Jain Journal 1996 01

Author(s): Jain Bhawan Publication
Publisher: Jain Bhawan Publication
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/520121/1

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ISSN 0021-4043 A QUARTERLY ON JAINOLOGY VOL. XXX No. 3. JANUARY 1996 Jain JOUrnal ||jain bhvn|| JAIN BHAWAN PUBLICATION

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Contents Punyakusala's Indebtedness to Magha Dr Satya Vrat Danacintamani Attimabbe Dr Kamala Hampana Vijayadeva Suri of Tapagaccha Ramvallabh Somani Book Review : King Sudraka and His Drama by Biswanath Banerjee Satya Ranjan Banerjee Syntactic Studies of Indo-Aryan Languages by Sukumar Sen Satya Ranjan Banerjee

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BOOK REVIEW Biswanath Banerjee-King Sudraka and His Drama, Orientalia, Collana di Studi Orientali del CESMEO diretta da Irma Piovano, V, Torino, Italy, 1994, pp. 215, price. PS. 35.000 or $ 25. The world of Prakrit and Sanskrit is enriched by the publication of Biswanath Banerjee's King Sudraka and His Drama, because the drama Mrcchakatika of Sudraka belongs to both the languages. Very few scholars (can be counted on fingers) have seriously attempted to study exhaustively the different aspects of the Mrcchakatika, and its author Sudraka. From the time of its first appearance in 1829 (Mrcchakatika, with a commentary explanatory of the Prakrit passages, Calcutta, 1829, pp. 2+343) till today, though edited texts and translations in English, French, German, Dutch, Swedish, Danish, Italian, Russian and in many other languages of Europe have been done, the studies of the drama are very few. Historically, though we may trace the studies of the Mrcchakatika as early as 1826 by H.H. Wilson and followed by H.C. Kellner (1872), by Mahesh Nyayaratna (1877), E. Windisch (1885), Sylvain Levy (1890), A. Boltz (1894) and others, their studies are only on some aspects of the drama, and not on a systematic pattern. It was Nishi Kanta Chattopadhyaya who made a study of the drama as early as 1902 (mentioned by Banerjee) by pointing out the many-sidedness of Sudraka. The book was long out of print and now it is edited, revised, and augmented with an Introduction, Bibliography and extracts by Satya Ranjan Banerjee. Even then a thorough study of the Mrcchakatika was a desideratum,and Professor Banerjee has fulfilled that long-felt want. In the Corpus of India Studies, Calcutta, 1980, pp. 281-296, Biswanath Banerjee also wrote an article on King Sudraka and the role of Sakara in the Mrcchakatika. It is, therefore, quite in the fitness of things that Professor Banerjee with his long standing research experience has undertaken such a project for the benefit of the scholarly world. It goes without saying that Professor Banerjee has shown his critical faculty in describing the different aspects of Sudraka and his drama. The book has seven chapters and three appendices along with Prefatory Note, Introduction and select Bibliography. In the Prefatory Note the writer has stated that it is "a brilliant composition in the

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BOOK REVIEW 93 history of World Classicial Literature remarkable for its exceptional dramatic qualities and unique in its content, character and treatment" (p. 9). The author has also said that he will make an effort to appreciate Sudraka's dramatic skill and will try to assess his merits through a critical and analytical study of the immortal classic, and the book is a reflection of his promises. In the Introduction the author has delineated the general aspects of the drama, the pattern of plot and sub-plot, the unique nature of the composition of the drama, and above all, a sort of appreciation that makes the drama quite readable. On the whole, though this Introduction is brief, it makes the beginning of the treatise remarkable. His chapter I on Authorship and Date is quite straightforward. Two points are discussed side by side. His conclusion is that "the dramatist flourished between the first and the second centuries of the Christian era and we do not find any reason why the drama should not be ascribed to a person named Sudraka and who was a king as well" (p. 36). Though the discussion of Professor Banerjee seems to be quite lively and not controversial, and there is no reason why we should not adhere to his conclusion, there are still some other considerations which need clarification before any new theory is propagated. The date of Sudraka varies from 2nd century B.C. to 7th cent. A.D., of which two dates are considered acceptable--2nd cent. B.C. or 2nd cent. A.D.-of which again most of the scholars cling to the second one. Unless any new material is discovered, these two dates will remain tentative. This much can be said that the word nanaka (I. 23) meaning 'coin' is not the surest indication to fix his date after the first century A.D. as this coin "is supposed to have come into vogue in India by the time of Kaniska". It appears to me that the word nanaka in verse I. 23 may not mean "coin", but it could be jnanaka (knowledge') as the literary appreciation demands it from the context. Professor Banerjee has also suggested this meaning at p.81. (For a fuller discussion see my forthcoming publication, Samsksta Sahitya Samalocana Samgraha, pp 225ff.). There was a time when the word nanaka had led the scholars to believe that the word nanaka in the Mscchakatika referred to a Buddhist coin. But the time has come now to change that earlier view. However does not detract in any way from the merit of the discussion on the date of Sudraka, particularly when his life is terribly shrouded in darkness. But yet I shall say that Professor Banerjee's treatment of the subject is remarkable and praiseworthy. This dull and insipid problem has become lively by his lucid and florid style of presentation.

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94 JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXX, No. 3. January 1996 His chapter II deals with the sources of the drama. The author has merely said that the story element of the drama has resemblances with some stories in the Kathasaritsagara, Dasakumaracarita, in the Nayadhamma-kahao, and in the Buddhist Jatakas. The writer has also shown which stories have the semblances with what texts. Professor Banerjee admits that it is difficult to solve the problem for want of adequate data. But this much can be said that most of the authors might have taken the story-elements from floating stories like Udayanakatha, Carudattakatha,, Naravahanadattakatha etc. as we have the Arthurian legends in the middle Europe (550-1500 A.D.), from which most of the European writers have drawn their storyelements. The similarity of Carudatta story in Bhasa and Sudraka is a problem which is difficult to solve at this stage, and that is why the writer has not touched upon this problem. But yet I admire Professor Banerjee for his impartial, balanced opinion about the problem. Personally, I enjoyed very much reading this chapter. In all probability his chapter III on Critical Appreciation is the highest and the best in delineating the merit of Sudraka's composition. In a nutshell, the writer has rightly pointed out that "our dramatist has an excellent command over sense and sound. In his intelligent selection of words and phrases he has exhibited his skill in making the dialogues lively, refreshing and attractive" (p. 43). This chapter of the author manifests his appreciation about Sudraka, and the author has also shown his alacrity in depicting them. Professor Banerjee's penmanship is excellent in this respect. Though lots of controversies may gather round this chapter, it is pretty certain that the writer's views are clear and in true perspective. In chapter IV, Professor Banerjee has analysed the plot of the drama. It offers act-wise summary along with some comments here and there. The presentation of the story elements is quite readable. Professor Banerjee has shown his mastery over depicting the characters of the drama (chapter V). The major characters are Carudatta, Vasantasena, Maitreya and Sakara. Except Sakara, in all other characters the writer is straightforward, but very cautious in presenting them. The writer is a bit lavish on Carudatta and Vasantasena. But in the case of Sakara, his outlook is quite different. I believe this chapter is unique and proves the power of observation of the writer. Humour (ch. VI) is one of the features of Sanskrit dramas and the Mrcchakatika is full of it. Long ago, D.K. Kanjilal wrote a treatise on

