find this usage in literature. There are other two forms of the root bhu which are also accepted both in Maharastri and Sauraseni, e.g. from Skt. bhavati we have havai in Maharastri and bhavadi and havadi (HC. IV. 269) in Sauraseni. There are other forms as given by Hemacandra both in Mah. and Sau. as Mah. huvai, Sau. huvadi, so also bhuvai in Mah., bhuvadi and huvadi in Sau. To speak frankly the base bhava or bhuva or hava and huva are of later origin than hu or ho. We can call these forms hyper-prakritisation directly from Sanskrit, or in other words, it is Sanskrit based form in Prakrit. The reasons of the development of these forms are not known to us, except that they are developed out of metrical necessity, and so we find these bhuva or huva, bhava or hava used mostly in poetry rather than in prose. Now if a manuscript reads bhuvadi or huvadi, bhavadi or havadi and its corresponding mansuscript reading is bhodi or hodi, I personally prefer the latter readings to the earlier ones, provided it does not disturb the metrical necessity. In Kundakunda's works we come across more bhuva or bhava, huva and hava, rather than bhodi. The form hodi is, of course, also found there. In the Niryukti the forms havai and bhavai are more frequent than bhuvai and huvai. To my mind it appears that these

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114 JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXX, No. 4. April 1996 forms are not very much regular in Pkt. they are the later tendencies and these have crept into the manuscripts by the copyists who were perhaps influenced by their knowledge of Sanskrit as it is done today. In Skt. dramas, of course, the form bhodi is more frequent than hodi, even though they are more or less used side by side. In the Satkhandagama we do not come across very often bhodi or hodi, but in the commentary, the form bhodi is more conspicuous than the form hodi. However, unless a statistical account is made we are not sure whether bhodi supersedes the hodi. In the Kasayapahuda the forms hodi, havadi and homti (pl) are found. To me it seems that they are not regular forms in Sauraseni. Here perhaps a comment on the forms of hodi, bhuvadi, havadi is necessary. The inclusion of these forms by Hemacandra seems to be historical rather than a genuine characteristic feature of Sau. We have come to this conclusion on the basis of the fact that these forms are also available in Mg. Sau. being a language in the midland, it has perhaps influenced Mg. as well. While, on the contrary, these forms have come down to us from the influence of Mah. as well. As Hemacandra has made a special sutra for the root bhu which becomes bha (bhuvo bhah IV. 269) in Sau., it appears that if that is not the dominant feature of Sau., Hemacandra could not have made this sutra at all. The optional forms based on hu is in a sense a loan from Mah. However, my main intention of mentioning this is to emphasize this point that the genuine Sau. form of the root bhu would be bho with usual suffixes. As in the Satkhandagama as well as its Dhavala the occurrence of the form bho, bhodi etc. is found side by side with ho, hodi, the Satkhandagama and Dhavala have also the features of Sauraseni. That in the initial position Sau. retains the sound bh is also proved by the fact that the words bhavat and bhagavat also become bhavam and bhagavam in Sau (bhavad-bhagavatoh, IV. 265) where Hemacandra has not suggested any other alternative forms with havam as in the case with the root bhu. So all these points lead us to this conclusion that in Sau. the retention of initial bh, particularly in the root bhu, is more logical and historical than the other forms with hu or ho. (v) Changes of ry to yy According to Hemacandra (IV.266), in Sau. ry is optionally changed to yy, and naturally the usual change of ry to jj is also found in Sau. e.g. arya ayya, also ajja, karya> kayya, kajja, surya suyya, sujja.

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BANERJEE SATKHANDAGAMA AND SAURASENI A careful perusal of all these examples will immediately reveal the fact that the change of ry to yy cannot be a pure Sau. form. As j is changed into y in Mg. (Hc. IV. 292) and therefore ry is also assimilated to yy in Mg. whereas the change of y intoj is found in Mah. as well as in Sau. So it seems that this character of Sau., i.e. ry changing into yy is a loan from Mg., because that is one of the dominant characters of Mg. So Sanskrit arya > Mah. Sau. ajja, and Mg. ayya. Though Hemacandra has given this rule in the case of Sau. this is in fact a Mg. rule as is known by his sutra (Hc. IV. 292). The picture is given below: In Pkt., or for that matter in Mah, the initial y is changed into palatal j (Hc. I. 245) e.g. yadi > Pkt. jai; yama jama and so on. But when it is in the middle position this ya is generally elided in Mah. (Hc. I. 177) and is again replaced by ya-sruti. (Hc. I. 180), e.g. samaya> samaa samaya. 115 Apparently it seems that perhaps medially -ya- is not elided; but that is not the case. In Sau. also the same form occurs. But in Mg. this -ya- is not as such elided, but is retained. This is mostly evident in the case of conjuncts. In conjuncts ry is normally assimilated to jja (<* rj). e.g. arya> ajja; karya> kajja. The same form is also found in Sau. But in Mg. as there is no j, it is assimilated to yy, e.g. arya> ayya; karya kayya. Naturally there is no scope of ry> yy in Sau. unless we accept that it is a loan from Mg. In the Sau. passages of Skt. drama the assimilated form jj of ry is found. Whereas in the Mg. passages yy is found. In the works of Kundakunda the form jj is found, and the form yy should be regarded as badly edited texts in Sauraseni. In the commentary on the Satkhandagama the forms are mostly found with jj and not really with yy, unless it is mistakenly incorporated into the text. Morphology (vi) Declension - ablative singular in du/do. In the case of declension, Sau. has not got as such any peculiarity except in the abl. sg. of a- base. In this particular case the retention of a is normally found, i.e. from Skt. narat we have naradu or narado, while narauand narao will be in Mah. This peculiarity can be justified by the general rule that in Sau. the intervocalic -d- is retained. And hence Hemacandra has made a sutra of the abl. sg. as nases tto do du hi hinto lukah (III. 8) where in his vrtti he has said dakara-karanam

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JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXX, No. 4. April 1996 bhasantarartham and by bhasa he, of course, primarily means Sau. and perhaps secondarily Mg. where also the same form occurs. 116 However, this feature as such occurs in the Satkhandagama and is in general governed by the general rule that the intervocalic -t-> - d- in Sauraseni. (vii) Vocative in a or am. But in the case of Skt. words ending in -n, in Sau. this -n- becomes optionally -a in the voc. sg. (Hc. IV. 263), e.g. Skt. bho kancukin> Sau. bho kancuia; bho sukhin> Sau. bho suhia; this one seems to be a special rule for Sau. in voc. sg. of words ending in -n. In other case n is dropped in the words ending in -n e.g. Skt. bho tapasvi >Sau. bho tavassi; so also bho manassi. This means that the general Mah. form of voc. sg. of words ending in -n is used in Sau. but the present rule ending in -a in the voc. sg. is a special rule for Sau. There is no example of this type of rule in the main body of the Satkhandagama, because there is no such scope in the work. But in the case of words ending in -n or a- base the anusvara takes place in place of -n in the voc. in Sau. (Hc.IV.264), e.g. Skt. bho rajan Sau. bho rayam, similarly bho vijayavarman > Sau. bho viayavammam; sukarman >sukammam. In a similar way we have examples in literature like bho bhagavan kusumayudha> bho bhayavam kusumayuha; and so also bhayavam tittham pavatteha. In all these examples the words ending in -an> -am in the voc. do not seem to be a very peculiar feature of Sau., even though grammarians admit that bhagavan could have been equally bhaava also. This shows the influence of Mah. on Sau. However, as far as the Satkhandagama is concerned there is no such example in the work. (viii) Pronominal declension - tasmat > ta. In the pronominal declension according to the grammarians (Hc.IV.278) the Skt. form tasmat>ta in Sau. e.g. ta java pavisami; ta alam edina manena and so on. In the sutra of the Satkhandagama the form ta from tasmat is not met with. (ix) Future in -ssi. Apart from this, the grammarians (Hc. IV. 275) say that in Sau. the ending -ssi is added in the future tense instead of -hi as in the case of Mah. eg. bhavissidi, karissidi and gacchissidi.

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BANERJEE SATKHANDAGAMA AND SAURASENI It is a fact worth noting that according to Hemacandra (III. 167) the -ssa is used in Mah. and this is an extension to Sau. which shows that the other forms of Mah. is not possible in Sau. If this statement of Hemacandra is correct we can say that the special rule -ssi for Sau. must be compulsory and peculiar to the Sau. language. 117 We could not find any example of the future form of Sau. with this -ssi in the Satkhandagama. (x)The formation of gerundial suffix-ktva In the formation of the gerundial suffix, Sauraseni has again some peculiarities which are different from others. According to the grammarians (Hc.IV.271) the gerundial suffix in Sauraseni, is -iya, and -duna. Of these two the suffix-duna is pure Sauraseni, while the suffix-iya is a loan from Mah. As the suffix -iya does not contain any -d, it is possible that it could be used in Sau. as well, e.g. bhu > bhavia, bhoduna, and havia, hodina, so also path> padhiduna, padhia; ram> randuna, ramia. A glance at these examples will reveal the fact that as Sau. retains -d-intervocally the forms with -duna should be a recognised one for Sau. while the others are Mah. or Pkt. in general. There could be another formation of gerundial form both in Sau. and Mah. This form is nothing but the assimilation as -tva > -tta. This shows that the gerundial forms with -d is more important for Sau. than the other forms. So the roots mentioned above have other forms as well, say bhotta, hotta, padhitta and ranta. But in the case of kr and gam we have some special forms (Hc. IV. 272) besides the suffixes mentioned above. From k we have kariduna and karia, gacchiduna/gamiduna, and gacchia/gamia. Besides these forms we have another suffix with -ua. So we have from Vk kadua and from gam> gadua. The Pkt. grammarians have called all these forms a special case in Sau. To my mind it appears that kadua and gadua are forms of Mg. as Mg. kr+kta kada and gam+kta > gada. So also mr+-kta > mada. (Vara XI.15) And these forms are not used in Sau. Naturally it appears that the gerundial suffix -ua is added to these Mg. forms of kr, Vgam, and mr. So it appears to me that the Sau. forms of these kadua and gadua are nothing but transferred to Sau. from Mg. and just as we have kadua in Mg. and Sau., so also kauna or kariuna in Mah. So if a text contains the forms kadua and gadua there is no reason to consider them as special case of Sau. We could say only this much, as it does not disturb the language, there is no harm in accepting or removing these forms at the time of collation of manuscripts. In most

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118 JAIN JOURNAL : Vol-XXX, No. 4. April 1996 of the Sanskrit dramas the forms kadua and galua are found in the Mg. passages, whereas in pure Sau. text kariduna, gamiduna or gacchiduna are found. In the case of the Satkhandagama the form does not occur in the sutra of the text. But in the commentary Dhavala the forms used are with duna rather than with -ia. However, if the forms with da is found, it is, of course, a sau. dialect, but other than this should be regarded as common forms of Pkt. (xi) Indeclinables In some indeclinables Sau, has some peculiarities. We are giving these peculiarities on the basis of Hemacandra. e.g. idanimo danim (IV. 277). In Sau. the word idanim (now)> danim, e.g. anantara-karaniyam daninanavedu ayyo. These examples of this sutra can be found only in the case of dramas. It is difficult to get an example of danim in the Satkhandagama as it is a philosophical text. evarthe yyeva (IV. 280). In the sense of eva meaning 'indeed', 'in reality' the particle eva >yyeva in Sau. eg. mama yyeva bambhanassa, so yyeva eso. These examples of this sutra can also be found in Skt. dramas rather than in the Satkhandagama. nam nanvarthe (IV. 283). In Sau. nam is used in the sense of nanu i.e in the sense of doubt or question etc., e.g. nam aphalodaya, nam ayyamissehim pudhamam yyeva anattan, nam bhavam me aggado caladi. The examples given by Hemacandra are from the Skt. dramas mainly from the Abhijnana-sakuntalam and Mscchakatikam. It is a fact worth noting that in Jaina canonical literature, particularly in the prose portion, this nam is used as a sort of emphatic, eg. jaya nam, taya nam, etc. But in the Satkhandagama, particularly in the main sutras of the text, this nam is not used, but in the commentary Dhavala it is found profusely. (xii) Interjections. In the case of interjections there are some words which are peculiar

