Jain Journal 1994 07

Author(s): Jain Bhawan Publication
Publisher: Jain Bhawan Publication
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/520115/1

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ISSN 0021-4043 A QUARTERLY
ON JAINOLOGY
VOL. XXIX
JULY 1994
No. 1
Jain JOUrnal
॥ जैन भवन॥ JAIN BHAWAN PUBLICATION

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Contents
Journey to the Home in the Lotus
Leona Smith Kremser
The 24 Buddhas and the 24 Tirthankaras
Suzuko Ohira
Danachintamani Attimobbe — An Appraisal
Vasantha Kurnart
Books Received

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BOOKS RECEIVED
Bāras - Anuvekkhā of Acārya Kundakunda - text edited with English translation and Introduction by Devendu Kumar Jain, S'ramana Samskṛti Nyasa, Gwalior 1993, [Hindi Poetic Version by Acarya Vidyasagara].
Onāmāsidham by Premsagar Jain, Sri Kundakunda Bhārati Prakāśa, New Delhi, 1989. Tirukkural of Elācārya translated into Hindi by Govindaraya Jain, Śri Kunda Kunda Bhāratt, New Delhi, 1994.
[For a comparative study with Jainism].
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Chahadhala of Daulat Ram ed by Balabhadra Jain, Śrt Kunda Kunda Bharati, New Delhi, 1994.
Naya Manav Naya Visva of Acarya Mahāprajña ed by Muni Dhananjaya Kumar, Adarsa Sahitya Sangha, Churu, Rājasthan, 1994.
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Mahavir Kā Artha Sastra by Acārya Mahāprajña, Adarśa Sahitya Sangha, Churu, Rajasthan, 1994.
R.K. Jain A Scientific Treatise on Great Namokar Mantra, by Arihant International, Delhi, 1993.
Acarya Vidyānanda
Dharma-Nirapekṣa nahi, Sampradaya-Nirapekṣa, Śri Kunda Kund Bharati, New Delhi, 1993. Nanasayara (Gommatesa Special Number) ed by Mohan Candra, Arihart International, Delhi, 1993.
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Labdhisāra of Nemicandra Siddhanta-Cakravarti, Vol I by L.C. Jain, Rani Durgavati University, Jabalpur, M.P. India, 1994.
[It contains comprehensive Glossary of Technical Terms Symbolism and list of working symbols, subject matter of the Labdhisāra

Hindi Jaina Katha Sahitya of Satya Prakash Jain, The Pārsvanātha Digambar Jain Mandir, Delhi 100 006.
[It contain a thorough study on the origin and growth of Jain Story-writers in Hindi].
Oswal Vol I - by Mangi Lal Bhutoria, Priyadarsi Prakashan, Calcutta
Abhidharma desanā: Bauddha Siddhanta Kā Vivecan by Dharma Candra Jain, Kuruksetra University, 1982.
[It also contains lots of information about Jainism].

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JAIN JOURNAL: VOL XXIX, NO. 1, JULY 1994
B.N. Mukherjee - Studies in the Aramaic Edicts of Asoka, Indian
Museum, Calcutta, 1984. [It contains four chapters : this treatise is useful for the history
of Indian Culture.) C.R. Deshpande – Transmission of the Mahābhārata Tradition,
Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Simla, 1978. [The author has discussed the problem from the Mahābhārata alone, and not touched anything on Jaina version of the
Mahābhārata.) Yuvācārya Mahāprajña — Agama Sampādana Ki Samasyāē, Jain
Vishva Bhārati, Ladnun, 1993.
IIt discusses scholastically the various problems that the scholi ars are facing in editing the Jaina canonical text.]