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BOOK REVIEW Humour in Sanskrit Literature (Samskrta Sahitye Hasyarasa) where he had shown how the Sanskrit Kavya-writers were conscious about it. But the present author has surpassed all his predecessors, particularly in the case of the Mrcchakatika. The writer has given several examples with English translation. We only wish he had given more than what were presented in the chapter. I hope the readers will enjoy this chapter. 95 The contemporary society (ch. VII) as depicted by Professor Banerjee in the seventh chapter of his book is mainly based on the Mrcchakatika, even though the author has said that "the Mrcchakatika and the Dasakumaracarita are the two major works in Sanskrit literature which provide us with the most detailed information about their respective times" (p. 114). The subject is so vast and the materials are so abundant that it is impossible to give a complete picture of the society of the Mrcchakatika in thirteen pages, but yet the author has described them in a compact way. By reading this chapter we are quite at home with the society of Sudraka. All his references point to the time of Sudraka alone. Though R.G. Basak, as early as 1929 wrote an article (Indian Society as pictured in the Mrcchakatika, IHQ, Vol-V, 1929, pp. 299-325) on the society of the Mrcchakatika, Banerjee's scope has gone beyond the periphery of that article. Incidentally, he has compared with other literary documents to show how those features of the society have perpetuated down to the later stages. Professor Banerjee is right when he concludes: "The society of Sudraka seems to have been a rich, opulent and lively one with all virtues and vices, qualities and defects, strength and weaknesses that can be conceived of any society of any time in any country" (p. 125). One of the good things of the book is the selection of some verses and good sayings in the appendices A and B. Although the text is not edited, some 105 beautiful verses and 52 proverbial sayings have been selected in original with English translation and notes. These verses will enable the readers to appreciate the best part of the drama, and to know the power of observation of Sudraka as a dramatist, and these will serve the purpose of almost reading the text. The English translation is very apt and will help the reader to understand the text. These selections will also prove what Professor Banerjee has said in his earlier chapters about Sudraka. In appendix C (Selected important words in the Mrcchakatika), some interesting words from the Mrcchakatika are picked up and have been explained. This theme is a new one, and I personally feel

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96 that this is one of the unique features of the book. Most of the words are interesting and will help the lexicographers to take note of them for their Dictionaries. One such interesting word is Pkt. nanaka (I. 23). At page 204, he gives the meaning "a kind of coin" which is the common meaning of the word; but at p. 81, he incidentally mentions that Pkt. nana could be Skt. jnana which meaning he could also give in the appendix. JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXX, No. 3. January 1996 Himanahe could be hi + manaha where hi stands for dhik and manaha (-Skt. manadha, manam dhatte iti) 'one who cherishes honour in him', therefore, 'man'. himanahe, therefore, means 'Oh, man', i.e. 'Oh what a man, I am'. Secondarily, it means 'Oh, alas', So grammarians say himanahe vismaya-nirvede (Hemacandra IV. 282) "which means 'in Sauraseni the word himanahe is used in the sense of surprise (vismaya) and grief (nirveda)". Another interesting word given by him is godda as in aham de munde goddam daissam (V. 11.43) 'I shall set my foot on your head', and kim niadena vaddha se godda (VII. 4.13). 'Are her feet bound up by chains?' The etymology of the word is uncertain. It is regarded as a Desi-word; but neither goda nor is godda recorded by Hemacandra (1088-1172 A.D.) in his Desinamamala, even though it was used in the Mrcchakatika. The word may be reconstructed from a Desi-word goda with the suffix-rak making it *godra, a hyper-Sanskritization, meaning being, 'the root of a tree', and therefore, 'a foot', i.e.. *godra > Pkt. godda > Hindi goda, Bengali godali with-ali suffix. The parallel can be drawn from anghrior amhri. Just as from angh/amh 'to set out', 'to go', 'to commence', we have anghri and amhri (with -ri suffix) meaning 'a foot', or 'the root of a tree', lit. 'by which we move or go', i.e. 'a foot', so also we form the word godda from *godra (with -rak suffix). Another tricky word is gamelua 'rustics'. It could be grama with elu + (k)a gama + elu + a = gamelua (cf. Pischel SS 595). The suffix - elu is used instead of -illa in Prakrit in the sense of 'having that', e.g., gamilla (alvi-llo-lla-la-vanta-mante-tttera-mana matoh, HC. II. 159), and the Sanskrit equivalent of gamilla is given as gramina or gramya. Some may like to give the etymology from Sanskrit gramelukah, meaning thereby 'one who finds (luk) his livelihood from roaming village to village', and therefore 'an aimless man', 'a rustic fellow'. They consider luka from the root luk 'to see', 'to find' (cf. avalokana). Hemacandra has not recorded this as a Desi-word, but has recorded another word gamarodo (Desinama II.90) [which Trivikrama says as gamaredo], as a Desi-word. The meaning of this word is applied to gamelua also. The meaning of gamarodo as given by Hemacandra is =

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BOOK REVIEW 97 as follows : chalena gramabhokta antarbhedam krtva yo mayaya gramam bhunakti--one who creates disunion among the inhabitants of village and earns his livelihood thereby'. However, it is true that the etymology of the word is not clear. The meaning of vuddhakola or vuddhakhoda is given as 'an old jackal'. This does not seem to be the correct meaning. khoda is a Desi-word (HC. II. 80) meaning 'lame' (khanja) cf. Bengali khoaa, 'a lame man'. So veddhakhoda may mean 'an old lame man', instead of vsddha-srgala as given by the commentator. In a similar way, kola may stand for khola which is a Des7-word meaning 'a small donkey (laghu-gardhabha-HC). So vuddhakola may be 'an old donkey (usddha-gardhabha) instead of a jackal (srgala). The Prakrit kuluttha-jusa may be Skt kulattha-yusa instead of kulittha-yusa, because in Panini's sutra (kulattha-kopadhad an, IV. 4.4) the word kulattha 'a kind of pulse' is recorded. The word is used in the Ayurveda also as a kind of herb from which medicine is prepared. Whatever etymology is offered, hulubhulim is a sort of onomatopoetic word which is connected with Skt. hulihuli meaning, 'nuptial music', then 'roaring'. 'howling", or hulahuli 'inarticulate sounds made by women on joyful occasions', then huluhula, 'an exclamation of joy'. So the sentence - ovalida-salile gadia siale bhavia hulubhulim kaledi (VIII. 30.13) means 'going perhaps with his body concealed and acting like a jackal might make a roaring or howling sound'. hulubhulim does not mean kapata 'false' or 'cheat', because the sentence begins with kavada-kavatike ese bamhane .... 'this sly deceitful Brahmin'. There is no need of saying that this list of words is not complete, far from it; but it would have been better, if the author had included some more words on the list. For example, goha in laddhe gohe (II. 6.8). Here goha is translated in Sanskrit as manusya, 'a man'. But etymologically goha could be a gunated form of the root guh, 'to conceal meaning thereby 'an absconder' 'palataka'. So laddhe gohe means 'an absconder is got' (i.e. found). Some might also say that goha might come from *goghna which becomes *goggha in Pkt. and then *gogha which becomes goha meaning 'killer of cows', an abusive term used to a low type of people. The first meaning is more appropriate than the second as far as the context is concerned. The world of Prakrit would have been much benefited, had

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98 JAIN JOURNAL : Vol-XXX, No. 3. January 1996 Professor Banerjee devoted a chapter to the language of the drama. The Mrcchakatika is a farrago of Prakrit dialects and as such it is interesting. However, this has not diminished the merit of the work In fine, we can say that both the author and the publisher are to be congratulated for undertaking such a publication for the benefit of the academic world. The book is well-bound and printed, and the quality of paper is exceedingly nice. I believe every lover of Sanskrit and Prakirt will welcome this book, and their library will be adorned by the inclusion of this publication. Satya Ranjan Banerjee Sukumar Sen-Syntactic Studies of Indo-Aryan Languages, Institute for the study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, Tokyo, 1995, pp. 402. The Prakrit language has been crowned by the reprint of the Historical Syntax of Middle Indo-Aryan by Sukumar Sen together with his other two books on Syntax, namely, The Use of the Cases in Vedic Prose and Syntactic Studies of Buddhist Sanskrit. These three books of Sukumar Sen have been reprinted by the Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, Tokyo, 1995, under the title, Syntactic Studies of IndoAryan Languages. All these three books became out of print for a long time. In the language of T. Nara who in his Foreword says that in order to fulfil his guru's (i.e. Sukumer Sen's) last wish he wants to see "a buried treasure book taken out and opened once again under the sun-light to gratify all those scholars and specialists who had been long devoid of opportunity to get access to the precious academic information contained therein". It is indeed true to say that the Tokyo Institution has rendered yeoman service to the scholarly world by reprinting these books. There is no denying the fact that the Syntactic Studies will promote the historical and comparative studies of Indo-Aryan languages on syntax matters. His studies on syntax, particularly on the Middle Indo-Aryan, is a pioneering work and will act as a torch-bearer for the future generations. That is why, even after the lapse of so many years, we still feel the necessity of consulting his syntaxes. It would have been better, if his another article entitled, Notes on the use of the Cases in the Kathaka-Samhita, published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, New series, Vol-XXI, 1925, pp. 1-28, were published in the same volume. Though short, the inclusion of this article would have certainly enhanced the quality of this book.