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BANERJEE : SATKHANDAGAMA AND SAURASENI 119 to Sau. Hemacandra in his Pkt. grammar has mentioned some of them. e.g. hanje cetyahvane (IV. 281). In Sau. (as used in the Skt. dramas) hanje is used in calling a maid-servant (ceti). e.g. hanje cadurike. As it is generally used in Skt. dramas, its usage in the Satkhandagama is not as such possible. himanahe vismaya-nirvede (IV. 282) In Sau. the word himanahe is used in order to indicate a surprise or dejection. e.g. himanahe jivanta-vaccha me janani (in surprise); himanahe palissanta hage edena niyabidhino duvva vasidena (in dejection). ammahe harse (IV. 284) In Sau. the word ammahe is used in the sense of delight. e.g. ammahe eae summilae supaligalhido bhavam. hi hi vidusakasya (IV. 285) In Sau. in order to indicate the delight of the Vidusaka the particle hihi is used, e.g. hihi bho sampanna manoradha piya-vayassassa. In these two above cases it is seen that the examples of these two sutras can only be found in the Skt. dramas. Naturally it is difficult to get any example of these sutras from the Satkhandagama. In the end we may say that the above analysis has given us this impression that whether the language of the Satkhandagama is Sauraseni or not, it is mixed up with other Prakrit dialects, and this is also said by Hiralal Jain in the Introduction to his edition of the Satkhandagama: "The present work (i.e. Satkhandagama) consists of the original sutras, the commentary of Virasena called Dhavala and the various quotations given by the commentator from writings of his predecessors. The language of the sutras is Prakrit and so also of the most of the quoted Gathas. The prose of Virasena is Prakrit alternating with Sanskrit. In the present portion Sanskrit predominates, being three times as much as Prakrit. This condition of the whole text clearly reflects the comparative position of Prakrit and Sanskrit in the Digambara Jain literature of the south. The most ancient literature was all in Prakrit as shown by the sutras and their first reputed commentary Parikarma as well as all the other works of Kundakunda,

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120 JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXX, No. 4. April 1996 and also by the preponderance of Prakrit verses quoted in the Dhavala. But about the time of Virsena the tables had turned against Prakrit, and Sanskrit had got the upperhand as revealed by the present portion of Dhavala as well as its contemporary literature." "The Prakrit of the sutras, the Gathas as well as of the commentary, is Sauraseni influenced by the older Ardhamagadhi on the one hand, and the Maharastri on the other; and this is exactly the nature of the language called Jain Sauraseni by Dr Pischel and subsequent writers. It is, however, only a very small fraction of the whole text that has now been edited critically so far as was possible with the available material." 6 Manuscript vs Prakrit grammarians It is at this point a controversy is raised with regard to the problem of manuscript vs Prakrit grammarians. From the time the Europeans started editing Prakrit texts, this question got its prominence. As far as I know T. Bloch in his Vararuci und Hemacandra (Gutersloh, 1893), was the first scholar who raised this question while discussing some of the readings of the sutras of Vararuci and Hemacandra. In his opinion the reading of the manuscript should be given priority despite the fact that it goes sometimes against the grammarians. He further says that there has always been a historicity in the different manuscripts of the same book which might reflect earlier usage of a particular reading preserved fairly in a chronological order. Naturally he has given priority to certain readings of Vararuci which he thinks are older specimens of the language than Hemacandra. Pischel, on the other hand, is of different opinion. In his book Grammatik der Prakrit Sprachen (Stuttgart, 1900, SS 42) he has attached much more value to the grammarians than the manuscripts. He has not ignored the readings of manuscripts, but what he says is that the manuscripts should be corrected, if necessary, in accordance with the rules of Prakrit grammar. The glaring instance of his theory is the Pkt passages of Kalidasa's Sakuntala which he has corrected in accordance with the rules of Hemacandra. This is greatly seen in the 6th act of the Sakuntala particularly in the Magadhi passages of the fisherman. As the manuscripts of that passage is corrupt and not inconformity with the rules of Prakrit grammar, he has corrected them in accordance with the rules of Hemacandra's Prakrit grammar. In short, Pischel has not totally ignored the manuscripts, but his emphasis is on the correctness of the text. At a much later time E.B. Clark in his article Magadhi and Ardhamagadhi published in the JAOS, 44, 1924, pp. 81-121, has reiterated this problem. But he could not find out any

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BANERJEE : SATKHANDAGAMA AND SAURASENI 121 ways and means by which a solution could be found. However, the problem has been going on. And again almost after a century I have discussed the problem anew. In one of my articles Prakrit Textual Criticism published in Jain Journal, January, No. 3 1988, pp.87-97, what is noted there is being summarised here for the benefit of the readers. "The basic problem is whether the grammarians or the manuscripts are to be followed. It is not easy to answer this question, particularly when most of the scholars think that any kind of linguistic phenomenon is possible in Prakrit. Perhaps, under the tacit influence of this so-called idea, some of the Prakrit forms have been incorporated in some editions which sometimes baffle and betray some of the basic notions of the Prakrit language including dialects as enunciated by Prakrit grammarians. It is true that Prakrit grammarians are not very old, and most of the authors belonged to a time when the Prakrit language was almost stereotyped like Sanskrit. As a result, the Prakrit features as embalmed and treasured up by the grammarians vary from author to author, except a few general forms which are common to all; the variations are such that it is difficult to follow any particular reading from the manuscripts. The copyists are not always learned, more so, they may not have any knowledge or a very limited knowledge of the language, and hence every possibility of making mistakes. The phonetics of the language is not always regular. Sometimes the copyists add something to the manuscripts to improve upon the text". "It is my personal feeling that some sorts of emendations are necessary to edit a Prakrit text --if the manuscripts of a particular text do not help us much." It goes without saying that the original readings of the text must be recorded as variants in the foot-notes. "It is, indeed, very difficult to form direct cut and dried principles for this purpose, unless we base our arguments on some principles by which grammarians are involved in the matter." The main reason for which I have discussed the problem here is to say that if the readings of a Prakrit text do not always conform to the rules of grammar as laid down by the Prakrit grammarians, it is then very difficult for us to follow any definite rules for a particular Prakrit text. Moreover, most of the Prakrit texts, if I am permitted to say so, are corrupt from the point of view of grammatical rules. More is a question of Prakrit dialect. So is the case with the language of the Satkhandagama and other similar Prakrit texts like Kasayapahuda, Mahabandha, Tiloyapannatti, Kundakunda's works and so on. In the Kasayapahuda, the Sanskrit word prathamardhasya

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122 JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXX, No. 4. April 1996 has two Prakrit forms as padhamaddhassa and padhamatthe in a few pages gap. Which one is to be considered as the Sauraseni form? The padhamatthe can be derived from prathamarthe, but it has a different reading padhamaddhe. What I want to emphasize is that sometimes in the edited texts we might often get a wrong or irregular form of a language, e.g. Skt. kartavya> S. kayavva, Skt. niksitavya> S. nikkhiyavva, and as far as Sauraseni is concerned, these forms are not regular, they should be corrected as kadavva and nikkhidavva. The reading arihantanam is a puzzling one. It has three readings; arahantanam, arihantanam and aruhantanam. In the Hatigumpha Inscription of Kharavela at Udayagiri Hill in Bhubaneshwar belonging to the second or first century B.C., the reading arahantanam (namo arahamtanam namo sava-sidhanam) is found. This is, perhaps, the earliest written document where the reading arahantanam is available. Then the reading ariha- was developed in Prakrit from Sanskrit arha (cf. Hemacandra, rha-sri-hri-krtsna-kriya-distyasvit, II. 104). So also we have the reading arihantanam (gen. pl); and this reading is mostly found in almost all the Jaina texts, canonical and non-canonical. Then, in course of time, before Hemacandra (1088-1172 A.D.), the reading aruha-was also developed (cf. Hemacandra, uccarhati, II, 111). I have seen this reading in the foot-note of the recently published text of Bhagavati-joda (1981) by the Jain Vishva Bharati Institute. Thus far is all right as far as the development of the Sanskrit word arha in Prakrit is concerned. But the difficulty is-in some texts published by the same Institute or edited by the same scholar, the two readings - arahantanam and arihantanam are found. For example, in the Satkhandagama edited by Hiralal Jain the reading arihantanam is accepted, but in the Somasundara-cariu of Nayanandi (samvat 1100) edited by the same scholar, Hiralal Jain (1970, Vaisali), the reading of the namokkaramantra is arahantanam and not the other one. It has no variant in the foot-notes. If we consider his reading as correct, then we can say that the arahanta- reading was also prevalent in the samvat 1100. In the Bhagavati-joda of Jayacarya, published by the Jain Vishva Bharati (1st edn 1981) we have two readings side by side. In the Prakrit namokkara-mantra, the reading arahantanam is found, but in the duha (58) the reading is namo-arihantanam (paramesthi pamcaka 'namo-arihantanam' ada). In the foot-note of this verse, the editor has mentioned that according to the vrttikara, there are various forms of arahanta of which arihantanam and aruhantanam are variants. Again in duha (61) the reading arahanta is given. What I want to emphasize from all these discussions is that before editing a Prakrit text, a

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BANERJEE SATKHANDAGAMA AND SAURASENI conscious editor should formulate some editorial disciplines, so that there could be a consistant and coherent readings of a Prakrit text, no matter what the manuscripts say. 7 Conclusion From the above survey it appears that some of the features of Pkt. are restricted to Sau. This means that the rest of the features of the language are to be collected from Mah. or Pkt. in general. Hence, all the grammarians have said that the rest of the features of Sau. are to be collected from Pkt. in general. (sesam Prakrtavat Hc. IV.286, sesam Maharastrivat, Vara XII.32). Naturally some of the features are common to both Mah. and Sau. It is in this connection we see some of the lapses in the Sau. lg. and it is in this connection we have some misunderstandings in describing the characteristic features of Sau. Hence we find confusions between t and d, between h and dh, and between Mah. and Mg. where the influence of both the languages is possible on Sau. The corruption in the manuscripts is another reason which also puzzles us in order to determine the features of Sau. As the grammarians have restricted some features exclusively to Sau. it should be our duty to adhere to those rules which are exclusively meant for Sau.; the other features being the same with Mah. we have no alternative to relying on the grammarians. In this particular case manuscript may not be a dependable source for detecting the features of Sau. As most of the scholars do not pay much attention to the fact that the Sau. Ig. has some distinctive features which are basically the retention of intervocalic d and dh, and at least, these 2 features are exclusively meant for Sau. even though manuscripts sometimes betray this conception. If we could have got the autographed manuscript of the author we could have thought of this matter in a different way. As the copying of the manuscripts has been handed down to us from generation to generation the reliability of the lg. is vitiated rather than copying correctly the manuscript from the other. This fact should not be ignored when a Pkt. text is edited from manuscripts. By this process, perhaps, somebody might say that this means the mutilation of the manuscript, but it should be considered at the same time that the wrong representation of the lg. does not lead us to the correct understanding of the text. Grammarians normally register some facts of the lg. which the writers of a particular book is supposed to know. When the lg. is current and spoken there might be some words which are not included in the books of grammar, but those can be judged from the linguistic point of view, whether that sort of form is possible or not, e.g. the Skt. word padma has at least 3 forms in Pkt. paduma (Sau), pauma (Mah.), and pomma (Amg). Of these 3 forms, both 123

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124 JAIN JOURNAL : Vol-XXX, No. 4. April 1996 historically and linguistically, the form paduma originated first. And from paduma the Mah. word pauma comes, because in Mah. the intervocalic -d- can be elided, but not in Sau. and hence paduma is Sau. because of the retention of intervocalic -d-, and pauma is Mah. because of the loss of intervocalic d-. In the case of pomma which is mainly found in the Amg. text the form is an assimilation of -d to m, again following the sutra of the grammarians (cf. Hc. II. 77). That is to say, padma> 'paumma >pomma (by euphonic combination of a + u). Psychologically in the formation of this word 2 things are operating : the form pauma has influenced the word in making it pau and secondly, the assimilation of dm occurs. These 2 processes occur simultaneously and as it is not a regular form and at the same time used in the Amg. text, the word is regarded as arsa (something like irregular) and hence Amg. (because it is found in the Amg. text). This process should be taken into consideration when we see that some words are irregularly formed. The main point of my emphasis is that although overlappings or lapses are possible in lg., particularly in Pkt., this must be corrected as far as possible with the help of grammar and linguistics. This is the case particularly when we think of a text written in Sau. It is the editorial discipline that makes the text a better representation than mere adhering to the blind allegiance to manuscript copying. If this distinction is not maintained, then there cannot be any features of any lg. at all. There would not be any conception of dialects in Pkt. Arbeits India Export House Recognised by Govt of India Proprietor - Sanjit Bothra 8/1 Middleton Road 5th Floor Room No.4 Calcutta - 700 071 Phone : 296256/8730/1029 Telex : 021 2333 ARBI IN Fax No. : 0091-33290 174

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A PRIMER OF SAURASENI with a comparison between Maharastri and Magadhi For use in readings for lectures compiled by Richard Schmidt Translated into English from Original German by Pranabesh Sinha Ray Hannover 1924 Orient-Bookseller Heinz Lefaire