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JAIN JOURNAL
Vol XXIX
No.1 July
1994
JOURNEY TO THE HOME IN THE LOTUS
Leona Smith Kremser (Jaina tradition has nothing but fragments from the life of the bride of the twenty-second Wayshower, Aristanemi,circa 1500 BC. She was abandoned on her wedding day yet she refused a second husband. She became a solitary, wandering nun, she encountered an errant monk. At disunion, she took a hushed liberation from rebirth on Mt. Girnar in northwest India. Journey is a biographical recreation, her lifestory as it might have been. For errors, in fact and in vision, the poet begs to be excused.)
Tears, the Times of Empty Hands.
Old Dwarka-city was on a sun-bright holiday. The king's banners fluttered on the bluish seabreeze, The common folk were merry in their tinsel streets, And in a roadside pen bided food-animals for a feast. It was the wedding day of the veiled jewel of the palace.
Rajimati looked down from a high palace window. What she saw was the wedding procession, coming on : Drums, high-stepping flutes, vassals strewing roses For the sinew of the ruling warrior clan, the Yadavas, The princes of the blood on round-hipped war horses, Fiery Bhil tribesmen and marching squares of bowmen. But the bows were unstrung, the princes were outriders For the great ceremonial chariot, a rolling sun Where, hidden under the dome, rode the stranger.
Cousin-brother to Krishna, the king had told her. Mere lad, yet heavy-in-shoulder, with the Yadava jaw, A fit husband to fulfill her destiny as wife and mother. "In obedience to tradition," King Ugrasen had said, "You will follow your husband to his home."

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JAIN JOURNAL VOL XXIX, NO 1, JULY 1994
...Her chaste sandal, never beyond the palace gate. "Yes, Father." But she had felt her heart grow icy-cold. Here and now, Rajimati saw the chariot had stopped. Drums echoed off, the procession dragged its feet, Uneasy silence, then from the pen came a wailing, Broken wailing from the food-animals near to the blade. Down from his chariot stepped the stranger, O blaze of ancestral jewels !
With his own hand, he opened the thorn-gate to the pen, Animals fled, but he stood oddly far and away. Of a sudden, then, he threw down his jutting headdress.
Sun-flushed face, with the unyielding Yadava jaw, Yet with bones fine-cut under a rain of celestial lotus. ...A moment of far-seeing struck Rajimati, Beyond time and space, a bond of soul remembrance... She felt her heart, now waking and pulsing hotly, And she saw her maiden's hands, reaching out to him, To him and none other.
He was speaking with a wrathful blue outrider, He reached up, he embraced the rider like a brother, Then he turned, alone he strode off into the hills, Dusty hills folding into the sky, higher and higher, Upward to a silvery place of a mountain, floating...
"Abandoned bride", her father father stood in the doorway. "Your husband departs to become a wandering monk, His ear is opened to the wailings of the ages, Unfleshly monk, he seeks the highest goal of human birth, O lotus of liberation at the top of the spiritual mountain."
...Empty hands, empty of the sun-flushed dream... Rajimati reddened, she flung down her garlands, "Abandoned ! And I, a king's daughter!"
Echoes of a sly old nurse: Throw dust in a man's eyes.' Thence home! she thought joyfully. With him! hand-in-hand.
"Not to fear, you shall have a second husband."
"My husband is this wandering monk and none other.

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KREMSER: JOURNEY TO THE HOME IN THE LOTUS
To attend him, I beg for a nun's robe and bundle, In obedience to tradition, I follow my husband." By nightfall, Rajimati had lost her way in the hills. Muffled footprints swirled in all frightful passways, And her own milky feet looked to be bloodied. Slowly she wept, the dripping, homeless tears, ...Tears, the times of empty hands.
Path of Worthy Thorns.
And so passed a long measure of days.
Rajimati was walking into the splashing light of dawn, Already yellow birds were making bright the thorn-brush. All the while, she had cast about for his footprints, Dust, she thought, nothing but red dust and firethorns.
On the path stood a kindly shepherd-child. "Hear what a good monk said to me," she said. "He said, 'Why do you strike your flock in anger? Child, the animals are your younger brothers and sisters, Like to you, they want to dance with the joy of life, And like to you, they fear the red stick of anger. Anger is injury, to you and to your helpless animals, Shepherd-child! Live in your soul's joy of non-injury" The child grew awestruck, "Wonder,
My flock fell to their knees before him,
And I quit anger, in obedience to the good monk."
Rajimati looked at the child of kindly temper. By non-violence, he had broken a bondage of anger. "Child, my thanks." And Rajimati moved on.
"
Now the birds were singing of gold-weaved dreams. My husband, she thought, it is he and none other, The good monk, speaking for his wailing food-animals, And I am near to overtaking him, to returning with him, Home! To our rosewater fountains, hand-in-hand!
Then an inner voice said to Rajimati:
You inherited your love for him in your soul, He abandoned you, you flung your garlands after him, Of what, your deed? Your deed was of anger, While to your husband, anger is an injury.'