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BOOK REVIEW The study of Indo-Aryan syntax started, in a sense, from the first quarter of the nineteenth century. E. Burnouf's Sur un usage remarquable de l' infinitif sanscrit (Journal Asiatique 1824, pp. 120ff) is more or less the first attempt to understand the use of Infinitive in Sanskrit. But the major contributions to syntax are made by Berthold Delbruck in several of his books and papers beginning from 1864 down to 1900, the remarkable among them being Der Gebrauch des Conjunctivs und Optativs in Sanskrit und Griechischen, Halle, 1871; Altindische Tempuslehre, Halle, 1877; Die Altindische Wortfolge aus dem Catapatha-brahmana, Halle, 1878; Altindische Syntax, Halle, 1888, and Grundriss der Vergleichenden Grammatik der Indogermanischen Sprachen in three volumes, Strassburg, 1893-1900. The last one is a comparative IE syntax with other IE languages. Almost forgotten is the work of A. Hoefer's Vom Infinitiv besonders im Sanskrit, Berlin, 1840. Later on, Alfred Ludwig's Der Infinitiv im Veda mit Systematik des Litauischen und Slavischen Verbs, Prague, 1871, is a comparison of Vedic Infinitive with Lithuanian and Slavic. So also the works of Eugenius Wilhelm's De infinitivi linguarum Sanskritae(1873) and E. Herzog's Die Syntax des Infinitivs (Jahrbucher fur Klassische Philologie, 1873, pp. 1-33), and Julius Jolly's Geschichte des Infinitivs im Indogermanischen, Munchen, 1873, are the contributions to the Infinitives. J.S. Speijer's two books on Syntax (Sanskrit Syntax, Leiden, 1886, and Vedische und Sanskrit Syntax, Strassburg, 1889,) though small in size, yet famous for Sanskrit syntax. Delbruck's books on syntax have already been mentioned. Apart from W.D. Whitney's Sanskrit Grammar (1879, 3rd edn. 1896) where he has discussed the Sanskrit Syntax inter alia in treating morphology, his article "On the Narrative use of Imperfect and Perfect in the Brahmanas" (Transactions of the American Philological Association, 1892, pp. 5-34) is worth mentioning in this context. 99 But the first half of the twentieth century was flooded with cartloads of Literature on Sanskrit syntax. A volume will be required to register them. In the year of Dr Sen's first instalment of the use of the cases in Vedic Prose appeared Hanns Oertel's The Syntax of Cases in the Narrative and Descriptive Prose of the Brahmanas, Heidelberg, 1926, and Jacob Wackernagel's Vorlesungen uber Syntax, Basel, 1926. After that we have hosts of scholars who worked on Sanskrit syntax. But none have practically surpassed Dr Sen's contribution to the subject. All his three treatises are inundated with copious examples not only from Sanskrit, but also occasionally from Avestan and Greek. Incidentally it can be mentioned in this connection that L.H. Gray's two articles on Avestan syntax (Contribution to Avestan

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100 JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXX, No. 3. January 1996 Syntax: the Conditional Sentences, Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, Vol-12, No. 13, 1900, pp. 549-588 and the Preterite Tenses of the Indicative, JAOS, Vol-21, 1900, pp. 112-145, are the earlist studies of the subject. But the study of syntax on Middle Indo-Aryan is almost a barren subject. Dr Sen contributed to it for the first time. Historically, though some scholars have done some works on MIA syntax, but they are not worth mentioning in comparison with Dr Sen. Siegfried Goldschmidt has written one article on Prakrit Infinitive (Der Infinitiv des Passivs in Prakrt, ZDMG, 28, 1874, Leipzig, pp. 491-493). Otto Franke as early as 1890 wrote his Die Casuslehre des Panini Vergleichen mit dem Gebrauch des Casus im Pali und in den Asoka-inscriften, Beitrage zur Kunde der Indogermanischen Sprachen, Gottingen, 1890, where the application of Panini's rules in Pali and Asokan Inscriptions is found. But in the twentieth century, apart from Dr Sen, A.N. Upadhye and A.M. Ghatage have done some stray works on the subject. Upadhye's Syntactic Position of Preposition, IHQ, IX, 1933, pp. 98788, is an illustration of the subject. In a sense, Ghatage has contributed much more than Upadhye. Ghatage's major contributions areInstrumental and Locative in Ardhamagadhi (IHQ, XIII, 1937, pp. 5258), Repetition in Prakrit Syntax (NIA. 11, 1939, pp. 47-55) and Concord in Prakrit Syntax (ABORI, XXI, 1940, pp. 73-96). In his Introduction to Ardhamagadhi, Kolhapur, 1951, he has a chapter on Ardhamagadhi syntax. But Dr Sen started working on MIA syntax from 1928 onwards. From 1939 (IL, Vol-VII, 1939, pp. 65-86, 180-86; IX, 1944, pp. 10-29) till the appearance of the Historical Syntax of Middle Indo-Aryan in 1953 (IL. XIII, 1953, pp. 1-68 and then as a separate book, 1953), Dr Sen had continuously worked on the subject. But after Dr Sen the subject has not advanced much. So the Syntactic Studies of Indo-Aryan Languages is a timely reprint for which the Tokyo University of Foreign Studies is to be congratulated. The book is exceptionally well-bound, the paper and printing are both excellent, and overall get-up is attractive. I am sure that the scholars will be much benefited by the reprint of these three syntaxes. Satya Ranjan Banerjee

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JAIN JOURNAL Vol. XXX No.3 January 1996 PUNYAKUSALA'S INDEBTEDNESS TO MAGHA DR SATYA VRAT As discussed elsewhere?, the Trisastisalakapurusacarita (TSSPc.) of Hemacandra forms the basis of Punyakusala's Bharatabahubalimahakavya (BBM.)2 which seeks to detail in eighteen cantos, a brief episode from the life of Bharata, the first Cakravartin celebrated in the Jaina tradition, with such poetic trappings as the mahakavya admits with profusion, though it has occasionally drawn upon the Adipurana as well. To be sure, the two burly texts represent respectively the Svetambara and Digambasra versions of the fascinating story of Bharata's fight with his refractory younger brother, Bahubali and its resultant sublimation, with the heady combatants ultimately discarding worldly glory that driven them to the suicidal course of deadly confrontation. While in the conception of his story Punyakusala's indebtedness to the aforesaid Puranas is beyond question, in its execution he seems to follow with a measure of tenacity, the sequence of Magha's poem which is known to have exercised powerful influence on the successive generation of Sanskrit poets. The quantum of debt that Punyakusala owes to the author of the alavadha can be gauged from the fact that it extends to both the substantial and the peripheral. In imitation of Magha, Punyakusala has plunged headlong in the story without so much as observing the formality of the benediction. The two poems thus concur in having what is known in the jargon of the poeticians as the vastunirdesatmaka type of mangalacarana. The Sisupalavadha has earned the sobriquet of sryankakavya, because of its deliberate use of the auspicious word Sri in the last verse of each canto. By skilfully interweaving the phrase punyodaya in tl concluding verse of each canto, Punyakusala has not only respected the tradition, but has also thereby made a veiled reference to his name, which is otherwise conspicuous by its absence in the poem. The Sisupalavadha is marked in its beginning by Narada's descent heavens which has prompted the author into a bout of rich 1. SATYA VRAT: Studies in Jaina Sanskrit Literature, Delhi, 1994, pp. 168-175. 2. Jaina Vishwa Bharati, Ladnun, 1974. 3. For example - ksitipati-bhavanamyatyanta punyodayadhyam BBM I. 79.