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126 JAIN JOURNAL VOL-XXX No. 4, April 1996 Preface [3] I am not alone to feel the want of a handy manual of Sauraseni by far the most important of prose dialects of the Indian drama. Who would ever base the works (surely for their period very valuable) of Hoefer or Lassen?. Or who would have the courage to guide his hearers through the primeval forest of Pischel's grammar ? Even a specialist, who is, indeed, accustomed to all sorts of fares sees himself, in all respects, in this stupendously diligent and fundamental work to which he is constrained to pay heed confess that Pischel's treatise is nearly not to be perused. The overwhelming fullness of materials in sheer discriminationless types squeezed into 400 pages and more makes the hunt for a single form agonising: the book is a typographical Hydra which is repelled by the head definitively notwithstanding the index prepared by Wickremasinghe.' Now, it is self-evident that the advanced student will soon need to be acquainted with one or the other of the dramas and if he at all entertain any serious endeavour he must rest contented with reading the Prakrit portions merely with the help of their chayas but will be also expected to be led into the understanding of the dialects per se as well. The present manual would serve that purpose. I have drawn up and worded it in such a cryptic, concise manner, and as its title [4] gives out the principal stress has been placed upon Sauraseni. Of the other dialects occurring in Indian dramas we have Maharastri and Magadhi considering that habitually Sakuntala will be studied, at least, by its chief divergencies. For those who would like to make an intensive study of the Prakritspeeches I am giving here a list of the most important and pertinent works: 1. Bharatiyanatyasastra ed. Kavyamala No. 42. (XVII, 6-23). 2. Cowell, The Prakrita-Prakasa: or, The Prakrit Grammar of Vararuci, with the Commentary (Manorama) of Bhamaha. Second Issue. London 1868. (1. Ausgabe Hertford 1854). 3. Hemacandra's Grammatik der Prakritsprachen, herausgegeben, ubersetzt und erlautert von Richard Pischel. I Teil Halle 1877. II. Teil Halle 1880. 4. The Paiyalachchhi Namamala, a Prakrit Kosha by Dhanapala. Edited with critical notes, an introduction and a glossary by Georg Buhler. Gottingen, 1878. 1. With this naturally a contradiction does not arise, if I say, that Pischel with his grammar has produced a really fundamental work, on which my modest Handbook thoroughly rests.

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RICHARD SCHMIDT : A PRIMER OF SAURASENI 127 5. Hoernle, The Praksita-Lakshanam or Canda's Grammar of the An cient (Arsha) Prakrit. Part I. Text with a critical introduction and indexes, Calcutta 1880. 6. The Desinamamala of Hemacandra. Part I. Text and critical notes. By R. Pischel. Bombay, 1880. 7. Namisadhu's Kommentar zu Rudrata's Kavyalamkara II, 12 (ed. Kavyamala No. 2, Bombay, 1886). 8. Kramadisvara, Prakstapada ed. Rajendralala Mitra, BT.; neue Ausgabe Kalkutta, 1889 9. Trivikrama, Prakstavyakarana. Ed. Granthapradarsani 1-Dazu Tukaram Laddu, Prolegomena zu Trivikrama's Prakrit-Grammatik, (Diss.) Halle a.d. S. 1912. 10. Praksitarupavatara. A Prakrit Grammar based on the Valmikisutra by Simharaja, Son of Samudrabandhayajvan. Edited by E. Hultzsch. London 1909. 11. Markandeya Kavindra, Prakstasarvasvam, ed. Bhattanatha Svamin (-Granthapradarsani Heft 34-38, Vizagapatam, (5) Februar-Juni 1912).-Dazu E. Hultzch, Neue Beitrage zur Kenntnis der Sauraseni, ZDMG 66, p. 709-726. 12. Hoefer, Albert, De Prakrita dialecto libri duo, Berolini, 1836. 13. Lassen, Christianus, Institutiones linguae Pracriticae, Bonnae ad Rhenum, 1837. 14. Delius, Nicolaus, Radices Pracriticae, Bonnae ad Rhenum, 1839. 15. Haag, Vergleichung des Prakrit mit den Romanischen Sprachen, Berlin, 1869. 16. Cowell, A Short Introduction to the Ordinary Prakrit of the Sansksit Dramas, with a list of common irregular Prakrit words, London, 1875. 17. Hoernle, A.F. Rud., A Sketch of the History of Prakrit Philology. Calcutta Review, October, 1880. 18. Weber, Albrecht. Das Saptacatakam des Hala AKM VII, 4. Leipzig, 1881. 19. Rishikesh [Hrsikesa] Sastri, A Prakrita Grammar with English Translation, Calcutta, 1883. 20. Jacobi, Hermann, Ausgewahlte Erzahlungen in Maharashtri. Zur Einfuhrung in das Studium des Prakrit. Grammatik. Text. Worterbuch. Leipzig, 1886. [Dazu : Hindu Tales. An English Trans lation ... by John Jacob Meyer. London, 1909.) 21. Pischel, R., Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen. Strassburg, 1900. (-Grundriss der ind.-ar. Phil. I, 8).

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128 JAIN JOURNAL: VOL-XXX No. 4, April 1996 For the examples, it is to be noted that almost always only the actually recorded ones have been admitted, above denotes that the concerned word so runs in Maharasti also, as in Sauraseni, while *indicates agreement with Magadhi. M. and Mg. are abbreviations for Maharastri (the language of Maharastra, the Marhatta country of today) resp. for Magadhi, the language of Magadha, S for Sauraseni. When the sign will be occasionally used for a marker of abbreviation, it will be always clear from the context, what is meant. The same is valid for *which is sometimes added to Sanskrit forms in order to inform [6] an apparent equivalent form though not the expected one; for ex. naia (*nayiya=nitva). Forms which do not have any supplement (S, M or Mg.) are Sauraseni; where several examples from one dialect are given, these are separated by commas, while a semicolon separates dialects. Thus nagada, M nagaa (nagata); necchadi etc., means that nagada the Sauraseni form, nagaa is that of Maharastri; necchadi is then again Sauraseni. Somewhat more than an elementary knowledge of Sanskrit is presumed. The Indian grammarians also do that -- those who have written on Prakrit which is only reasonable. prakrtih samskrtam; tatra bhavam Prakrtam ucyate. Munster W., 24, Sept. 1914 (may it be so) PHONOLOGY [7] 1. Sauraseni, the language of Surasena with its capital at Mathura, has the sound repertory of Sanskrit, lacking, however, in r, r, l, ai, au, simple n, and further y, s, s, has also the single voiceless consonants. [Likewise in M, Mg. though Mg. has y resp. yy at the beginning of words, retains s in resp. changed from s and s into s, and instead of r there stands 1 throughout]. Richard Schmidt. r becomes a for ex. in tana (trna), M. ghaa, kaa (ghrta, krta); most frequently becomes i; *ghida, *kida, kisa, *giddha, 'ditthi, siala, deg*hiaa (ghrta krta, krsa, grddhra, drsti, srgala, hrdaya); particularly after labials it becomes u: nihuda M. nihua (nibhrta); nivvuda, M. nivvua (nirvrta); pucchadi, M. pucchai, Mg. puscadi, (prcchati); degmunala (mrnala); mudanga, M. muinga Mg. midanga (mrdanga); vuttanta (vrttanta). Similarly before the suffix ka in jamadua, M. jamaua (jamatrka); bhadua (bhratrka). Initial becomes either ri as in 'riddhi (rddhi), degrikkha (rksa), risi [Mg. lisi (rsi) beside isi: mahesi, raesi (maharsi rajarsi) or u: udu, M. uu (rtu); ujju (rju).

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RICHARD SCHMIDT : A PRIMER OF SAURASENI 129 If correspondingly changes into i or u, however, illustrative example is lacking! I becomes ili : kilitta (klpta). ai is changed to e: "Eravana (Airavana), 0*tella' (taila), 'vejja (vaidya), not to ai (Pischel 8 61) as in M. daicca (daitya). au becomes o, very seldom au in M. : 'Kosta (Kausika), orasa (aurasa); "osaha (ausadha), komudi, M. komui (kaumudi); Kosambi (Kausambi), jouvana) (yawana), 'dobballa (daurbalya); pora, M. paura, Mg. pola (paura) [8] n always is changed to n: "na (na),"naana (nayana). It remains unchanged in consonant groups like nt, nd : pekkhantu (preksantam), cando (candrah). yfalls out in intervocalic position : Chiaa (hrdaya), 'chaa (chaya), "pia (priya) S and s become s : 'kesa, 'pusu, osisira, 'esa, 'sesa (kesa, pasu, sisira, esa, sesa) In Mg. as already stated sand s become s, sby itself is retained: kesesu (kesesu), salila (salila), sahassa (sahasra); see however & 8! ah becomes o : 'aggado (agratah, rao (ragah), nioo (niyogah). In Mg. in the Nom. sing, there is e for it : ese pulise (esosesa]purusah). -- The treatment of ah ih etc. as much as of medial h see 89 as in accidence. In the final position only the vowels and anusvara are permitted (but cf. g 3 at end); therefore end-consonants fall out : "tava, paccha [Mg. pasca and pascado] (tavat, pascat). 2. The rest of the vowels and diphthongs become, in general, retained. a a become (indeed only apparently) e in "*ettha= sponding to the Vedic ittha and in metta (matra); u appears as a in maulida, M. maulia (mukulita); u as i in opurisa', Mg. putisa (purusa); uas o in pokkhara (puskara), Mg. poskalini (puskarini) omotta (mukta). A part of or final vowels sometimes appears before in between the parts of a consonant group : 'sineha (sneha); radana, M. raana, Mg. ladana (ratna); pekkhia, Mg. peskia (preksya); kilammadi, M. kilammai (klamyati); "kilanta (klanta); Mg. kosina (kosna); ocoria (caurya); *amarisa, Mg. amalisa amarsa); tuvaradi, M. tuvarai, Mg. tuvaladi (tvarate); duvara, Mg. duvala (dvara); "due (dve). An initial vowel falls out particularly in enclitics : *pi (after 1. Doubling of the consonant, as is often found also elsewhere (cf. Pischel S 90) 2. According to Markandeya ix, 9, this form for S. is false and should run as purusa.

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130 anusvara], "vi [after vowels] for api; "danim (idanim). At the beginning of the sentence avi resp. stands idanim. aya becomes e in verb forms as in nedu3 (nayatu); M. kahei, Mg. kadhedi (kathayati); ava becomes o: odaradi [9] (avatarati); M. oara (avatara); Mg. odala (avatara), onomalia (navamalika); *bhodi M. hoi (bhavati). JAIN JOURNAL VOL-XXX No. 4, April 1996 - A long vowel in a closed syllable becomes shortened: kavva (kavya); "gimha (grisma); mamsa (mamsa); also in cases like "puttanam (putranam), malam (malam) sahim (sakhim). Just as e and o before double consonants - jevva, jovvana (eva, yauvana) * -as also before kkhu (=khalu) and tti(=iti); for ex, asamae kkhu (asamaye khalu), mahanto [Mg. mahante] kkhu (mahantah khalu), bamhanotti (brahmana iti). Besides, there is khu after anusvara and *kkhu after a short vowel: ma khu (ma khalu), kim khu, M. tam khu (tat khalu); na kkhu (na khalu). In M. after all vowels khu becomes hu: na hu, ma hu, ko hu; but Mg. se kkhu (sa khalu), aada khu (agata khalu). tti also stands after short and long vowels: esa tti (esa iti), duhida tti (duhita iti), Kandappakeli tti (Kandarpakeli iti); ti stands after anusvara : kim ti (kim iti). Like that in M. -- eva after short vowels and e, o (which then become shortened) becomes jjeva or jjevva, Mg. yyevva; other long vowels remain retained; jevva or jeva stands after ansusvara : for ex. ajjassa jjevva (aryasya eva); idha jjeva (iha eva), muhe jjeva (mukhe eva), ido jjevva (ito eva); tadha jeva (tatha eva), devi jeva (devi eva), tam jevva [jeva] (tam eva). Mg. mama yyevva (mama eva), damsaante yyevva (darsayanto [=darsayann] eva), disanti yevva (drsyamanaiva). -- 3. Sandhi Rules. In compositions similar vowels as in Sanskrit become contracted; so a a+a a become deg*a, i, i+i i become deg*i; u u+u u become u, whereby before consonant group or double consonants there must, happen shortening: jammantare (janmantare). -- a a + a dissimilar vowel gives rise, as in Sanskrit the guna of the second vowel: 'mahesi from maha + isi (=maharsi). One takes note of cases like M. gainda (gajendra), narinda; Mg. nalinda (narendra); 'mahinda (mahendra), niluppale (nilotpala) 'mahusava (mahotsava) ii u uremain unchanged before a dissimilar vowel as a Rule[10]: santiudaa (santyudaka), Uvvasiakkhara (Urvasyaksara), M. rattiandhaa (ratryandhaka). Udvrtta-vowels i.e. such as remain left after the fall of consonants, do not admit of any further change: jai (yadi), not je; ogaa (gaja), not ga! Inside of sentences the final and the initial vowels usually remain 3. But jaadu (jayatu): see SS 26, 1. paragraph.