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JAIN JOURNAL: VOL XXIX, NO 1, JULY 1994
She looked into the mirror of her angry self, And she said, "I quit my anger forevermore." And so Rajimati moved on with a bright face. She had forsaken a self-injury, she felt her path eased, The firethorn of anger was no more.
And so passed a long measure of months.
Rajimati was walking into the glazy heat of midmorning, Already, birdsongs were falling into stepwells of silence. For long, she had observed the rootless men on the horizon, Monks, she thought, but not one heavy-in-shoulder.
On the path stood a beautiful young nun. "Mind what the Good Monk said to me,"
"Why do you toss yourself hither and you in pride? Nun, like to you, the food-animals are beautiful, And like to you, evolving toward.higher understanding, Yet their souls are one with the flow of harmlessness. Pride is injury to you and to all living beings, Young Nun! Live in your soul's beauty of non-injury'." The nun grew awestruck, "Wonder of wonders, His words lay bare my silly self-praise, And I quit pride, in homage to the Good Monk."
Rajimati looked at the beautiful nun of simple bearing. By non-violence, he had cast out a blemish of pride. "Young Nun, my deepest thanks." And Rajimati moved on.
Tis he, she thought, Yadava jaw in the sun,
The warrior for wailing animal-prisoners without crimes. Rejoice me! That I am near to meeting my husband!
Then an inner voice said to Rajimati:
'You inherited your love for him in your soul, Abandoned, you shrieked of your lofty bloodline, Of what, your word? Your word was of pride, While to your husband, pride is a wound, an injury'. She looked into the mirror of her prideful self, And she said, "I quit my pride forevermore."
And so Rajimati moved on with a bright face. She had forsaken a self-injury, she felt her path eased,

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KREMSER: JOURNEY TO THE HOME IN THE LOTUS
The firethorn of pride was no more.
"Silken lady!"
A monk was coming up from the mossy, gray deepness. "Feast! for this unfed monk of hollow bones!"
Of a sudden, Rajimati felt a panic at her throat. -Creepers had held uncut over the cave entry, Reassured, she had slipped out of a slashing rain, She had removed her garment, had tossed back her hair. "I-", her voice broke, "I am bride to Aristanemi."
"And I am his brother, Rathanemi," the monk cried. "He abandons you, I abandon my vows for you, Firestorm! as again you drop your moisty robe!"
"Shame to your face!"
Rajimati clung to her robe like to a temple pillar. "Your vows make you of a solitary turn,
Break vows in this life, reap bitter in the coming life, Would you reap bitter for this trice of lechery? Monk! With this unguarded nun, you have free choice, Damn your soul or, follow after your godly brother."
Rathanemi hesitated, the murky gray gathered up to him. She froze in panic, He will overrun me in the cave! In slow time, he said, "Voice of truth in your mouth."
Rajimati found herself under a flecky sky.
She began to feel an embrace, a warmth of mother's shawl, Rain clouds were breaking, the sun hung copper at midday.
And so passed a long measure of years.
Rajimati was resting in the amber heat of midafternoon, But one thin bird was singing in the idle silence. All the while, she had sought testimonials of Good Monk, No whisper, she thought sadly, no whisper on the wind.
Nearby sat a woman with city eyes.
"Heed what the Wayshower said to me," she said. "Woman, why do you live in your inner city of deceit? Like to you, the animals dwell mid treachery, Yet these innocents stay trusting and trustworthy,

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Like to you, they seek harmony with all life. Alas, deceit is a burden of violence on your soul, City Woman! Live in your soul's city of non-violence"." The woman grew awestruck, "O wonder,
His words lay bare my self-truckery,
And I quit deceit, in respect to the Wayshower."
She looked at the city woman with the forthright eyes. By non-violence, He had dislodged a leech of deceit. "City Woman, my thanks." And Rajimati moved on.
Then an inner voice said to Rajimati:
'He abandoned you, you made free with a nun's robe, Of what, your thought? Your thought was of deceit, Yet to the Wayshower, deceit is an ugly violence' And she vowed, "I quit deceit for all my time."
And so Rajimati moved on with a well-content face. She had forsaken a self-injury, she felt her path eased, The firethorn of deceit was no more.
And so passed a long measure of footweary years. Rajimati was resting in the bluish ashes of dusk, Already, the deepness was fluttering with nightbirds. She had not knelt, yet for long she had sought Him, His gift to me, she thought, the jewel of His holy feet.
Nearby sat an elder nun with a parched face. "Share what the living Wayshower said,
'Why do you seek ultimate reality with claws of greed? Nun, when the pot is ready, it will be filled.
Like to you, the food-animals near the end of their terms, Yet unlike you, they wait rebirth with passive acceptance. Alas, greed is a burden of violence on your soul. Elder Nun! Live in your soul's bounty of non-violence." The nun grew awestruck, "O wonder beyond wonders, His words lay bare my selfish self-indulgence, And I quit greed, in surrender to the living Wayshower."
She looked at the parched nun with the glowing face. By non-violence, He had scattered a hoard of greed. "Elder Nun, my deepest thanks." And Rajimati moved on.