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74 JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXX, No. 3. January 1996 imagery. With respect to the true identity of the emerging figure. Punyakusala's poem, on the other hand, opens with the despatch of an envoy to Bahubali to secure his submission to his elder brother Bharata. While Narada succeeds in his mission, the envoy draws a resounding rebuff from the lord of Taxila, making the clash thus inevitable for the haughty brothers. Three of Punyakusala's cantos (VI-VIII) are infested with sizable descriptions of the march of Bharata's army, its encampment and subsequent departure besides the time-worn digression like the sports of the soldier-couples and their sexual orgy, as also the sketches of scenic beauties. The descriptions of love-sports and sexual orgy are supposed to have no locus standi in the Jaina Puranas. They are indeed conspicuous by their absence in the TSSPC. But surprisingly, Jinasena has detailed with abandon all these frivolities including the sexual orgy (35. 152-236), the only difference is that in the Adipurana these concern themselves with Bahubali's soldiery. Punyakusala, however, is not indebted to Jinasena for these trappings. He evidently owes them to Magha (VII-XI) who has been instrumental in providing sound footing to these mannerisms. It would not be unreasonable to presume that even Jinasena was indebted to the illustrious author of the Sisupalavadha for these poetic aberration, otherwise the very idea of this reckless orgy in the midst of the sainyaprayana is simply abhorrent in a writing like the Adipuraanna. While Magha's descriptions are distinguished by prolixity and ornate style, those in the BBM are on a subdued note. Contrary to Magha, Punyakusala has shunned to detail the various types of heroines in the course of the love-sports of the soldiery, though his descriptions are not wholly void of the mannerism. While the asarada (praudha) nayika is expressly mentioned in the BBM, a veiled reference is made to the kalahantarita, mugdha and khandita. Magha's descriptions are loaded with sastric contents, while in Punyakusala they are marked by ease and simplicity. But he is so charmed by Magha's description some of the ideas and motifs from him. However, whatever their worth, the love-sports of the Yadus do not square even with Magha's theme dominated by the heroric sentiment; their descriptions by the Jaina monks with gay abandon in a poem which culminates in renunciation is not only absurd, it tends to make a mockery of his much-acclaimed puritanism. 4. ...nayita citta kamamunatya sarada. BBM. VII.21. Also VII.37, 41-42 5. Kalahantarita, BBM. VII.59; Khandita, BBM. VIII. 37-38. 6. Sisupalavadha, VII 21, BBM., VII. 21; Sisu. VII. 52: BBM; VII. 31 etc.

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VRAT PUNYAKUSALA'S INDEBTEDNESS TO MAGHA Not unlike the Sisupalavadba (XVIII - XX), two of the cantos in the BBM are devoted to the description of the yuddha. The encounter of the rival forces, as detailed in the BBM, is not traceable to either of its main sources. It is unmistakably suggested and inspired by the terrific clash between the armies of Krsna and Sisupala, described with verve in the eighteenth canto of the Maghakavya. Contos fourteen and fifteen of the BMM are imbued with an aura of the traditional Caritakavyas. Herein are encountered the hackneyed motifs like the gearing up of the soldiery, their self-vaunts, terrific cries of the heady warriors, trumpetings of the elephants and dances of the headless bodies (kabandhas). These mannerisms, howsoever, banal and worthless, owe themselves to Magha (XVII-XVIII) and serve as prelude to the final encounter. It is interesting to find that originating in Magha, these motifs had filtered down to the Viragatha and Ritiperiods of Hindi poetry and the later Sanskrit Mahakavyas,and had evoked a measure of esteem. While Magha is lost in the lybrinth of frustrating Citrakavaya, Punyakusala has spun out a brilliant sketch of the battle. It is no exaggeration to say that the fifteenth canto of the BBM reflects the poetic talents of the poet more than the ferocity of the clash. Perhaps Punyakusala means to present this conto as an opposite pole to Magha's Citrakavya, which otherwise had set the norm in describing the 'War : Bharata's duel with Bahubali is doubtless base on the TSSPC., but it seems to have drawn sustenance from the combats detailed in the Kiratarjuniyam and the Sisupalavadham. 75 The description of the impatience of the women-folk in canto six owes itself to the corresponding description in Magha XIII, where the citydamsels are likewise said to have thronged to have a glimpse of Krsna as he enters Yudhisthira's metropolis though the two differ in their objectives. He might have drawn upon Kalidasa's parallel descriptions as well? which seem to have established the motif on a firm footing. In imitation of Magha, Punyakusala has described the six traditional seasons that come to wait upon the hero, The entire description in Magha is infested with fearsome yamaka. Punyakusala has resorted to the gimmick in describing the sarat only, and that too in the fifteenth canto, away from the integrated depiction of the six seasons (XVIII. 1-57). Otherwise also Punyakusala's yamaka does not present in superable difficulty in resolving it. With 'war' as its focal point, the BBM.,like Magha's poem, has 7. Kumarasambhava, VII. 56-62, Raghuvamsa, VII. 6-11

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76 virarasa as its chief sentiment. Punyakusala's expertise in depicting the Heroic sentiment in tune with the genius of the poem is as unquestioned as that of Magha. While the supremacy of the virarasa in the BBM is beyond dispute, Srngara in both its aspects has been depicted evidently in imitation of Magha, with such a tenacity that not unoften it threatens to overwhelm, if not eclipse, the predominant sentiment. While going through the middle part of the poem, one cannot escape the impression that it is basically an erotic work. And the Srngara as depicted by Punyakusala is, not unlike in Magha sensuous and volptuous for the most. It may create momentary excitement, but it fails to leave lasting impression on the reader. Punyakusala is a master of the art of love rather than an expert in dealing with the Rasaraja in its sweep and depth. And there too he concurs with his mentor, Magha. JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXX, No. 3. January 1996 While 'war' forms the central issue in both the poems, they differ widely in their culmination. The Sisupalavadha closes at its natural end-the assassination of Sisupala: in the BBM. the war undergoes sublimation. Though treading different paths, both Bharata and Bahubali taste the bliss of kaivalya, which represents the fulfilment of human life in the Jainistic tradition. Despite heavy indebtedness, Punyakusala has no fascination for Magha's artificial style, flamboyant phraseology, excessive ornateness and the despicable citrakavya. His objective might have deterred him from these frustrating gimmicks. Arbelts India Export House Recognised by Govt of India Proprietor - Sanjit Bothra 8/1 Middleton Road Telex : 0212333 ARBI IN 5th Floor Room No. 4 Calcutta- 700 001 Phone: 201029/6256/4730 Fax No.: 0091-33290 174 In Memory of Late NARENDRA SINGH BAID Mira Baid 83/B Vivekananda Road Calcutta 700 006 Phone: 241 0719

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DANACINTAMANI ATTIMABBE DR KAMALA HAMPANA Wherever and whenever an important woman moves, there is history and there is poetry. It is very much so in the case of Attimabbe, who is described as the cream of Indian Culture and an embodiment of the essence of non-violence. As a towering personality of the 10th century, she deserves a unique position among the great women of the world. Attimabbe was born and brought up in a family of ministers and army commanders who patronised art and literature alike. A number of documents have given a vivid account of Attimabbe and her family of four generations. Nagadeva, the elder son of Dallappa, was a man of mettle and had no match on the battle ground. He had imbibed from his father all the proficiency in the art of war. Nagadeva succeeded his father as the Field-Marshal of the Chalukyan army. He married Attimabbe and Gundamabbe, who were the daughters of Mallapa, a devout Jain and connoisseur of literature. Like all his kith and kin , Nagadeva spent most of his life in wars. As was the ordeal, on one such occasion Nagadeva, when he was at the height of his fame, met a heroic death on the battle field. When Nagadeva succumbed to the injuries inflicted by his enemies, his wife Gundamabbe observed the custom of Sati (self-immolation) on her husband's pyre. But Attimabbe did not resort to the act of burning herself with husband's corpse. Instead, she decided to lead a life of devotion to her faith and serve the poor and the sick. The sudden death of her husband made her more and more introspective and brought a great change in her attitude, slowly cut surely taking a turn for the better, both quantitatively and qualitatively. She started giving liberal donations to the destitute, supplied free medicine to the poor and the distressed. Attimabbe was duly honoured by Chalukya king Tailapa, with the celebrated and immortal title 'danacintamani' which means 'a gem yielding everything wanted by its possessor'. Attimabbe seriously started the movement of constructing temple. It is practically astonishing that she erected 1501 Jain shrines. She