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RICHARD SCHMIDT : A PRIMER OF SAURASENI 131 unchanged, only the negative na (na) is an exception:onatthi. Mg. nasti (nasti); naham (naham); nagada, M. nagaa (nagata); necchadi, M. necchai, Mg. nescadi (necchati). Mark mamovari (mamopari), M. sahasagaassa logatasya). Ending nand m become anusvara :'bhavam (bhavan), O`iam (iyam); mcan, however make a samdhi with the following vowel, when metri causa short syllable is requisite. Cf. S. 27, jettiam ihantaram tettiam imanam 4. Initial consonants remain (exceptions, naturally are nyt s ) unchanged; only in a compound they are mostly treated as medials with the exception of the initials of verbal roots after prefixes with final vowels which are often retained : ajjautto (aryaputrahy, but akannido (akasitah); M. bhamcraula (bhramarakula), airna (akirna). Note that adha im (atha kim), * cim una (kim punar) etc., further dava (tavat) and de (te) after vowels and anusvara : cittha dava; Mg. cistha dava (tistha tavat); cuvam dava (evam tavat); sutthu de (susthu te), saadam de (svagatam te); Mg. tado de (tatas te), cuvam de levam te). 5. Medial consonants. k, 9. c. j. d. y fall out intervocally : O*loa, anuraa, naraa, "gaa, omaana, ovioa (loka, anuraga, naraca, gaja, madana, viyoga); pl: kadaa (kataka); tod: gada (gata), in M. it falls out: raaa (rajata); pand b become v: pavena (papena), M. aava (atapa); okalevara (kalebara), "kavala (kabala), 'savara (sabara); Mg. sivila (sibira). kh, gh, dh, ph, bh become h: 'muha (mukha), 'meha (megha), 'mahu (madhu), 'muttahala (muktaphala), (1 1Joahinava (abhinava); th, th become resp. dh, dh : kadhina (kathina), Mammadha (Mammatha), but M. Vammaha (so also Mg. in the verses with initial changes). 6. Consonantal groups are separated by means of a participating vowels (see & 2) or it is assimilated (customarily) the first consonant with the second. Thereby there appears initially barring quite a handful of exceptions (for ex. mhi = asm), only a single consonant: pia (priya), and not ppia. Permitted groups are : 1) double consonants : oratta (rakta); 2) a consonant + its aspirate : 'kapphala (katphala); 3) nasal + the consonants of the corresponding class : 'accanta (atyanta); 4) the groups nh, mh, lh : "cinha (cihna), Obamhana (brahmana), 'palhatta (prahlasta). In Mg. is yet found (partly doubtful) the group yyh, sk (?), skh [?], sc, st [?], sth [?], sth [?], sk, skh, st, st, sp, sph,hk (consequently jihvamuliya+k): niyyhala (nirjhara), suska beside suska (suska), 4. becomes j : jadha, M. jaha (yatha); in Mg. it is retained : yadha. 5. Mg. keeps s, and changes s, s into s.

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132 JAIN JOURNAL : VOL XXX No. 4, April 1996 dhanuskhanda beside dhanuso (dhanus"), puscadi (prcchati), kasta (?) (kasta), kosthagala [?] (kosthagara), hasta (?) (hasta), isthia [?] (itthia = strika), maskali (maskarin), paskhaladi (praskhalati), kasta (kasta), hasti (hastin), saspa (saspa), nisphala (nisphala), pahka (paksa) cp. $81 ! kt becomes tt : ratta (rakta); kth becomes tth : rittha (riktha): kp>pp : vappadi, M. vappai (vakpati); gdh>ddh: "duddha (dugdha); gbh>bbh: opabbhara (pragbhara); tk>kk: chakka (satka); sc>cc : chaccarana (satcarana); tt>tt: chattala (sattala); tp>pp: 'chappaa (satpada); tph>pph: "kapphala (katphala); dg>gg: 'chaggunaa (sadgunaka); dj>i: sajja (sadja); (dd>dd: chaddisim (saodisam)]; dbh>bbh: chabbhua (sadbhuja); (du>uv : chavvisam (saqvimsati)]; tk>kk: M. ukkantha (utkantha); balakkara, Mg. balakkala (balatkara); tkhkkh: M. ukkhaas (utkhata); tp>pp: 'uppala (utpala); tph> pph : 'upphulla (utphulla); Mg. upphala (utphala); dg>gg : omoggara (mudgara); dgh>ggh: ugghada, M. ugghaa (udghata); db>bb: ubbandhia (udbandhya); M. [12]bubbua (budbuda); dbh>bbh: 'ubbhaca (udbhata); pott : 'sutta (supta); bj>i : "khujja? (kubja); bd>dd : 'sadda (sabda); bdh>ddh :'laddha (labdha). Double consonants mostly remain unchanged when it is the question of a final sound of the same class, for ex. datta in personal names. In Mg. tb>st: pasta (patta), bhastalika (bhattarika). Stenzler writes in his edition of Mscchakatika st: for ex. bhastaka (bhattaka). According to Pischel (8271) st is to be written. Nasal + consonant remains preserved : 'sanhala (srnkhala), Omanjari, kantha, "khanda, 'anta, jambu. But it is written dimmuha (dinmukha), 'pamti (pankti), 'Vimjha (Vindhya), osamjha (sandhya), because in these cases the original nasal comes out of its class.-nj in Mg. becomes nn: annali (anjali), Dhanannaa (Dhananjaya). s nassimilate themselves with the foregoing consonants : M. rugga (rugna); "aggi (agni), 'uvvigga (udvigna), 'savatti (sapatni). --jn>nn (Mg. nn: avanna (avajna), initially n:'panna (prajna), 'anavedi (ajnapayati), km>pp : Ruppini (Rukmina); gm>gg: jugga (yugma).-atman has N. sg. o'appa, otherwise the stem runs 'atta,-nmmm: Ojamma (janma); mnonn: Pajjunna (Pradyumna). 7. Groups with semivowels. a) ky>kk: Canakka (Canakya); khy>kkh: osokkha (saukhya); gy>gg: Ojogga (yogya); cy>cc:vuccadi (ucyate); M. muccai (mucyate);jy>ii:jujjadi, M. jujjai (yujyate); ty>tt:nattaa (natyaka), M. tuttai (trutyati); dy>ll : okudda (kudya); dhy>ddh : 'addha (adhya); ny>rn: 'purna (punya); ya. 6. With shortening of long a, when the accent rests on the first syllable. 7. Aspiration (for non-aspirate sounds in Sanskrit) is often found in Prakrit.

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RICHARD SCHMIDT: A PRIMER OF SAURASENI Mg. sahilanna (sahiranya) beside abamhanna (abrahmanya), punna (punya); ty>cc:accanta (atyanta); thy>cch: 'nevaccha (nepathya); dy>jj, in Mg. yy:vejja (vaidya), but Mg. ayya (adya); dhy>jjh, Mg. yyh: uvajjhaa (upadhyaya), Mg. mayyhanna (madhyahna); ny>nn : **anna (anya); py>[13] pp: kuppadi, M. kuppai (kupyati), bhy>bbh: M. abbhantara (abhyantara); 'abbhuvavanna (abhyupapanna); my>mm: kilammadi, M. kilammai (klamyati); yy>jj: osejja (sayya); ry>jj : 'ajja, but Mg. ayya (arya); ly>ll: "mulla (mulya); vy>vv: M. kavva (kavya); hodavva (bhavitavya). 133 b) rkkk: takkemi (tarkayami), M. akka (arka); kr>kk: degcakka (cakra); rkh>kkh: 'mukkha (murkha); rg>gg: niggama (nirgama); gr>gg: agga (agra), M. (g)gaha (graha); rgh>ggh: 'digghia (dirghika), M. nigghina (nirghma); ghr>ggh: vaggha (vyaghra), M. agghai (aghrati); rc>cc: kucca (kurca), M. acca (arca); rch>cch: muccha (murcha); chr>cch: samucchida (samucchrita); rj>jj; Mg. yy: dujjana (durjana), M. Ajjuna, but Mg. Ayyuna (Arjuna); jrjj: 'vajja (vajra); rjhjjh; Mg. yyh: nijjhara, Mg. niyyhala); rn>nn: 'kanna (karna), rt and tr3>tt: deg*kitti (kirti), 'kalatta (kalatra); rth>tth: 'attha (artha), but in Mg. st: tista (tirtha); rd and dr>dd: 'duddina (durdina), 'bhadda (bhadra); rdh and dhr>ddh : **addha (ardha), *giddha (grdhra); rp and pr>pp: degdappa (darpa), 'appia (apriya); rband br>bb: nibbandha (nirbandha), M. dobballa (daurbalya); abbamhanna (abrahmanya), Mg. (b)bamhana (brahmana); rbh and bhr>bbh: dubbhejja (durbhedya), M. gabbha (garbha); paribbhamadi, M. degmai (paribhramati); rm and mrmm: dummanussa (durmanusya), M. dhamma (dharma); 'Dhummakkha (Dhumraksa); rlll: 'dullaha (durlabha); ru and ur>vu: 'puvva (purva) 'parivvajaa (parivrajaka). c) lk and kbkk: 'vakkala (valkala), vikkava (viklaba); lg>gg: degphagguna (phalguna); lp and pl [14]pp: kappa (kalpa), vippava (viplava); lph>pph: guppha (gulpha); lb>bb: kibbisa (kilbisa); lbh>bbh: pagabbhadi (pragalbhate); Imand ml>mm: 'gumma (gulma), M. vammia (valmika); (m)meccha (mleccha); lu>ll: gallakka (galvarka), M. pallala (palvala). d) ku>kk: pakka or pikka (pakva); jv>jj: pajjaladi, M. deglai (prajvalati); nu>nn: Kanna (Kanva), M. kinna (kinva); tu>tt: 'satta (sattva), Mg. cattali (catvari); dv>dd:'(d)diuna (dviguna), or vv, particularly with ud: for ex. 'uvvigga (udvigna); dhv>ddh: uddhattha (uddhvasta), but sajjhasa (sadhvasa); nu>nn: annesana (anvesana), Mg. mannantala 8. tr in tth is apparent only in adverbs in tra and its compounds: annattha (anyatra), atthabhavam (atrabhavaan), M. kattha (kutra); jattha (yatra), O*tattha (tatra), tattha bhavam (tatrabhavan); M. savvattha (sarvatra). Cp. Pischel SS 293.- Sometimes it undergoes cerebralisation: for ex. bhatta (bharta, "lord", but 0*bhatta "husband"; "vattadi, M. vattai (vartate); Ovicchadda (viccharda), vaddhadi, M. vaddhai (vardhate).

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134 JAIN JOURNAL: VOL-XXX No. 4, April 1996 (manvantara). Take note evam nedam (evam nu etat), 'kim nedam (kim nv etat). 8. Groups with sibilants a) sc>cch, unchanged in Mg. "accharia, accharia, Mg. ascalia (ascarya); if an s stands at the end of the members of a compound then sc is changed cc: niccala [but Mg. niscala] (niscala); duccarida, M. duccaria (duscarita); tavaccarana (tapascarana).-sch>cch: M. nicchallia (nischallita); sn>nh:panha (prasna), M. anhai (asnati), sm>mh: Kamhira, M. Kamhara (Kasmira); in Mg. unchanged; rasmi becomes rassi; initially sm>m: masana, Mg. masana (smasana).-sy, sr, st, sv>ss, Mg. ss: avassam (avasyam); Mg. vinassadu (vinasyatu); missa, Mg. missa, M. misa (misra); (s)sahania (slaghaniya); Vissavasu, Mg. Vissavasu (Visvavasu).10 b) sk and skh>usually kkh : pokkhara (puskara), M. vikkhambha (viskambha), the aspiration can, however, also be left: Kikkindha (Kiskindha), degdukkara (duskara). In Mg. sk is changed to sk, skh to skh11: suska (suska), dhanuskhanda (dhamus),-ks>cch or kkh: 'acchi (aksi) but also akkhi; riccha beside orikkha (rksa); (k)khattia (ksatriya), sikkhida, M. sikkhia (siksita), dakkhina (daksina). [15] ksana "twinkling of eye" becomes 'khana, in the sense of a festival (c)chana. In Mg. ks sk: laskase (raksasah), daske (daksah). 12-kon and ksm>nh, mh resp.: tinha [beside deg*tikkha] (tiksna), degpamhala (paksmala). laksmi always becomes lacchi. st and sth>tth: 'ditthi (drsti), sutthu (susthu). Mg. changes st and sth into st13: kasta (kasta), sustu (susthu).-sn>nh, Mg. sn: unha (usna), Mg. Visnu' (Visnu); sp and sph>pph Mg. sp resp. sph150puppha (puspa), Mg. saspa (saspa); nipphala, Mg. nisphala (nisphala), baspa "tear" becomes obaha, in the sense of "smoke, vapour" bappha.-sm>mh: "gimha (grisma); sy and su>ss, Mg. ss: 'manussa, Mg. manussa (manusya); parissaadi (parisvajate). c) sk and skh>kkh: (k)khambha (skambha), 'parikkhalanta 9. In M. a single s possibly with the lengthening of the foregoing vowel : nasai (nasyati), vesa (vesya); S. has vesajana and vessao-vesyajana). 10. A single s with lengthening for ex. an nisasadi, M. nisasai, Mg. nisasadu (nihsvasiti, nihsvasitu). 11. According to Namisadhu (in Rudrata, Kavyalankara II, 12) sk, skh resp. so suske (suska), dhanuskhanda (dhanus). 12. Hemacandra and Namisadhu reduce this to preks and acaks (pekadi, acaskadi = preksate, acaste and instructs besides the passage of ks (intially) to hk lahkase, pahka (raksasah, paksa). 13. Namisadhu writes st and sth resp: kasta, kosthagarla (kasta, kosthagara). 14. Namisadhu teaches Visnu. 15. According to Namisadhu sp and sph.