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KREMSER: JOURNEY TO THE HOME IN THE LOTUS
Then an inner voice said to Rajimati: 'Abandoned, you sought Him from a sultry motive, Of what, your thought? Your thought was of greed, And to the living Wayshower, greed is a raw, ugly violence. And she vowed, "I quit greed for all my time."
And so Rajimati moved on with a well-content face. She had forsaken a self-injury, she felt her path eased, The firethorn of greed was no more.
Yet she began to suffer the broken thread of her dreams. Pulsing heart, returning home, worshipping-all gone, Yet empty of the pure, everlasting viewpoint. Slowly she began to feel a teardrop,
-His ear had opened to the wailing food-animals, While she, simple maiden, had followed her husband. Her turning love, between form and formlessness, So distant the fragrant lotus at the top of the mountain. She could only take a step farther than the step before, She could only see ahead to one certainty,
...Red thorn days, nights with the black stars howling. So she looked down, underfoot, at the path, ...Path of worthy thorns.
Sweet Lotus in Bliss, in Bliss Everliving.
Rajimati held fast, toward the top of the mountain. ...Great silvery mountain, in the spirit floating, Unmindful of the bent, crumbling shadow on its flank, Steepest path, she thought, in my frailest years. She moved upward, the granite boulders did not yield.
Dusk crept up, she saw an overhang of stones. Her goal of a proper cave was a harsh tomorrow upward, While her weary bones were murmuring, 'rest, rest'. So she unrolled her mat. "Lightly", she said,
"You bedding stones, let us press upon each other."
The moon began to rise, light slipped over her. -No rosy fountains, no hand-in-hand, no yesterdays, Nothing but an unartful, timeweary nun In search of the fragrance of the sweet lotus,

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Lotus adding its measure of harmlessness to the cosmos. And so Rajimati came to observe her trusty life-support, Poor clay that was the instrument of her last attachment, Her own fragile clay, no longer useful to her soul. She reached out and upturned the loyal water jar. Attachment, aversion, she thought, stone, stone. The moon rose high up, the little shelter grew dark.
Rajimati began to have a waking dream....
In the dream, she saw a king with her husband's face, Sun-flushed, that had fixed her to his bright person. He was speaking tenderly to her, "My beloved Queen, Together, let us give grape water to mendicants, That we share merit in our coming life, together." ..... And the dream faded into the dusts of time-gone-by.
Then she began to have a midway waking dream...... She saw her husband, self-radiant, under a neem tree. So slowly, His face merged with the One, the Cosmic Image, Image that was the symbol of spiritual perfection By way of non- injury in thought, word and deed To all living beings, moving and unmoving, For all living beings cling to life, all fear to die. And so in His radiances rises the universal law: To others do also, as you would be done to, O righteous radiance, for all living beings. .....And the dream faded into the flow of time-in-being
And then she began to have a final waking dream.... Peoples were rushing about in a world of materiality,
-Thing to beauty, break it to see of what it was made, Fire in the air, plastic in the temple, salty water And famine, for the spirit of pity for wailing animals.