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78 JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXX, No. 3. January 1996 got 1500 wooden chests for placing idols, 1500 gong and bells to ring while worshipping and freely distributed all these worshipping items. Ranna, a Poet Laureate in the Chalukya court, has concentrated his poetic skill, highly balanced in its presentation, crystallizing the illustrious life of this extraordinary woman Attimabbe. Poet Ranna has so effectively portrayed her that it leaves an everlasting imprint on the minds of readers. This graphic description does not just place us in time or other accomplishments of Attimabbe, but by a series of incidents in chronological sequence, including her struggle and triumphs. Some of her accomplishments breathe life into unsung heroines and tireless women workers, whose contributions have often been overlooked in the chronicles of Indian history. Ranna, through the lustrious portrait of Attimabbe, tries to answer the much asked question of how and why women were held high in Society. In its sweep and depth of coverage, Ranna's depiction does more than justice to this indomitable woman, who stood over and above all men of great name and fame, who were her senior contemporaries. During her life time and later after her death, nearly 32 inscriptions have eulogised Attimabbe, and her virtues. Ranna is one of the earliest of Kannada poets to recognise the feminist point of view and gives a woman her due place in history. He is not blind to the achievements of a widowed woman. Again, he is the first poet in the context of Kannada literature and in the history of Karnataka, to write an authentic biography of a woman celebrity, who played such a prominent role in the socio-religious and sociopolitical milieu of her time. Ranna deviates from the traditional, worn out path of just describing a woman from the aesthetic point of view. He is not concerned with physical beauty; on the other hand, Ranna is more interested in her attitude towards fellow beings. Epitomizing her lifetime achievements, Ranna vividly captures different articulations of sociological import, both sacred and secular. Obviously it turns out to be the first ever study to explore the sociological orientations Attimabbe's astonishing personality. Attimabbe, and her brave life, has a unique voice in the increasingly important contemporary feminist global discussions. Her exemplary life will not only introduce feminists to an enriching set of theoretical perspectives, but set a high critical standard for feminist dialogues of the social status of widowed women as well, particularly at their early age. Attimabbe is not an escapist. Generally, most of the widowed women abscond, bolting away from facing the challenges of society. Attimabbe was not to be vanquished into the oblivion. She had the strength to sustain any onslaught under hostile circum stances.

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HAMPANA : DANACINTAMANI ATTIMABBE 79 Attimabbe had to compete in a race with unequal terms in a world which was male-dominated. But the way Attimabbe faced the maledoninated society a thousand years ago, shoulder to shoulder, with the increasing confidence, makes the feminist theory move in a practical direction with the hope that some of these ideas might be implemented under the newly constituted indian Law. Attimabbe enjoyed a great deal of freedom. She was not dependent either on her parents or brothers or husband or children. She was completely independent, both in her father's house, before marriage, and in her fatherin-law's house, after marriage. In brief, Attimabbe demonstrates a model of a more practical feminist theory. She provides an outlet for new research in women's history and promotes scholarship among women that is broadly representative of a typical Indian and an archetype of a Jain waman. Success and attainments of Attimabbe incorporates a broad spectrum of human concerns; in the sphere of polity, in social sphere and in the sphere of religion she had her say. Attimabbe patronishd writers, sculptors, singers (both Instrumental and the Vocal), dancers, storytellers, warriors, orphans and the beggars and so on. Usually these are the privileges of the male, as is the custom and tradition in the Indian family; but Attimabbe, a daring woman, alone did all these and a lot more. Without sacrificing her identity, Attimabbe stands like Olympus against the vast canvas of Chalukyan society. No other power or person , male or female, could wield so much command and awe, over the length and breadth of the early Chalukyan period or at any period of history, as Attimabbe could. Apart from the acts of courage, with her goodwill she had determination, motivation and a goal for women's overall development. She did not want to be a passive beneficiary, and therefore she distributed all her wealth. Equality, peace and development are the main issues that highlighted her long struggle for recognition. Her equal participation in everyday life was exceptional. With the particiption of such dynamic women like Attimabbe, the struggle for women's emancipation gathers momentum. In the fitness of things to commemorate and perpetuate her memory, it is laudable that the Government of Karnataka has decided to honour any woman, with brilliant record of achievements, by awarding a cash prize of one lakh rupees in the name of Attimabbe. One cannot contemplate a better way of remembering and celebrating the Sahasra-manotsava' of Attimabbe than initiating 'Attimabbe Prasasti'.

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VIJAYADEVA SURI OF TAPAGACCHA RAMVALLABH SOMANI Hiravijaya Suri was much venerated by Akbar who bestowed upon him the title Jagad-guru. The Suriji returned to Gujarat from the Mughal-Court in 1586 AD via Nagaur, Pipad, Bairat, Ranakpur and other places1.He had a large number of learned and eminent scholars. Among them Santicandra, Upadhyaya, Kalyana Vijaya, Vijayasena and many others remained much popular. Santicandra composed Krpa-rasa-kosa. It is stated that he recited some verses in the presence of Akbar who became much pleased and always held high opinion about him. When Hiravijaya Suri started for Gujarat in 1587 AD the Emperor again ordered to issue a Firman, prohibiting the slaughter of animals and proclaiming to abolish Jaziya tax, which he had already abolished much earlier in his empire. Thus for a period of six months, the slaughter of animals was prohibited.2 The order was followed strictly as Badaoini and Abul Fazl have mentioned it. Kalyanavijaya was the pupil of Hiravijaya. He was much tenacious and had studied Veda Puranas and many other subjets. He was having a profound knowledge of non-Jain and Jain philosophies. He had widely travelled in Marawar Godawar, Bairat and other places. His descendant Yasovijaya remained a profound scholar of the present time. Vijayasena was invited by Akbar to Lahore. Its attempts were made by Durjansal Jadiya. The emperor agreed to the proposal and Firman was given to Bhanucandra, a monk of Tapagaccha, then present in the court. On receiving the Firman, Vijayasena reached Lahore on 31-5-1593 AD. Akbar gave him much veneration. At that time Nandivijaya of Tapagaccha did Avadharana. The Emperor was much pleased and endowed upon him the title Khus-Fahum. Ramadasa Kachawa, a famous Hindu noble, made a specific complaint that the Jains did not believe in the Vedas and in God. On the attempts of Abul Fazl, a religious debate was organised between the Jains and the Brahmins. On the replies given by Vijayasena, Akbar became much 1. Jinavijaya-Pracina-Jaina-Lekha-Sangraha Vol II No. 12 and 379/Mohanlal Dalicand Desai - Bhanu candra ganicarita, Intro pp. 18. 2. A. L. Srivastava, Akbar.

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SOMANI : VIJAYADEVA SURI OF TAPAGACCHA 81 pleased and granted an epithet "Vardhamana Vidya" upon him. However, on hearing the illness of Hiravijaya Suri he decided to move to Gujarat.3 EARLY LIFE OF VIJAYADEVA SURI Vijayadeva was born at Idar on Posa Sudi 13(Sunday) VE 1634 (1578 AD). His early name was Vasudeva of Basu Kumar. It is due to his innate interest to become a Jain monk, he insisted to leave the family life. After much pressure, he was converted into a Jain monk at Hazi-Patel-Pole-Ahmedabad in VE 1643. He was named as VidyaVijaya. It is due to his hard labour he got a good knowledge of Jnanakriya (knowledge and its practical application). Soon he obtained a profound knowledge of Prakrit, Sanskrit and others. An epithet Pandit was given to him.4 At Khambat, where Sresthi Mallu and his brother Soma conducted a celebration. Vijayasena gave the title "Acaryato Vidya-Vijaya renaming him as Vijayadeva on Besakh Sudi 4, VE 1657. Its celebration was also arranged on Posa Budi 6, VE 1658 at Patan. It is known as Vandana-mahotsavaof Vijayasena in 1671 VE Vijayadeva was succeeded as the Bhattaraka." BHANUCANDRA AND SIDDHICANDRA After the death of Hiravifaya Suri, the party politics continuously prevailed in the Tapagaccha. Even during his time also similar incidents took place. But he carefully avoided them. Dharmasagara, a monk of the Tapagaccha, composed Kumati - Kudal containing several glaring facts against Jainism. Objections were raised by several writers and monks against the above work. According to the Kharataragaccha sources, Jinacanda Suri did religious discussions with him about the contents of the above book and defeated Dharmasagara, Vijayadeva Suri had thrown the book in the water. But the struggle continued and Dharmasagara drafted another book. Bhanucandra and Siddhicandra remained much venerated writers. Akbar respected them very much. They had composed many 3. Mohan Lal Dalicand Desai - op. cit. Introduction p. 18. 4. Meghavijaya-Devananda-Mahakavya (edited by Becardas, SJGM, Intro p12). According to Srivallabha the father of Vijayadeva took his wife and son to become a Jain monk (Vijayadeva Suri Mahatmya canto V verses 1-2). 5. Ibid p. 12/Vijayadeva Suri Mahatmya canto 5, verse 52.