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RICHARD SCHMIDT: A PRIMER OF SAURASENI 135 (pariskhalan); in Mg. it is retained16: maskali (maskarin), paskhaladi (praskhalati), and in compounds usually the aspiration remains : tirakkara (tiraskara), M. namakkara (namaskara).--st and sth>tth sometimes tth: 'atthi (asti), degavattha (avastha), however 'atthi (asthi); utthehi beside utthehi, utthedu (uttistha, uttisthatu), M. thia, thia, S. thida, thida; utthida, M. utthia, utthia (sthita, utthita); patthida, M. patthia (prasthita); degthana, M. has also thana (sthana), thidi, thidi, M. thii, thii (sthiti). In Mg. st is preserved" and sth>st: hasti (hastin), uvastida (upasthita).-ts>cch, Mg. sc: vacchala, Mg. vascala (vatsala); or it becomes [as also originally t+s]>ss, resp. s with lengthening of the foregoing vowel, so in compositions when t stands at the end of a syllable; ussavedi (ut-srapayati); usasida, M. usasia (ut-svasita); pajjussua (paryutsuka), samusua (samutsuka), usava (utsava), 'mahusava (mahotsava), vasantusava (vasantotsava); Mg. usasadu (utsvasatu). sn>[16] nh in case the group is not separated by a semivowel: nhada, M. nhaa (snata)18; sp and sph>pph, in Mg. they are preserved : Bihapphadi (Brhaspati), papphuradi, M. degrai (prasphurati), Mg. Buhaspadi, sphulanti (Brhaspati, spuranti)1o. Very frequent is 'phamsa (sparsa); loss of aspiration: 'paroppara (paraspara), M. avaroppara (aparaspara).- ps>cch: acchara (apsarah), jugucchedi, M. juucchai (jugups[yati; sm>mh: 'amhe (asme); the pronominal ending smin becomes 'ssim, Mg. ssim: edassim, M. eassim, Mg. edassim (estasmin).-sy, sr, sv>ss,-Mg. ss: orahassa (rahasya), Mg. tassa (tasya); 'sahassa, Mg. sahassa (sahasra); tavassi, Mg. tavassi (tapasvin), M. Sarassai (Sarasvati). 9. hk, hkh, hp, hph>kk, kkh, pp, pph: antakkarana (antahkarana), "dukkha, (duhkha), antappada (antahpata). hs, hs, hs>ss [Mg. s] or, with extension of the foregoing vowel, s [Mg. s]: cadussala (catuhsala), Dussanta, Mg. Dussanta (Duhsmanta), cadussamudda (catuhsamudra), Mg. nissalida (nihsrta); M. nisanka (nihsanka); nisaha beside 'nissaha (nihsaha). hn, hn, hm, hbnh, mh, lh: 'avaranha (aparahna), 'genhadi (grhnati); cinha (cihna); "bamhana (brahmana); 'palhatta (prahlasta). hy jjh, Mg. yh: sajjha, Mg. sayha (sahya); hv>bbh : gabbhara (gahvara); but jiha, Mg. yiha (jihva). 10. Transition of dentals to cerebrals: mattia (mrttika), deg*vuddha (vrddha), degtalaventa (talavrnta), 'ganthi (granthi), Mg. ganthiscedaa (granthicchedaka). Cp. also the remark in SS 7, b. 16. According to Namisadhu sk and skh. 17. According to Namisadhu st>st. 18. For Mg. there run manuscript forms nhaami (snami), nhade (snatah). 19. After Namisadhu sp and sph.

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136 JAIN JOURNAL : VOL-XXX No. 4, April 1996 For groups of more than two consonants the same rules are valid : 'maccha, Mg. masca (matsya), 'aggha (arghya). Only two consonants written, even when three are required there; for ex. satta not sattta (from sattva). --jyotsna> jonha. (17] ca "and" after anusvara only, besides shortened to a in all the dialects. punar "again" becomes "puno, in the sense of "but, however* "* una. y in Mg. before eva is indicated before a short or a shortend vowel doubled : mama yyeva, ido yyeva (mamaiva, ita eva). ris preserved in cases like duragada (duragata), onirantara (nt), degpunarutta (punarukta), against antakkarana (antahkarana), antaggada (antargata), punarnava (punarnava). It is to be noted "anteura, anteuria (antahpura, antahpurika). vis represented by vialiva), 'vuccadi (ucyate); however utta (ukta); MORPHOLOGY A. Noun 11. The consonantal declension is wholly upto the rest sporadically for ex. M. viaa (vipada), disi disi (disi disi), Mg. nisi (nisi) has been lost. The consonantal stems cast off the final consonants and now were handled vocalic ones or oftener the stem was extended through a (for masculines and neuters), through a or i (with feminines) resp. - The dual has been lost and was replaced (with noun and verb) by the plural). The dative were paraphrased with 'attham (artham) and *nimittam (nimittam); in M. it often happens with a stems : maranaa, hasaa, vanaa and so foth (maranaya, hasaya, vanaya). a) Masculine and neuters in a : putta (putra), phala : Sing. N. oputto, Mg. putte; A. "puttam; I. 'puttena [D.M., Mg. puttaa] Abl. *puttadozo; G. degputtassa?; L."putte?; [18] V. "putta23.- Plur. N. "putta; A. "putte24; I. "puttehim; G. "puttanam25; L. 'puttesume; V. - N27. 20. M. puttao; metri causa also the ending au: sisau (sirsat), and not rarely also forms in a : vasa (vasat), bala (balat), or also in hi : mulahi ( mulat), seldom with himto : hiaahimto (hrdayat). 21. Mg. puttassa; besides the ending ha "salilaha (sarirasya) 22. M. also with mmi : jovvanammi (yauvane); Mg. also in him: kulahim (kule), in verses also with mmi : kuvammi (kupe). 23. Also often with lengthened final sounds : 'putta; Mg. also uses the N. as V.: bhave, cede, lautte (bhava, ceta, rajaputra). 24. M. has also sometimes forms in a: guna, dosa (gunan, dasan). 25. M. much oftener without nasal. 26. In M. puttesu is prevalent; Mg. puttesum 27. For Mg. the ending ho is also permitted : puttaho.

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RICHARD SCHMIDT: A PRIMER OF SAURASENI The neuter is just so, only N.A. Sing. "phalam, Plur. deg*phalaim [Markandeya for S. also permits phalani as well], metrically M. has also phalai, phalai. 3 b) Feminine in a : mala (mala). Sing. N. deg*mala. A. deg*malam; I. **malae28, Abl. 'malado, malae29; G.L. deg*malae, V. male30. Plur. N. A.V. **malao31; I. deg*malahim32; [Abl. M. malahimto] G. "malanam33; L. deg*malasum). 12. Masculine and neuter in i and u: aggi (agni), dahi (dadhi) : Sing.N. **aggi34; A. "aggim; I. deg*aggina. [Abl. aggido]35; G. "aggino; L. "aggimmi; V. "*aggi.- plur N. degaggino, aggio36 A. deg*aggino; I. "aggihim3 [Abl. M. aggihimto] G. "agginam38; L. "* aggisu(m). Just so the neuter, but N. A. Sing. "dahim, Plur. dahiim. Example for Masculine in i : vau (vayu), Sing. N.deg* vau; A, "vaun; I. deg*vauna; [Abl. vaudo]; G. deg*vaun39; L. vaummi; V. deg*vau. Plu. N.deg"*vauno, vaao40; A. vauno; I. *vauhim; G. deg*vaunam2; L. deg*vausu(m). 137 [19] Just so the neuter, only N.A. Sing. "mahu[m] (madhu), Plur. 0* mahuim. 13. The feminine in i and u are as good as vanished and those with i and u have fallen together. These are declined like feminine stems in a.. Full-fledged paradigm here (as elsewhere) are not to be envisaged, consequently therefore the individual cases of various stems will be given gadi, vahu, (gati, vadhu): Sing. N. 'gadt, vahu; A. 'gadim, vahum; I. 'gadie: Abl. Sacido (Sacyah), Mg. naalido (nagaryah); G. 28. M. has metri causa oftener malai. 29. M. malao. 30. hala ("O lady friend" is often in conjuction with the V. of a proper noun: hala Sauntale, hala Anusue (sakhi Sakuntale, sakhi Anusuye). 31. Rarely is N.A. *mala, N. metri causa malau in M. 32. M. has also malahi. 33. M. malana. 34. According to Markandeya; in Hultzsch p.716. In M. vahiu (udadheh). 35. M. beside it also aggissa. 36. M. has also aggi. 37. M. also aggihi. 38. M. aggina also. 39. M. vaussa; Mg. metrically Vissavasussa (Visvavasoh). 40. M. vau also. 41. M. also vauhi. 42. Also M. vauna; Mg. metrically bahuna (bahvoh). 43. M. gai. 44. M. gaie. Note S ditthia (distya). M. metrically devia (devya).

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JAIN JOURNAL: VOL-XXX No. 4, April 1996 *gadie, vahue; L. rattimmi (ratrau)45; V. deg*sahi (sakhi).-Plur. N. A.V.: *gadio, deg*vahuo; I. deg* sahihim" (sakhibhis); G. "kamininam; L. devisum 0* 138 14. Stems in ra) Agentive noun: bhatta "husband", bhatta "lord" (bhartr), Sing. N. degbhatta, bhatta; A. degbhattaram18, bhattaram; I. bhattina; G. bhattuno, bhattino; L. bhattare; V. bhatta, bhatta.-Plur. N. bhattaro. b) Relation words pidu (pitr). Sing. N. 'pida49; A. pidaram50; I. 'piduna1; G. 'piduno52. Plur. A. pidaro. matr has in Sing N. 'mada, A. madaram54, G. madae, V. made55. Of the stems in e, o, au there comes here only nau to be considered with N. nava and A. navam (both are S forms). 15. The stems in at, mat, and vat cross over to the a-declension with the employment of the strong stems, ending also in anta, manta and vanta, excepting bhagavat and bhavat [20] "thou" in S. Mg. which go in the follwing way: Sing. N. 'bhaavam, bhavam; A. bhaavantam, bhavantam; I. bhaavada, bhavada; G. 'bhaavado, bhavado; V. bhaavam.--Plur. N.V. bhaavanto. The rest of the stems: Sing. N. Mascul mahanto karento56, cittavanto, (mahan, kurvan, cittavan); A mahantam, janantam57, I. calantena (calata), bhuttavantena (bhuktavata)58; G. cintaantassa (cintayatah), mahantassa (mahatah), Himavantassa (vatah)59; L. mahante; [V. calantal1.-Plur. N. sikkhanta (siksantah)62: [A. sikkhante 45. Besides the formo" is like the I.G.: M. paavie (padavyam), Mg. dhalanie (dharanyam), S. masanavidhie, (smasanavithyam). 46. M. metrically taruniu (tarunyah). 47. M. without nasal as well. 48. Mg. bhattalam 49. M. pia. 50. M. piaram, Mg. pidalam 51. M. piuna. 52. M. piuno. 53. M. maa. 54. M. maaram. 55. M. mae. 56. M. kunanto; Mg. puscamde, mahante, colaante (prcchan, mahan, corayan). 57. M. Mg. ebenso; note Mg. malantam-marayantam. 58. M. piantena (pibata); Mg. gascantena (gacchata). 59. M. janantassa (janatah); Mg. alihantassa (arhatah). 60. M. most of all forms with mmi: ruantammi (rudati); Hanumantammibeside Hanumante (Hanumati). 61. not recorded in S: M. sasanta (svasan), Mg. alihanta (arhan). 62. M. jananta (janantah), Mg. sasanta (svasantah).