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THE 24 BUDDHAS AND THE 24 TIRTHANKARAS
Suzuko Ohira The Buddhists enumerate the past 7 buddhas, 24 buddhas and so on, and the Jainas also count the 24 tirthankaras. The Buddhists and the Jains used to share many concepts in the olden days, and it is not so easy to determine which sect of the two initiated one thereby followed by the other sect. The case of the 24 buddhas and the 24 tirthařkaras is one of them. This problem seems to have been kept somewhat intact, and therefore let us try to take it up in this paper.
The concept of the past 7 buddhas seems to have originally
n that of the 7 vipras of the Ravedal. The past 7 buddhas who include the Buddha himself as the 7th occur in various places in the Agama.And it is assumed that Asoka knew these past buddhas from the facts that Bharhut inscription records the bodhi trees of the past 6 buddhas excluding the 2nd buddhas Sikhi, and that Asoka repaired the stūpa of Konāgamana twice.” In the Agama, the 24 buddhas are said to be dealt with exclusively for the first time in the Buddhavamsa along with the past 27 buddhas and the future buddha Maitreya, and in the Apadāna along with the past 35 buddhas. Also there emerged the past 32 buddhas,' and numerous buddhas in the later ages, e.g., the past 45 buddhas, 53 buddhas, 58 buddhas, 2 billion buddhas and so on. There are numerous buddhas in the present time and the future also. 7 The Apadāna which seems to be slightly earlier than the Buddhavamsa, is said to be after Asoka for sure, but is held variously by many scholars, for instance, c.a. the 1st century B.C. by A.K. Wader on
1 2 3 4
H. Nakamura : His Selected Works, v.11, p.489 H. Ui : Studies of Indian Philosophy, v.4, p. 216 H. Ui : Ibid., v.2, p.166 E. Maeda : A History of the Formation of Original Buddhist Texts, p.768 T. Kimura :His Collected Works, v.5, pp. 83ff. Kern : Manual of Indian Buddhism, pp.63-64. Referred by H. Nakamura in his Selected Works, v.11, p.524, n.95 S. Mochizuki : Mochizuki Bukkyo Daijiten, v.5, pp.44387. S. Mochizuki : op. cit. pp.4438-40
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6 7

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the basis of meter, and after the 3rd-4th centuries A.D. by R. Higata.8
As is well-known, the past 7 buddhas evolved from the stories of the Jātaka, that were originally used by the Buddha himself out of the then popular stock of stories to edify the public. Some Jātaka stories then found their expression in the sculptures at Bharhut and Sañci. The superhuman personality of the Buddha is said to have been thus sought in his karma that caused him to take birth in these persons in the past, which gave an explanation to the effect that the law established by such a superhuman being is universal and eternal.
10
The past 7 buddhas and 24 buddhas, etc. came into being centering around the Buddha himself, for the concept of the past buddhas developed as the past birth stories of the Buddha himself. Here is therefore the raison d'être for the rise of the 24 buddhas on the side of the Buddhists.
In the Jaina school, many tirthankara images suddenly emerge upon entering the Christian era, which seems to have happened in connection with the frictions occurred between the Jainas and the Vaisnavas involving Mathura. Also the 24 tirthankaras make their sudden appearance in the canonical literature at the final canonical stage, endowed with the function of turning the Jaina dharma eternally, wherein no definite reason exists to have 24 as their number. Then, the Jainas must have adopted the number of tirthankaras from the Buddhist side. We would like to develop these topics in this paper, so that we can justify the said position that the 24 tirthankaras of the Jainas came into existence later than the 24 buddhas.
The names of the 24 tirthankaras who were born in Bharata in Jambudvipa in this present avasarpini are listed as follows in Nandisutra 20-21, Avasyaka II, Bhagavatisūtra XX.8, Samavāyānga 248 and Kalpasūtra, etc., which all belong to the 5th century A.D.11: 1) Rsabha (or Adinatha), 2) Ajita, 3) Sambhava, 4) Abhinandana, 5) Sumati, 6) Padmaprabha (or Suprabha), 7) Supārsva, 8) Candra
8. E. Maeda Ibid., pp.766-7, 774
9. H. Ui: Ibid., v.4, pp. 206ff; E. Maeda : Ibid., p.384
10. H. Ui: op.cit.
11. S. Ohira, A Study of the Bhagavalisūtra -A Chronological Analysis, Ch.I, "Canonical Stages" (Unpublished)