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82 JAIN JOURNAL : Vol-XXX, No. 3. January 1996 books, when Bhanucandra was going to Gujarat, Akbar gave him a Firman to abolish the taxes levied from the Jain pilgrims going to Satrunjaya. Siddhicandra was a very handsome youth. He had a marvellous feat of memory and did 108 Avadharanas. Akbar also granted him the title "Khus-Faham" (A man of sharp intelligence). During the reign of Jehangir, some misfortune fell upon him. The Emperor asked him to get himself removed from the austerity and conduct a marriage with some beautiful girl. But Siddhicandra totally refused. The Emperor became highly infuriatd and orderd to remove all the Jain monks from Agra. This event seemed to h taken place in VE 1670. Both Bhanucandra and Siddhicandra left Agra and came to Malpura and stayed there. Jinacandra Suri of Kharataragaccha went to Agra and pacified the Emperor who had withdrawn the order of removing the Jain-monks from the said place. Jinacandra Suri, thereafter, went to Bilara, where he expired in VE 1670.6 At Malpura Bhanucandra and Siddhicandra completed a Jain temple of Candraprabha Svami in VE 1672. The icon was later removed. The temple now is having the Mulanayaka icon Muni Suvrata Svami. From Malpura both of them went to Jalore and stayed there for sometimes. Mubarak Khan, a newly appointed Governor of Gujarat (1616 - 1618 AD), while going to Ahmedabad stayed at Jalore. He met Siddhicandra and asked him to accompany him. Siddhicandra agreed. He went to Ahmedabad. A rift between Tapagaccha monks, as already stated, sprang up. The other group headed by Bhanucandra, Siddhicandra and a few others slanted against Vijaydeva Suri and a separate Bhattaraka named Vijayatilaka Suri was appointed as the successor of Vijayasena. They did not honourVijayadeva Suri. After the death of Vijayatilaka Suri in 1676 VE Vijayananda was appointed. They had much support in Gujarat and Sirohi areas. A Sangha led by Mehajal Jain Sresthi of Sirohi to Satrunjaya was led by Vijayananda and Siddhicandra. It was started in VE 1690. It seems that Bhanucandra had expire that time, as no details about him are known. After Vijayananda, Vijayaraja Suri succeeded. He consecrated more than 70 icons at Sirohi in the Gomukha Jain temple in 1721 VE. 6. Mohan Lal Dalicand Desai op. cit. pp. 19-20/Chapter IV verse 334, Vijayatilaka Suri - Rasa (Darsana Vijaya 1679 VE/ Tuzuq-i-Jehangiri vol I p. 438. The inscriptions of Malpura were edited by the Author in the Sodha-patrika Vol. 43 No. 2 pp. 61-63.

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SOMANI : VIJAYADEVA SURI OF TAPAGACCHA 83 VIJAYADEVA HONOURED BY JEHANGIR A wide spread struggle between two groups of Jains sprang up causing much dispute between the followers. Vijayadeva Suri was from the first group, while the other group stated above belonged to Vijayatilaka Suri. The Mughal Emperor hearing the disputes between these Jains invited them to Manlu, where he was staying. Vijayadeva was then staying at Cambay. He reached at Mandu on Asvina Sukla 13 VE 1672 (Oct. 1617 AD). On hearing both the parties, the Emperor soon came to the decision that Vijayadeva was originally appointed by his Guruji, while the other dissendent group had rivalling claim only. He bestowed the title"Mahatapa" upon Vijayadeva Suri. The Vijayadeva-Mahatmya also mentions that the Mughal Emperor conferred upon the Suriji much veneration. He was sent to his camp in a royal procession, having several Mansabdars accompanying it. On this occasion Sresthi Candraprabha of Manlu spent lavishly. He did good celebration and had spread the gold coins on Suriji. The Mughal Emperor granted the titles Khus-Faham, Nadira-a-Jamana and Jahangir-Pasandato Siddhicandra. However, the respects given to Vijayadeva was much higher. This has enlightened his followers who gave much respects to him. However, in Gujarat. Vijayadeva could not get sufficient support in comparision with Siddhicandra. Vijayadeva also wanted to settle the matter with Siddhicandra. He invited the latter to join him. But he had totally refused. It seems that Vijayadeva was not disappointed. He decided to travel in the adjoining areas of Rajasthan, Maharastra and Gujarat'. The Emp ever, remained much pleased from him. The Suriji sent his disciple Dayakusala Pranyasa in 1618 AD to the Emperor. The Emperor become much pleased and asked the Suriji to give details about him. He issued a Firman as below. 7A "Be it known to Vijayadeva Suri, who discerns the right and practices of Yoga and who had obtained our special favour, as I had seen you at Pattan (Mandu) I constantly inquire for the news about you, and am sure that you would also be free from breaking connection with us as a true friend. At the present time your disciple Dayakusala Pranyasa presented himself before us, and news about you has been learnt from him, we are (thereby) very much pleased. Your disciple is also much experienced and possessed of logical faculty. We treat him . Srivallabha Vijayadeva Suri-Mahatmya canto XVIII, Nahar - Jaina Lekha Sangraha Vol. II No. 341 and 367; Mohan Lal Dalicand Desai op. cit. pp. 15-20. 7-A Mohan Lal Dalicand Desai op. cit. p.91.

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84 JAIN JOURNAL : Vol-XXX, No. 3. January 1996 with perfect kindness and whatever he says is being done. If there be any work here you will write it to your disciple (so that) the same be known by us (directly through him) and the same will receive our attention in every way. You will remain free from anxiety from us and will be engaged in praying for the permanence of our kingdom by worshipping those who are worthy to be worshipped. Nothing more remains to be written on the 19th of the month Shaban in the year 1027 (Saturday 1st August 1618 AD). The seal contains the words "Saha Nawaj Khan Murid (follower) of Jehangir. ACTIVITIES OF VIJAYADEVA SURI (A) RAJASTHAN STATE Vijayadeva Suri had widely travelled in Rajasthan, Gujarat and south India. It is due to slight support in Gujarat he had liked to move in Rajasthan and south India. We have already described that the temple of Malpura, Rajasthan, was built in VE 1672. The inscription refers to Vijayadeva Suri also, One more inscription of that year of Vijayagaccha, available there, contains his name as the Bhattaraka who did consecration ceremony. He also consecrated the icon of Muni Suvrata there in VE 1691 and the statue of Hiravijaya Suri in VE 16908. The Mewar state remained a notable centre of Bais - Sampradaya, The areas of Bhilwara, Cittor and Rajsamand have all the Jains belonging to that sect and the large number of Jain temples in the area are not regularly worshipped. However Maharana Karna Simha and Jagat Simha did notable honour to Vijayadeva Suri. The Tapagaccha sources speak that the respects given by Maharana Jagat Simha to Vijayadeva Suri was equal to the veneration given by Kumarapala to Hemcandra. Vijayadeva Suri visited Udaipur several times. During the reign of Maharana Karna Simha a religious discussion was held in the royal court between the Bais-Sampradayaand Vijayadeva Suri, where the Bais-Panthies were badly defeated. In VE 1684 Vijayadeva Suri also consecrated the icons at Khamnor, Nahi, Aghat and other places of southern Mewar. During the reign of Maharana Jagat Simha, he visited Udaipur and obtained the orders of prohibitions as mentioned below: Meghavijaya-Digvijaya-Mahakavya edited by Ambalal Premcand Saha. SJGMY, p. 137.