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RICHARD SCHMIDT : A PRIMER OF SAURASENI 139 = siksata]63; I. 'gacchantehim (gacchadbhih)64; G. pekkhantanam (preksamananam); L. vattantesu (vartamanesu). The neuter has anomalous N. Sing. M. bhanantam, S. disantam (bhanat, drsyamanam); but Mg. dahante (dahat). A. as in the masculine : mahantam (mahat), M. santam (sat); likewise in rest of the cases (Plur. N.A. not recorded). 16. Stems in n:raa, Mg. laa (rajan). Sing. N. Praa66; A. Praanam67; 1. Orannale; G. Oranno, oraino69, V. raam?'.-Plur. N.A. 'raano. The remaining cases are not documented. At the end of a compound rajan is handled in the following manner : N. maharao, A. maharaam, I. maharaena, G. maharaassa (beside Kalingaranno), Mg. mahalaasca; V. maharaa; Plur. N. maharaa atman forms Sing. N. 'atta??; A. 'attanaam (=atmanakam)73; I. appana?4; G. 'attanos; IV.M. appa). [21] Words ending in varman have vamma or vammo: Vijaavamma, Vijaavammam (Vijayavarma, 'varman), Cittavammo (Citravarma), Miankavammo, 'vammassa (Mrgarkavarma, 'varmanah). The neuters ending in- an go usually as those in a: pemma, nama (preman, 'naman) : Sing. N.A. opemmam, namam; I. opemmena, onamena; (Abl. jammado=janmatah); G. opemmassa; L. opemme76. - Plur. I. damehim (damabhth); L. kammesu, Mg. kammecu. 17. Stems ending in in, min, vin : Sing. N. 'hatthi, Mg. hasti (hasti); tavassi, Mg. tavassi (tapasvi); A. kancuim(kancukinamy, but elsewhere piaarinam, uaarinam (priyakarinam, upakarinamy; I. samina (svamina); G. virohino (virodhinah)79; V. kancui (kancukin). Plur. N. pakkhino (paksinah), kancuino (kancukinaho; (I. Mg. vamdihim=vandibhih.-G.M. barahina=barhinam; Mg. saminam=svaminam L. samisu (svamisu)81. V-N: adhivasino, Mg. vamdino Pvasinah, vandinah). 63. M. unnamante (unnamatah). 64. Mg. pavisantehim (pravisadbhih). 65. M. also without nasal : cintantana (cintayatam); Mg. alihantanam (arhatam). 66. Mg. laa. 67. Mg. laanam. 68. Mg. lanna. 69. Mg. lanno and laino. 70. Mg. laam. 71. Mg. laano. 72. M. appa. 73. M. appanam 74. M. also appanena. 75. M. appanobeside attano; Mg. also attamaasca. M. yet also has the forms appano, attano (atma). G. appanaassa, L. appane; Plur. N. appa (atmanah). 76. M. also pemmammi Plur. N. pemmaim, G. pemmanam. 77. M. hatthim (hastinam). 78. Mg. samina. M. sasina (sasina). 79. M. sasino, Mg. samino. 80. M phanino, sankino etc. (phaninah, sankinah). 81. M. panaisu (pranayisu).

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140 JAIN JOURNAL: VOL-XXX No. 4, April 1996 18. Stems ending in as. N. Pururava (vas)82; A. Pururavasam; I. Pururavena; G. Pururavassa; L. Pururavast. The inflection is customarily after the a-declension; N.M. vimano (vimanah), neuter N.M. dummanam (durmanah); A. neuter uram, jasam, naham, siram (urah, yasah, nabhah, sirah4; I. M. vacchena (vaksasa); degsirena (sirasa); M. manena (manasa)85; G. tamassa, rajassa (tamasah, rajasah); L.M. ure beside urammi (urasi), nahe and nahammi (nabhasi), sire, mane (sirasi, manasi), sarammi (sarasi), S. sotte (srotasi). Plur. N.M. sara (saramsi); I.M. sarehi, sirehi and sirehim (sarobhih, sirobhih); G.M. sarana (sarasam)).-Feminine forms are: N.M. vimana vva(vimana eva), S. pajjussuamana (paryutsukamanah); AM vimanam; I. taggadamanae=tadgatamanaskaya; M. vimanai (metrically for vimanae); Plur. N.M. gaavaao-gatavayaskah; A. sumanao-sumanasah; vimanahim, [22] mangalamanahi; G.M. gaavaana, (gatavayaskanam).--apsaras runs : N. acchara, Plur. N. accharao, I. L.M. accharahim. 19. Stems ending in is, us. Apart from the rest like Auso (Ayusah) they figure vocalical: N. dihaus dirghayuh), neuter M. havim, dhanum (havih, dhanuh); A. dihaum (dirghayusam), dhanum (dhanuh); I. dihauna (dirghayusa)97. B. Comparison 20. The suffixes are the same as in Sanskrit: mahattara, Mg. mahattala, M. tikkhaara (tiksnatara); piadama, M. piaama (priyatama); kaniasi (kaniyasi), kanittha (kanistha); bhuo (bhuyas) beside bahudara (tara); jettha (jyestha). Sometimes the positive stays in the sense of the comparative: tatto vi... pia tti (tvatto 'pi... priya iti), "himself dearer than thou"; M. ovaanahi vi lahuam (avapatanad api laghukam) "quicker than the plunge". 82. Similarly in Mg. samassasidamana = samasvastamanah. 83. Mg. silasi (sirasi). 84. Mg. manam (manas). 85. Abl. M. sirahi (sirasah). 86. Besides (of the extended stems) dihauso, M. adiharauso (adirghayuh; dihara stands for *diraha-dirgha, Pischel SS 354). 87. L.M. dhanuhe (dhanusi). asis forms the stem asisa-whence I. asisae, Plur. asisahim and asisa : A. asisam, G. asisae, Plur. asisanam. The stem vac is extended to vaca and therefore runs: N.M. vaa; A. M. vaam. I. O*vaae, also M. vaat; G. Mg. vaae; L.M. vaai; Plur. N.M. vaa and vaao; L.M. vaasu.

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RICHARD SCHMIDT : A PRIMER OF SAURASENI 141 C. Pronoun 21. The pronoun of the first and second person. Singular N. 'ahamas A. "mamo 1. Omae Abl. matto, mamadooi G. Omama, Omaha, Omega L. mai93 o* tumam O* ", te, de o'tae, ''tues tatto96 otuha "[te], "de97 "tai, tul8 Plural [23] N.deg*amhe99 A. no 100 I. 'amhehim101 otumhel03 tumhe tumhehim104 Abl. G. 'amhanam102, no L. amhesu *tumhanam, 'vol05 22. Third person pronoun Singular Masculine Feminine N. oso106 0'sa neuter o`tam 88. Mg. hage, hagge; M. Mg. sometimes ham after vowels 89. M. also mamam, Mg. mama. 90. Mg. also seldom mai and me. 91. According to Markandeya ix, 96, by Hultzsch p.717. 92. M. rarely mama; otherwise yet maham, majjhalm). 93. M. mamammi. 94. M. also tam and rarely tum 95. M. tai, tui, tumae, tumae, tumai, tume also. 96. M. tumahi (mto), tumao; S. also tuvatto. 97. M. also tuham, tujjham), tumham, tumma, tu; Mg. tava instead of tuha; te in S. Mg. is apparently false for de. 98. M. also tuvi, tumammi, tume. 99. In Mg. it is better to write asme, beside hage and in S. vaam also. 100. M. ne, also amha; Mg. asme; $. amhe also. 101. M. also amhehi; Mg. asmehi 102. Mg. asmanam; M. also amhalm and 'mha. 103. Mg. better more rightly tusme or tuyhe. 104. M. tumhehi. 105. M. oftner tumha. 106. Mg.se.

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142 A. deg* tam I. deg* tena107 G. degtassa, se108 L. tassim109 Masculine N. degeso116 A. 'edam117 I. 'edena118 G. edassa119 L. edassim120 118 N. 'ede122 A. I. *edehim125 G. edanam126 L. edesu(m)128 Masculine N. deg*te (de)112 A. deg*te (de) I. deg*tehim113 ** tahim degtanam G. degtanam114 tanam L. degtesu115 tasu degtesu [24] The stem etad on the whole runs likewise : Singular Feminine JAIN JOURNAL: VOL-XXX No. 4, April 1996 0*tam *tae110 'taell [tie, tia] Plural Feminine 0* tao 0* tao esa121 'edam *edae 'edae *edae Plural edao123 107. Abl. degtado (adverbial is used) and O*ta. 108. Mg. tassa, taha and se. 109. M. tammi, Mg. tassim. 110. M. tie, tia. edaim124 'edehim edanam127 edanam 23. The relative is almost entirely treated like tad; for Mg. it is to be noted that y is kept maintained. N. ojo, ja, jam. A. jam129; I. jena130, 111. M. tissa, tie, tia. 112. *de after all other pronouns : *ede de. deg*tam deg*tena o'tassa tassim Neuter *edam *edam 113. M. tehi resp. tahi. 114. M. also tana. 115. S. also tesum. 116. Mg. ese. S. frequently, Mg. sel dom esa 117. M. eam. neuter taim taim ** tehim 118. M. eena; S. Mg. much oftener edina. 119. M. eassa, Mg. edassa and edaha. 120. M. eassim, eammi; Mg. edassim. 121. Mg. esa. 122. M. ee. 123. M. eao. 124. M. eai. 125. M. eehi(m). 126. eana. 127. M. eana(m). 128. M. eesu(m). 129. Mg. has yad iscase (yadicchase). 130. M. also jenam.

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RICHARD SCHMIDT: A PRIMER OF SAURASENI jae, jena; G. jassa131, jae132, jassa; L. degjassim. Plur. N. degje, jaim; G. janam133 The interrogative: Sing. N. 'ko, 'ka, okim; A. degkam, kim; I. degkena, kae, kena; G. 'kassa134, kae135, kassa; Abl. okisa136; L. kassim137, Plur. N. 'ke, kao138, kaim. The following forms belong to the stems ida and ima : Singular Singular iam140 imam imae143 'imado imae145 imassim(!) Masculine N. aam139 A. 'imam I. *imina142 Abl."imado G. imassa144 L. imassim146 [25] Masculine N. 0ime A. ime I. imehim148 Abl. G. imanam149 L. imesu(m)150 134. Mg. kaha. 135. M. kie. Plural Feminine imao147 degimanam 136. Mg. kisa. 137. M. kammi, Mg. kassim deg*kahim, where. 138. S. also ka. 0* kattha whereto, whither, Neuter degidam141 Sporadic forms are M. ena, assa (asya), assim (asmin); 'anena (anena); amum (A. neuter.), M. amuna, ami (Plur. N. Masc.); deg*enam (A. Masc. and Fem.) and "nam (A. Masc; Fem. and Neut.) The pronominal adjectives run like tad or etad. M. parahimto (parasmat); annassim (anyasmin), anne (anyan), savvanam (sarvanam) M. annanam (anyanam). imam *imina 131. Mg. yassa and gaha. 132. M. jia, jie, jissa. 133. M. has also I. jehi and L. jesum. 142. M. imena. H 143. M. imie, imia. 144. Mg. imassa. 145. M. imie, imia. 146. M. imammi, Mg. imassim. 147. M. also ima, imiu. 148. M. imehi. 149. M. imana. 139. In M. only once documented; 150. M. imesu. lacking in Mg. imassim Neuter imaim imehim imanam 140. Only in S. 141. Mg. only imam. 143

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144 JAIN JOURNAL : VOL-XXX No. 4, April 1996 D. The Numerals 24. Cardinals : 1. '*ekka (eka) : "ekko, degekka, degekkam, I. degekkena, G. Mg. ekkaha, L ekkassim (Mg. ekkassim, M. ekkammi); Plur. 'N. 'ekke.-deganea (areka), aneaso (anekasah). 2. N.A. Oduve151, I. duvehim, G. duvenam, L. duvesu. 3. N.A. Masc. and Fem. tao (trayah) Neutr. otinni (trini); [G. 'timnam;) L.M. tisulmy, metrically tisu. 4. N. cattaro, Fem. catasso! (should be cadasso); Neutr. 'cattari, Mg. cattali; G. I'cadunnam, M. caunham.-- In compounds : M. cauranana (caturanana), cauddisam (caturdisam); $. cadussalaa (catuhsalaka); M. caumuha (caturmukha), coddaha (caturdasa). (26) 5. panca, I.M. pancehim 6. cha. In compounds : 'chaggunala) (sadguna[ka]), M. chappaa (satpada), ochammasia (sanmasika), S. chaccarana (satcarana). 7. 'satta, Mg. satta. -- [8. attha; 9. nava;) 10. dasa, Mg. dasa, M. dasa or daha; I.M. dasahi, Mg. dasehim; G. Mg. dasanam; L.M. sasu - 11. M. earaha: 12. M. baraha: 13. M. teraha: 14. M. coddaha. cauddasa; 60. satthi; 100. sada, M. saa, Mg. sada; 1000. 'sahassa, Mg. sahassa; 100000. Mg. laskam (laksam). Ordinals : 1. opadhama; 2. 'dudia, M. duia; 3. tadia, M. taia; 4. 'caduttha, M. cauttha; 5. "pancama; 6. O'chatthal52; 7. osattama; 8. atthama; (9. navama;] 10. M. dasama. E. Verb 25. The verb has lost very many forms, the a-stems there preponderate; the middle is narrowed down to the 1. Sing Present, apart from the participle and from sporadic forms; the dual is totally disappeared. a) Example for the indicative of the 1st class Vvst: vatta - (varta) : Sing. 1. 'vattami153, 2. vastasi154, 3. 'vattadi155; Plur. 1. Ovattamo, 2. 'vattadhal56, 3. vattanti. Middle : 1. Sing. vatte (2. vattase157, 151. M. frequently N.A. do for all the three genders and also at the beginning of the compound : domuha (dvimukha), certainly for it oftener du: duuna (dviguna). There form the neuterodonmiwhich is also combined with Masc. and Fem; I. M. dohim), G.M. donhalmy, S. (Mg) dannam; L.M. dosulm). 152. Feminine 0.pancami, 0*chatthi; the rest in a. 153. M. has sometimes i instead of a: janimi (janami), bhanimo (bhanamah). 154. Mg. has naturally si instead of si: gascasi (gacchasi). 155. M. vattai 156. M. vattaha 157. M. lajjase, janase (janise).

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RICHARD SCHMIDT: A PRIMER OF SAURASENI 3. vattade158; 3. Plur. vattante]. For the first Sing. frequent examples are jane and 'na ane (jane resp. na jane) just as 'manne (manye); sporadically lahe (labhe), icchel59-vardhate naturally becomes vaddhadi (M. vaddhai), vardhamahe vaddhamo, preksadhve pekkhadha160, nayatha nedha. b) Optative: 1. bhaveam and bhave, pahave, laheam and lahe, jiveam (bhaveyam, prabhaveyam, labheyam, jiveyam)161; 2. M. hasejjahi, karejjasu and kunijjasu galijjasu (haseh, kuryah, [27] galeh)3. "bhave, purae, uddhare (bhavet, purayet, uddharet)162- 3. Plur. bhave (bhaveyuh). Notice M. hojja (bhayat). c) Imperative : 2. Person 'karesu (kuru), anesu (anaya), 'bhunjasu (bhungdhi), kadhesu (kathaya); Mg. lahkasu (raksa), agascesu (agaccha), desu (dehi), dhalesu (dharaya).- Middle forms like pekkhassa (preksasva) are to be considered as Sanskriticisms and to be emended. Present stems with a short final, as a rule are formed as in Sanskrit: "bhana (beside 'bhanahi), gaccha, Mg. gasca; pekkha, M. peccha, Mg. peska (preksasva); "hasa, Mg. hasa (hasa).-With long finals there comes in hi: 'karehi. Mg. kalehi (kuru); mantehi (mantraya), kadhehi (kathaya), sidhilehi (sithilaya), jalehi (jvalaya); Mg. malehi (maraya), ghosehi (ghosaya); "hohi (bhava) The 3. Sing ends in 'du, M. u: 'bhodu, M. hou (bhavatu); pasidadu (prasidatu), kadhedu (kathayatu); Mg. muncadu, nisidadu (muncatu, nisidatu); M. marau, deu, paattau (maratu, dayatu, pravartatu, i.e. mriyatam, dadatu, pravartatam). The 1. Plur. has mha ending: gacchamha, uvavisamha, uvasappamha pekkhamha, karemha, nivedemha, 'kilemha, homha (gacchama, upavisama, upasarpama, preksamahai, karavama, nivedayama, kridama, bhavama); M. abbhatthemha, (abhyarthayama); Mg. annesamha, pivamha, palaamha, kalemha (anvesayama, pibama, palayamahai, karavama). 145 2. Plur. parittaadha [Mg. pali], samassasadha, avanedha, hodha (paritrayadhvam, samasvasita, apanayata, bhavata); M. namaha, ranjeha, raeha (namatha, ranjayata, racayata); Mg. osaladha (apasarata), sunadha (smuta), maledha (marayata). 3. Plur pasidantu [Mg. pasi], pekkhantu, hontu (prasidantu, preksantam, bhavantu); M. nandantu, vilihantu (nandantu, vilikhantu). d) of the Imperfect only 'asi, asi (asit), however, used for all persons and (numbers) has been kept. 158. M. pecchae (preksate), palambae (pralambate). 159. Mg. gae (gayami). 160. Mg. peskadha. 161. M. kuppejja (kupyeyam). 162. M. jivejja! (jivet), dharejja (dhriyeta), viharejja (viharet); Mg. muse (muset), khayye (*khadyet = khadet).

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146 Remarks on the isolated classes 26. Verbs of the first class in i, u are as in [28] Sanskrit: jaadi, M. jaailjayati); jaadul63, (jayatu); those in i change aya into e by Samprasarana : parinedi, M. parinei (parinayati), and analoguously also the 1. Person: avanemi (apanayami), M. anemi (anayami); nemha (nayama), nedha (nayata). However, beside these we have nedu (nayatu) parinaadu (nayatu), M. naai (nayati), Mg. naante (nayan really nayanto). JAIN JOURNAL VOL-XXX No. 4, April 1996 bhu forms the Optative after Sanskrit *bhaveam, *bhave, pahave (bhaveyam, bhavet, prabhavet); besides bhavidavvam164, *bhavidum, 'bhavia (bhavitavyam, bhavitum, bhutva) and Mg. bhavami, M. hava (bhava), havanti (bhavanti). In combination with prefixes the stem is bhava (M. hava) predominating: anubhavanto (anubhavan), anubhavida (anubhuta) M. anuhavai (anubhavati). M. shows the stem huva in huvanti (bhavanti) and huvia (bhaveya), Mg. in huviadi (bhuyate). As a rule usually we say homi, hosi, "bhodi165, honti; Imper hohi, 'bhodu166, homha, hodha, hontu167; 'hodavva (bhavitavya), bhuda, M. hua (bhuta), Mg. pahuda (prabhuta). Roots ending in r,rform the stem of the present with ara; besides frequently in e: dharami (dhriye), pasaradi168, Mg. pasalasi (prasarati, prasarasi); anusaramha (anusarama), maradi169 (mriyate), Mg. malami170 (mriye); uvahara, uvaharantu, avaharadi, odaradi, odaramha, odaria11 (upahara, upaharantu, apaharati, avatarati, avatarama, avatirya); Mg. halami, haladi (harami, harati), odala (avatara); M. dharemi, dharai, dharei, dharenti, osarai, osaria172 (dhriye, dhriyate, dhriyante, apasarati, apasrtya)-smr builds 'sumarami, sumaresi173, sumaredi, sumarehi and sumaresu, sumaredha, sumarida [Mg. sumalida] (smarami, smarasi, smarati, smara, smarata, smrta). Roots in ai: gaami, gaadi, gaadha (gayami, gayati, gayatha); M. gaanti, uggaanti (gayanti, udgayanti); Mg. gae [29] gaidam (gaye, 163. jedu is wrongly attested, even if used often; likewise Mg. yedu. 164. In addition to it bhavidavvada (tavyata). 165. M. hoi. 166. M. hou. 167. M. havantu. 168. M. pasarai 169. M. marai. 170. Mg. however maledu, malenti (mriyatam, mriyante). 171. Mg. odalia. 172. Mg. osalia. 173. In a lesser way attested sumarasi. Mg. sumalami, sumalesi, sumaledi; Imper. sumala and sumalehi.

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RICHARD SCHMIDT: A PRIMER OF SAURASENI *gayitam-gitam).-parittaadi, parittaasu, parittaadu [Mg. palittaadul, parittaadha [Mg. pali] (paritrayate, 'trayasva, degtrayatam, 'trayadhvam).-nijjhaadi, M. nijjhaai (nirdhyayati); parimilaadi (parimlayati). kram contains a short vowel: nikkamami, nikkamadi [M. nikkamai and nikkhamai, Mg. niskamadi, nikkama [Mg. niskama], nikkamamha (niskramami, kramati, 'krama, "kramama). 147 ruh becomes a compound verb after the inflected 6th class: aruhadi [M. aruhai, aruha [Mg. aluha], aruhadu [Mg. aluhadu] (arohati, aroha, arohatu). stha as the stem for the pres ent has cittha [Mg. cistha] and forms from it: citthami, citthadi [M. citthai, Mg. cisthadi, cittha, (tisthami, tisthati, tistha); M. citthau (tisthatu). With the ud prefix we get the forms 'utthehi beside utthehi (uttistha), utthedu, Mg. utthedu (uttisthatu). muc has in S. Mg. a nasal, it can be lacking in M. muncadi, 'munca, muncadu, M. muai and muncai, mua, muasu (muncati, munca). By the side also the e- stem 'muncesi, muncedi, muncedha, muncehi (muncasi, muncati, muncatha, munca). The verbs of the tenth class, which mostly counter acts aya in e the causatives and the denominatives seldom has aa for that and indeed so usually before consonant groups: M. kahei, Mg. kadhedi (kathayati), S. kadhehi (kathaya), kadhedu (kathayatu); cintemi, cintemo (cintayami, mas), but cintaanto (cintayan); pavesehi [Mg. pavesehi] (pravesaya) beside pavesaami (pravesayami); ciraadi (cirayati), viraaami (viracayami). 27. Second Conjugation: a) The roots of the 2nd class infringes in the 1st. conjugation: M. ruami, ruasi, ruai, rua (rodimi, rodisi roditi, roda); S. rodasi, roadi, roanti, roda [Mg. loda], rodidum (rodisi, rodati, rudanti, roda, roditum); Mg. metrically luadi (roditi).-svas forms nisasadi [M. nisasail, visasami, samassasa, samassasadu (nihsvasiti, visvasimi, samasvasatu), Mg. sasadi, samassasadu etc. (svasiti, samasvasatu).-caks forms acakkha (acaksva), Mg. acaskadi (acaste); M. niacchai (**nicaksati=nicaste); han has padihanami (pratihanmi), vihananti (vighnati); M. hanai, nihananti (hanti, nighnanti), Mg. ahanedha (ahata).-as has 1. Omhi, Mg. smi [30] 2. degsi, Mg. si, 3. degatthi, Mg. asti; Plur. 1. omha [M. also mho], Mg. sma; 2. M. ttha, 3. M. santi, Mg. santi174 174. The 2. and 3. Plur. is rare, atthi is used for all persons of the Sing, and Plur.

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JAIN JOURNAL: VOL-XXX No. 4, April 1996 b) The third class forms are retained only sparingly. da builds *demi, desi, dedi [M. dei, "dehi [M. also desu, Mg. desu), dedu [M. deul, Mg. dedha [M. deha] (dadami, si, degti, dehi, dadatu, datta).Forms from dha: M. saddahimo (sraddadhmah); S. anusamdhemi, 'dhedha (anusamdadhami, degdhattha, M. samdhei (samdadhati), samdhenti (samdadhati).-bhi forms (from the stem bhai bhaami, (Mg. bhaasi), bhaadi (bibhemi, bibhesi, bibheti). 148 c) Forms from the fifth class like avacinomi, avacinumo ('cinomi, degcinumah) are unsure against avacinamha (degcinuma) and uccinedi (degnoti). M. has, for ex. samuccinai, vicinanti (cinoti, degcinvanti), but also uccei, uccenti, ucceu (uccinoti, 'cinvanti, 'cinotu); Mg. samcehi (samcinu).-Likewise from sru there are unsure sunu, Mg. sunu (srnu) and Mg. sunudha (smuta). We should read suna175, as in S. Mg. roots follow the 9. class: sunami176, sunadi177, sunamo, sunahi, sunadu178, sunamha, sunadha179, sunantu180 (smomi, ti, smumah, smu, smotu, smuma, smutha, srvantu). Beside it there occur forms from e-stems, as sunemi, sunedi, sunemha (srnomi, 'ti, srnuma). M. builds from the a-stems: sunai, sunimo, sunanti, sunasu, sunaha (smoti, smumah, srvanti, smu, smuta). prap goes with the 1st class: M. pavasi, pavai [S. pavedi]; degpavanti M. pava [S. pavehi], pavau (prapnosi, degti, prapnuvanti, prapnuhi, prapnotu).-sak has sakkanomi or sakkunomi (saknomi); Markendeya IX, 131 teaches sakkunadi and sakkadi. d) The seventh class has the nasal also in the weak forms M. chindai, bhanjai, bhindai (chinatti, bhanakti, bhinatti); bhunjasu (bhunksva); paunjadha (prayunktha), rundhedi (runatsi); "bhindia (bhittva), bhanjia (bhaktva). [31] (e) The root kr belonging to the eighth class forms "karemi181, 'karesi182, karedi183, karemo, karenti184, karehi185, okaresu186, karedu187, karemh188, karedha189 (karomi, si, degti, kurmah kurvanti, kuru, karotu, karavama, kuruta). 175. In Mg. according to Pischel SS 503 sunu is a Sanskritism for suna. 176. Mg. sunami. 177. Mg. sunadi. 178. Mg. sunadu. 179. Mg. sunadha and sunedha. 180. Mg. Sunantu. 181. Mg. kalemi. 182. Mg. kalesi, M. also kunasi. 183. Mg. kaledi, M karei and also kunai. 184. M also kunanti. 185. Mg. kalehi. 186. M also kuna, kunasu. 187. M kunau. 188. Mg. kalemha 189. kaledha.