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SOMANI : VIJAYADEVA SURI OF TAPAGACCHA 85 (1) The slaughter of animals on Wednesday was strictly banned, as it being the day of the coronation of the Maharana. (2) Similarly in the month of Bhadava, no slaughter of any animal was permitted, as it being the month in which the Maharana took his birth. (3) Fishing in the Pichola-lake was completly banned. (4) The Jain temple of Macind was to be renovated. It was conse crated by Somasundara Suri in VE 1494 The Suriji also visited Delawara, Mewar, in VE 1687, where a copy of a MS Paksika-vrtti was made. Vijayadeva also visited Udaipur in VE 1709 and did consecration of several icons in the Jain temples of Udaipur city. Barakana (Godawar) was then under the Mewar state. There is a large Jain temple and the place is among the Panca-tirthasof Godawar. An annual fair is regularly held there on Posa-Sukla 10. The taxes levied in the fair were exempted by the Maharana on the recommendations of Vijayadeva. The author has published the text of the inscription in the Sambodhio (Ahmedabad). Jalore had remained an important site of the Sonagara Cauhans. There were several Jain temples on the fort and near by areas. These were brutely devastated by Alauddin Khilji. At the instance of Vijayadeva Suri, Jaimal Muhnot, the minister of Jodhpur state, renovated them. He was the father of Nenasi, a famous writer of the 17th century AD. One temple was renovated by Pameca Svami Das of Medata. These temples were renovated in VE 1681,1683, 1684 and in 1686. All the temples were consecrated by Vijayadeva Suri, who also performed a Caturmasa there. Jaya Sagara, a Jain monk, sponsored ct and properly looked after the construction work. It is interesting that the Sutradhara, Toda-Issar, Toha, Duha and others, who did construction work were highly influenced by the Suriji and built an icon from their own side. It was also consecrated by Vijayadeva Suri. 10 Nadol remained the capital of the local Cauhans between the 10th and 12th centuries AD. 9. Edited by the Author in the Sambodhi Vol. VIII. 10. Jinavijaya No. 345 to 356, 358 to 359.

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86 JAIN JOURNAL : Vol-XXX, No. 3. January 1996 During Vijayadeva Suri's time the territory was under the Mewar. The place had several massive Jain temples which were molested during the battles between Mewar and Mughal Emperors. These temples were renovated by Mughal Emperors. These temples were removated by Jaimal Muhnot in VE 1686. These all were consecrated by Vijayadeva Suri. Nadlai, situated near Nadol, is a famous Jain Tirtha having a large number of Jain temples inside the town and outside on the hills. Several icons were installed there in VE. 1674, 1686 and on other dates by several Jain Sresthis. All these icons were consecrated by Vijayadeva Suri. Pali has a beautiful Navalakha Jain temple built in the 10th century A. D. It was renovated by Saha Dungar and Bhakar in VE 1688, Several icons were installed in the temple. The Mulanayaka icon was also changed. These were consecrated by Vijayadeva Suri. Similarly Ghanaghani, a famous old site of Pratihara period, has a Jain temple built in VE 937. It was also renovated at the instance of Vijayadeva Suri. 11 Medata remained an important town. A big Pratisthawas arranged there by Hirananda's wife who belonged to Agra. This family remained much prosperous and did a Sangha-yatra in VE 1661. Vijayadeva Suri did caturmasa at Medata and did consecration of several icons in VE 1677 and 1686.12 Kisangarh was then ruled by Rupa Simha Rathor. His minister Raicand was the follower of Tapagaccha and arrange a caturmasa of Vijayadeva Suri there. The Suriji consecrated several Jain icons. 13 At Sadari (Godawar) and Sirohi, Vijayadeva also did caturmasa. Sirohi had a large number of supporters of other group of Tapagaccha. In VE 1682, when he reached there, the entrance-ceremany (Pravesotsava) was arranged by Tejpal Porawal. A Sangha - yatra to Abu and Satrunjaya was also led under Vijayadeva Suriji. 14 The Suriji also visited Alanpur, Bundi amd other adjoing sites of southern Rajasthan and did Pratisthas there. In VE 1683 he visited Jaisalmer, where he consecrated 4 icons, three on Asadha Budi 4 11. Ibid No. 388. 12. Ibid No. 433 to 442. 13. Meghavijaya, Digvijaya-Mahakavya, pp. 137-138. 14. Ibid. Amotalala-Maganlal Saha-Prasasti-Sangraha p.190.

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SOMANI VIJAYADEVA SURI OF TAPAGACCHA and one on Jeth Sudi 6. All the inscriptions have the words 'Jaisalmer Nagare' which proves that the Suriji went there and did consecration ceremony. (B) SOUTH INDIA The Suriji, after spending some time in Gujarat, decided to visit south India. For this purpose he came to Surat. He held a religious discussion with the Sagara-paksiya monks in the presence of Mirmoza. It is said that initially the Suriji was in favour of the Sagarapaksa. But later on finding the large scale opposition of his followers to this sect, he also relinquished it. In the discussions, the Suriji defeated the Sagara-paksiya monks. This event took place in VE 1681, as is mentioned in several works. Later on several followers of Sagara-paksiya also joined Suriji inclucing Dhanji, a notable Sravaka. The colophon of Hitopadesa (Ahmedabad) dated 1681 mentions the details of the discussion.15 87 From Surat, Suriji went to Deccan sometime in VE 169415A and visited Bijapur, Gola Kunda Burahanpur, Navarangpur and many other towns. Several Jain Sravakas, migrated from Rajasthan, also dwelt there. At Bagalana, Catura Bai, an adherent follower of Suriji, also accompanied him. Sahajada Aurangjib, who was the incharge of the place, venerated him and issued an order to prohibit the slaughtering of animals. The Suriji thereafter spent a rainy seasion at Sahapura. Devacandra Sravaka took active part in arranging the peaceful journey of the Suriji. Adilsaha was the ruler of Bijapur. He had shown very much respect to the Suriji. He also ordered not to kill any cow. The Karaheda Parsvanatha, Kalikunda-Parsvanatha and other Jain sites were visited by the Suriji with a large sangha. A good consecration ceremony of several Jain icons was arranged by Devacandra. These were consecrated by the Suriji.16 The Suriji then went to Aurangabad and also visited the AntariksaParsvanatha Jain temple. From there he went to Burhanpur and Mallakapur. Later on Suriji went to Telang country via Kulapaka Tirth, also known as Manakadeva Tirtha. Amarcand Muni was bestowed the title of Vacaka upon him. The Catura Bai spent lavishly on the occasion. On the attempts of the Suriji, the ruler of Telang country 15. Srivallabha Vijayadeva-Suri-Mahatmya Canto. XI. Amrtalal Maganlal Saha- Prasasti-Sangraha, p. 190. 15A Nahar-Jaina Lekha Sangraha Vol III Nos. 2207-8, 2214, 2329. 16. Meghavijaya, Digvijaya-Mahakavya pp. 137-138.

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88 JAIN JOURNAL: Vol-XXX, No. 3. January 1996 banned the slaughter of the cows. A religious discussion was held there with some Telang Bhatta Pandits who were defeated. The Suriji returned back to Bijapur. The large scale religious activites of the Suriji had greatly affected the political circles also. The ruler of the place agreed to release all the prisoners from the Jail.17 In the south Devicand and Catura Bai had actively assisted the Suriji. These activities had widely increased the prestige of Suriji also in Gujarat. He remained in the Deccan upto VE 1701 as is proved from the colophon of a MS of Vagbhattalankara (Canasma Bhandar) mentioning that the Suriji was then at Aurangabad 18 and in VE 1701 he was present at Sahapur (Deccan). (C) GUJARAT As already stated, Vijayadeva Suri was born at Idar and therefore, the people of that place had much affection for him. When he went there, Rao Kalyan Mal also came to receive him. The Jain Sangha performed celebrations. Sahaju Saha, a minister of the state, requested the Suriji to nominate some monks as his successor, as he wanted to organise a function there. The Suriji avoided it. When he was in Idar, Ratnasimha Parakh of Sabli appeared before him and requested to visit his town, as slaughtering of animals at a large scale was common there. The Suriji went there and got the Thakur agreed to stop the slaughtering of animals. The Suriji came to Idar after some years in VE 1682, when the Sresthi Sahaju celebrated the festivities of nominating Yuvaraja to Vijayasimha Suri on Besakh Sudi 6 VE 1682. In VE 1705 again the Suriji visited Idar to consecrate the Jain temple built at Ranamal and Cowki of the place. 18A The Suriji visited Ahmedabad, Patan and other towns of Gujarat occasionally and did caturmasa also there. While comimg from Mewar in VE 1684, he spent some years in Gujarat and also visited Satrunjaya and other places. 19 From the mount of Satrunjaya, a good number of epigraphs from VE 1670 to 1710 have been noted. In VE 1670, he consercrated the Parikar of Adinatha installed by Santidasa and others of Ahmedabad. The inscriptions of VE 1675, 1676 and 1677 are 17. Ibid. 18. Amrtalal Maganlal Saha-Prasasti-Sangraha pp. 212. 18A, Meghavijaya op. cit. pp. 137-138. 19. Acarya Kanakasagara Suri and Pramoda Sagara Suri, Satrunjaya Giriraja - Darsana Ins. No 45, 57, 59, 71, 87, 89, 312, 410 and other last pages.