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RICHARD SCHMIDT: A PRIMER OF SAURASENI f) Ninth class: jna loses the initial after prefixes and na(na) and forms janasi190, janadi191, janamo192, jana193 and janahi (janasi, oti, janimah, janihi); 'anadi, vianadi, anavedi, degdu, na anadha194 (ajanati, vijanati, ajnapayati, tu, na ajanitha). kri also has the present stem kina and forms nikkinasi, kinadha, M. vikkinai (niskrinasi, krinita, vikrinati).-grhforms genhasi, 'genhadi [M. genhail, genhanti, 'genha, 'genhadu [M. genhau], genhadha, genhantu (grhnasi, 'ti, grhnanti, grhana, grhnitu, grhnita, grhnantu).-bandh forms bandhami, bandhasi and bandhesi, bandhedi [M. bandhail, bandhanti [M. also bandhenti], M. bandhasu (bandhnami, si, avabadhnati, badhnanti, badhana)-bhan forms bhanasiand bhanesi [Mg. bhanesi, *bhanadi, *bhanadha, *bhana and *bhanahi, bhanehi; bhanadu (bhanasi, oti, 'tha, bhana, bhanatu). 149 g) Forms of the Imperfect (apart from degasi, asi = asit), the Aorist and the Perfect are lacking. Future 28. The endings are issam, issasi195, issadi196, issamo, issadha, issanti, i.e. with the exception of the 1. Sing. as in Sanskrit, the sya is added with the linking vowel i; Mg. has always ss in place of ss.bhavissam [Mg. bhavissam197], bhavissasi198, [Mg. bhavissasi]; bhavissadi,[Mg. bhavissadi199; gamissamo, bhanissadha, bhavissanti200 (bhavisyami, syasi, ti, gamisyamah, bhanisyatha, bhavisyanti). [32] Examples from isolated classes: 1st Class : visumarissam (vismarisyami); pariharissadi, Mg. palihalissadi (pariharisyati); marissasi, Mg. malihisi, M. anumarihii (marisyase, te); gaissam, Mg. gaissam (gasyami); gamissam, Mg. gamissam (isyami); M. samagamissai (isyati), pahinti (pasyanti); citthissam, Mg. cisthissam (sthasyami); utthissamo (utsthasyamah); pekkhissam, Mg. pekkhissam, M. pecchissam (draksyami i.e. preksisye); Mg. khaissam, metrically khahisi (khasyami, khasyasi). 6th Class: pucchissam Mg. puscissam (praksyami); 190. Mg. yanasi; M. janimi (janami), janasi, janase. 191. Mg. yanadi, M. janai. 192. M. janimo. 193. M. also janasu; Mg. yanahi. 194. M. na anasi, anai, animo anaha (na ajanasi, oti, ajanimah, degtha). 195. M. ihisi. 196. M. ihii. 197. Also huvissam. 198. Also huvissasi. 199. Also huvissadi, Mg. huvissadi. 200. Also huvissanti. M (from the stem ho) hossam, hohii, hohamo, hohissamo, hohittha, hohinti.

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150 JAIN JOURNAL : VOL-XXX No. 4, April 1996 muncissadi, M. mocchihii (moksyatii). - 4th Class : kuvissam, M. kuppissam (kopsyami);ovivajjissam(vipatsyami). 10th Class : cintaissadi (cintayisyati); Mg. ganazscam (ganayisyami); kadhissam beside kadhaissam (Mg. kadhaissam M. kahissam(kathayisyami).- 2nd Class : rodissam, M. roissam (rotsyami); suvissam, Mg. suvissam (svapsyami); daissam, Mg. daissam (dasyami, properly speaking dayisyami from the stem de).-5th Class : avacinissam(avacesyami, sunissam, Mg. sunissam (srosyami); pavissasi, M. pavihisi, Mg. pavihisi (prapsyasi). The 7th Class is without documentation; from the 8th Class very frequent "karissam, Mg. kalissam (karisyami); karissasi, M. karihisi (karisyasi); karissadi, Mg. kalissadi (karisyati); M. karissama201 (karisyamahy; karissanti (karisyanti). We have beside it karaissam, Mg. kalazssam; Mg. kalaissasi; karaissadi, Mg. kalaissadi, M. karehii; karaissanti.-M. yet also builds kaham, kahisi, kahii.-9th Class : janissam; M. janihisi; janissadi; janissamo, Mg. yaniscamo ljnasyami, jnasyasi, oti, syamah.)-Mg. kiniscam (kresyami); kisissadi (kresyati).-genhissam, genhissadi (grahisyami, "syati). Passive 29. To the root resp. in the stem of the present there comes ya (whereby y202) stuck out behind vowels, (33) assimilated with consonants behind, or ia. In M. ya becomes ija, ia is changed to ijja. - 1st Class : *niadi, M. nijjai (niyate) *bhaviadi, Mg. also huviadi (bhuyate); sumariadi, M. sumarijai (smaryate); icchiadi, Mg. isciadi (isyate); M. gammai (gamyate), but gamijjanti (gamyante); S. gacchiadi, but gamiadu (gamyate, otam); piviadi, M. pijjai (piyate); anucitthiadi, odu (anusthiyate, otam); disadi, Mg. disadi, M. disai (drsyate).-6th Class : pucchiadi, M. pucchijjai (prcchyate); munciadu (mucyatam), M. muccai (mucyate). 4th and 10th Classes, Causative : M. paoibujjhijjai (pratibudhyate); chedianti, M. cheijjanti (chedyante); pobodhiami (prabodhye); vinnaviadi (vijnapyate); M. kahijjai, Mg. kadhiadu (kathyate, "tam).--2nd Class : suviadi, M. suppau (supyate, otam); *vuccadi, M. vuccai (ucyate); *diadi, M. dijjai te). 5th Class : M. cinijjai (ciyate); viciadu (viciyatam); suniadi, Mg. suniadi, M. sunijjai (sruyate); sakkiadi, Mg. sakkiadi (sakyate).-7th Class: ochijjanti (chidyante); jujjadi, M. jujjai (yujyate) in the sense of "to be suited to itself"; on the other hand painjiadi, odu (prayujyate, otam).-8th Class : kariadi, odu, Mg. kuliadi, odu, M. kirai, kirau (kriyate, kriyatam).-9th Class : janiadi (najjai), odu (jnayate, otam); anuggahiadu (anugrhyatam); M. forms gheppai, gheppanti (gshyate, onte) from a stem *ghrp. To the passive there belongs still also another future with forms 201. Metrical for 'mo. 202. Pischel says on p. 369 below ya is cast out: then the form would not be diadi from da (out of di-ya-di) but must sound didi.

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RICHARD SCHMIDT : A PRIMER OF SAURASENI 151 like muccissadi, chijjissadi (*mucyisyate, *chieyisyate), M. bhajjihisi (*bhajyisyase). Causative 30. As in Sanskrit the root is upgraded, the aya suffix turns to e, paya becomes ve. karedi, M. karei (karayati); *anavedi (ajnapayati); vinnavissam (vijnapisyami).-ve = payais also used in roots with other as a,ii, consonants and diphthongs : jivavedu (*jivapayatu), Mg. palivattavehi (*parivartapaya); M. ramaventi (*ramapayanti); moavemi, "hi (mocapayami, *mocapaya); Mg. lihavemi (*likhapayami); M. maresi (marayasi), s. maredha (34) (marayatha), Mg. malemi, Chi, odu, odha (marayami, maraya, "tu "ta).-With drs M. forms davemi, davei, daventi (darsayami, oyati, 'yanti), S. damsemi, damsaissam (darsayami, darsayisyami), Mg. damsaante (*darsayanto = darsayan. Desiderative 31. The formation is like that in Sanskrit:jugucchedi (M. juucchai], jugucchanti (jugupsati, Onti); adijuucchida, Mg.adiyuuscida (atijugupsita); cikicchidavva (cikitsitavya); sussusaissam (susrusayisyami); Mg. sussasida (susrusita). Denominative 32. One way of the formation is directly from the stem : M. dukkhami (duhkhami), dhavalai (dhavalati), kahami, kahasi, kahai (kathami, si, oti). --The usual formation is that in a (=aya) : M. umhai (usmayati); S. kuravaaadi (kurabakayate); Mg. cilaadi (cirayati); suhaadi, M. suhaai (sukhayati). There are onomatopoeic forms frequently like ghumaghumaadi, tharatharedi; finally following the way of causatively formed : saddavemi (sabdapayami), suhavedi (sukhapayami); Mg. suskavaiscam (suskapayisyami); M. mailei (*mailayati), biunei (dvigunayati). Verbal Noun 33(a) Participles. The active present participle is built from the present stems ending in anto (Mg. ante), Feminine anti: jananto; Mg. puscante; M. calanto (janan, prcchan, calan); pekkhanti, M. apavanti (*preksanti, aprapnuvanti). - The present middle and passive participles has the termination mana, mana : nivattamana, anuniamana (nivartamana, anuniyamana). - Preterite passive participle has, as in Sanskrit the ta suffix and the na suffix (those in *da resp. become otna, whilst M. naturally for (35) ta has a only) : *gahida, M. gahia (gshita); sumarida, Mg. sumalida (smsta); pucchida, M. pucchia (prsta); **dinna (datta), o*mukka (mukta from mukna).

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JAIN JOURNAL VOL-XXX No. 4, April 1996 b) Gerund: *hodavva, S. also bhavidavva, Mg. also huvidavva (bhavitavya); sodavva [also sunidavva], M. soavva (srotavya); *kadavva, M. kaavva (kartavya).- The aniya suffix becomes *ania, M. anijja: for ex. karania, M. karanijja (karaniya); Mg. palihalania (pariharaniya).-- kajja, Mg. kayya (karya);deggejjha, Mg. duggheyha (=*grhya, *durgrhya). c) Infinitive: The S. Mg. suffix dum, M. um often occurs with the pure stem or the stem of the present with the linking vowel i for example, gacchidum beside gamidum and o*gantum; pucchidum, Mg. puscidum, M. pucchium (prastum); karedum (karayitum); M. nivvaheum (nirvahayitum); Mg. sodhavedum (sodhapayitum); more rarely being contraried: tadaidum (tadayitum); Mg. malaidum (marayitum); dharidum, M. dharium (dharayitum); maridum, Mg. malidum (marayitum). From the second conjugation: sunidum, M. soum (srotum); bhunjidum, M. bhottum (bhoktum); genhidum, M. gahium (grahitum); *kadum, karidum, M. kaum (kartum). Formations throughout corresponding to Sanskrit like jividukama (jivitudeg), M. tadiumana (tadayitumanah). 152 d) Absolutive. Apart from *kadua and *gadua (krtva, gatva), there is in S. Mg. ya (resp. a) which is the only governing suffix, while that for M. una is found. A distinction between the simple and the compound verbs is not made.-naia (*nayiya nitva), but ania, avania (aniya, apaniya), *bhavia (bhutva); odaria, Mg. odalia (avatirya); pariharia, Mg. palihalia (parihrtya); pekkhia, Mg. peskia (preksya); pavisia, Mg. pavisia (pravisya); genhia (grhitva).-Examples for M. : jeuna (jitva), houna (bhutva), hasiuna (hasitva), vihasiuna (vihasya), gahiuna, ghettuna, the latter metrically also in Mg. (grhitva). = N.B. The grammatical discussions are made till the end of page 35. From the pages 36 to 43 the specimens from some texts are given. For the Specimens of Sauraseni and Maharastri (pp. 36-38) the passages are taken from the Karpuramanjari edited by Sten konow 1.4.15-12.3. And the Specimen for Magadhi (pp. 38-43) is given from the Sakuntala edited by Richard Pischel, S 113-116. All the Prakrit texts are accompanied with Sanskrit rendering. [Editor]

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