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SOMANI : VIJAYADEVA SURI OF TAPAGACCHA 89 noticed from there mentioning of some families of Ahmedabad. On Jeth Sudi 6 VE 1678, the Suriji accompanied the Jain families of Udaipur to Satrunjaya and consecrated to icon of Sambhavanatha. In VE 1683, he accompaying a Sangha arranged the Pratisthas of some icons installed by Jaimal of Jodhpur and some Srimari families and others from Surat. It seems that he was having his much influence in Patan, Mangrol, Diva and Surat. Except a few inscriptions of Ahmedabad of VE 1670, 1675 to 1676 and 1686, no other record of the place is known mentioning Vijayadeva Suri. The following inscriptions are also known pertaining to Patan, Diva, Surat, Mangrol and other towns : 1. 1683 and 1687 from Surat. 2. 1681, 1682, 1683 and 1685 from Patan. 3. 1686 from Diva. 4. 1682 from Mangrol. 5. 1686 from Medata. 7. 1694 from some town having the last letters Patan. It shows that Vijayadeva visited Satrunjaya several times with the pilgrims from Rajasthan and Gujarat and consecrated the icons there. The colophon of a ms, Hitopadesa (VE 1681) mentions a Sanghayatra to Satrunjaya with the Sangha of Sirohi started in the leadership of Tejapal. 19A Vijayadeva visited Sorath to pay homage to Sankhesvara Parsvanatha, Siddhacala Rewantaka and other ancient sites. He went to Azahahar-Parsvanatha, Una and spent a rainy season there. The Suriji thereafter went to Girinar. At Nawanagar, he met the Jamaruler Devaraja and gave him religious instructions (Pratibodha). After spending the caturmasa, he went to Surat, and then visited south India. When Suriji came back from south India, he became much popular. He came to Gandhar Port when several notable citizens from Ahmedabad, Surat, Patan and other places came to receive him. At the request of Ratanji Saha and Dhanji Saha, the Suriji stayed at Gandhara, Sahibdeva's son and Akhe Saha spent lavishly on this occasion. From Gandhara, the Suriji came to Ahmedabad and stayed at 19A. Amotalal Maganlal Saha op. cit. p. 190.

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90 JAIN JOURNAL : Vol-XXX, No. 3. January 1996 Sahapur. He spent a rainy seasion there. Dhanji Saha did good celebrations spending a large number of Mahamudi coins. The Suriji's presence in Sahapur (Deccan) in VE 1701 is proved from the colophon of a MS Nyaya. Ratna-Prakarana of the Jain Bhanlar Canasma.198 Thereafter he came to Gujarat. DISPUTE WITH SAGARA-PAKSIYA ACARYAS The Vijayadeva-Suri-Mahatmya composed by Srivallabha of Kharataragaccha contains details of the dispute between Vijayadeva Suri and Sagaragacchiya Acaryas in chapter 11. In the colophon of the MS Hitopadesa (Jnana-Bhandara, Ahmedabad) it is mentioned that in VE 1681 Muktisagara and santidasa were excommunicated as they had given their support to Sagara-gaccha. It is also mentioned that the Ahmedabad Sangha and Sirohi Sangha became the lay follower of Vijayadeva Suriji. But he was not correct. It seems that originally the Suriji was on the side of Sagara-gaccha but later finding slanting support of his follwers he deserted then.20 DEATH OF THE SURIJI Vijayadeva initially appointed Vijayasimha Suri as his successor in VE 1682. He was nominated as a successor in VE 1684. But he died before Vijayadeva Suri in VE 1708 Asadh Sudi 2 at Ahmedabad (Nutanpura). Later on the Suriji appointed Vijayaprabha Suri in VE 1710 as his successor. Vijayadeva Suri then went to Vimalagiri with a Sangha. Raicand and others had also accompanied him. From there he came to Una to pay a visit to the Samadhi of Hiravijaya Suri. But he fell ill and died there in VE 1713. Asadh Sudi 11, Sresthi Raicand built a beautiful Vihar there. SOURCES OF THE HISTORY Vijayadeva enjoyed a longlife about 80 years. He was bold, energetic and carefree monk. Looking to the great opposition against him in Gujarat and Sirohi areas, he did not care and tried to have his journeys in Rajasthan and south India. The detailed history of the above monk was composed by Srivallabha of Kharataragaccha. The work contains the DETAILS OF THE LIFE OF THE SURIJI upto VE. 1687. It is the only work having the details of his life. The book has 19 chapters. The chapters I and II record the early life of Vijayadeva 19B.ibid p 212. 20. Ibid. op. cit. pp. 190.

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SOMANI : VIJAYADEVA SURI OF TAPAGACCHA 91 Suri. The chapters III and IV refer to the life of Hiravijaya Suri and Vijayasena. The life history of Vijayadeva is given in the chapters V and VI and VII . The chapters VIII to X have the details of various Pratisthas, caturmasa, Diksa and other celebrations. He nominated Vijayasimha Suri, as his successor. The details of the dispute with the Sagara-Paksa are recorded in chapter IX, the celebrations done at Medata, Jalore, Ghangani and others are given in chapter XII to XIV. The details of Caturmasa of Khambat are given in the chapter XVII. The meeting with Jehangir is described in the chapter XVIII. Next chapter contains the general description of Suriji. A few more MSS have some contents of his life (i) Vijayadeva Suri Sanjaya by Jayasoma (ii) Vijayadeva Nirvana Sanjaya (VE 1713) by Premavijaya (iii) Vijayadeva Suri Nirvana Svadhyaya by Darsana Vijaya and (iv) Vijayadeva Suri Nirvana by Saubhagya Vijaya. All these MSS are in the collection of L.D Institute, Ahmedabad. These contain mostly the last days account of Vijayadeva Suri. The Dig-Vijaya-Mahakavya of Meghavijaya contains some account of the life of Vijayadeva. FIRMAN AND VIJNAPTI-PATRAS Some Firmans of Jehangir were sent to the Suriji and others, the details of which are given below : 1. The Firman pertaining to stoppage of the slaughtering of ani mals. Its date is not clear. Either it is 1605 AD or 1610 AD. It mentions the names of Vijayasena and Vijayadeva.21 2. The Firman prohibiting the slaughter of animals at Satrunjaya and not to levy any entrance tax there. It was issued on 1608 AD. It also has the name of Vijayadeva Suri. 3. The Firman prohibiting the slaughter of animals on Paryusana days was issued in 1610 AD. It also has the name of Vijaya-deva Suri. 4. The Firman dated July 1616 AD was issued from Ajmer, allowing all the Jain monks to have complete freedom for doing religious duties. It also has the name of Vijayadeva Suri. The Firman dated Ist August 1618 AD, asking Vijayadeva Suri to inform if he had any work from the Emperor. It is interesting to note that the Emperor had much respect for him. A few Vijnapti-Patras22 were also noted wherein the Surji was requested to visit Gujarat and other places. But these have no specific dates and as such nothing can be said about them. These have panegyrical account of the Suriji. 21. Mohanlal Dalicand Desai op. cit. pp. 80-91. 22. Muni Jinavijaya - Vijnapti-lekha-Sangraha SJGM No. 8 9, 15, 21 and 22.

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