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OHIRA : THE 24 BUDDHAS AND THE 24 TIRTHANKARAS
prabha (or Saši), 9) Suvidhi (or Puspadanta), 10) Sitala, 11) Śreyamsa, 12) Vasupujya, 13) Vimala, 14) Ananta, 15) Dharma, 16) Śānti, 17) Kunthu, 18) Ara, 19) Malli, 20) Munisuvrata, 21) Nami, 22) Aristanemi (or Nemi), 23) Pārsva, and 24) Mahāvira.
Now, let us see how the tirthařkara images make their appearance in the canonical period in the archaeological sources. The earliest tirthařkara image belonging to the Maurya age is discovered from Lohanipur (Patna). 12 Also a tirthankara image datable after the 1st century B.C. is found from the same place. 13 As is well-known, the Hāthigumphā inscription touches upon "Kalinga jina" of Khāravela. 14 A bronze image of Pārsva now preserved at the Prince of Wales Museum at Bombay is said datable earlier than 100 B.C. by one scholar, but at the 2nd century A.D. by the other. 15
It is suspected that a Jain temple was existent in the middle of the 2nd century B.C. at Mathurā. 16 And tirthankara images count most numerous among the Jaina sculptures found at Mathurā.17 Mathurā inscriptions usually read that so and so donates an arhat's image without indicating the arhat's name. Only some of the names of tirthařkaras are known to us, either because their names are inscribed on the images, or because from certain peculiarities ascribed to some tirthankaras. The latter is found in the case of Rsabha whose locks of hair fall on his shoulders, and in the case of Pārsva who has a canopoy of snake-hoods on his head. 18 The following is the information about the tirthařkara images whose names are identified. Pārsva is the first tirthankara identifiable among the images of jinas engraved on the Ayāga-patas, which belong to the period earlier than King Kaniska.19 Tirthařkara images are found most numerous during the period between King Kaniska and King Vāsudeva at Mathurā, among which identified at least are the following 7 tirthankaras, i.e., Rsabha, Sambhava, Säntinātha, Munisuvrata, Aristanemi, Pārsva and Mahāvira.20 A class of the
.
12. A. Ghosh, ed.: Jaina Art and Architecture, v.1, pp.26, 71 13. A. Ghosh, ed.: Ibid., p.71 14. A. Ghosh, ed.: Ibid., p.74 15. A. Ghosh, ed.: Ibid., pp. 87-88 16. A. Ghosh, ed.: Ibid., p.51 17. A. Ghosh, ed.: Ibid., p.37 18. A. Ghosh, ed.: Ibid., p.65 19. A. Ghosh, ed.: Ibid., p.65 20. A. Ghosh, ed.: Ibid., p. 66, n. 1

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tirthankara image identified with Aristanemi who is flanked by Balarama and Vasudeva makes its appearance at the Kusana and post-Kuṣāna period.2
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JAIN JOURNAL VOL XXIX, NO 1, JULY 1994
23
As to the tirthankara images belonging to the Gupta age, Mathura owns a group sculpture of 5 tirthankaras, i.e. Rsabha, Śantinātha, Aristanemi, Pārsva and Mahavira, that is called "pañcendra" in the Kahaum inscription of the later days. Beside this, individual images of Rsabha, Aristanemi and Parsva are discovered from Mathurā.22 In East India, an image of Aristanemi is discovered from Vaibharagiri,2 images of Padmaprabha, Parsva and Mahavira are found from Sonbhandar cave," ,24 and images of Rsabha and Candraprabha are found at Causa.25 In Central India, an inscription of the Gupta year 106 referring to the making of a figure of Parsva is located in one of the Udaigiri caves near Vidisā.26 Images of Rsabha, Pārsva and Mahavira are unearthed from Sira Pahari.27 A dhoti clad image of Rsabha and an image of Jivantasvāmi are discovered from West India.28
The above data are collected from the Jaina Art and Architecture, v.1, which is at hand, with a view to finding when tirthankara images began to appear, and to what extent the names of tirthankaras were known in the archaeological sources in the Agamic period, that is 6/5th century B.C. 5th century A.D.29 We can generalize the following facts from the above data :
-

21. A. Ghosh, ed.: Ibid., pp. 65-66 22. A. Ghosh, ed.: Ibid., pp. 108-113 23. A. Ghosh, ed.: Ibid., p.122 24. A. Ghosh, ed.: Ibid., p.123 25. A. Ghosh, ed.: Ibid., p.125 26. A. Ghosh, ed.: Ibid., p.128 27. A. Ghosh, ed.: Ibid., p. 130
It is said that the image of Rsabha at Sira Pahari is accompanied by the Tanchana of a bull and that of Mahavira there by the lanchana of a lion. 28. A. Ghosh, ed.: Ibid., p.134
U.P.Shah,: "A Unique Jaina Image of Jivantasvami" and "An Old Jaina Image from Khed-brahmā (North Gujarat)"
29. Although the data offered here are not exhaustive, it is hoped to be sufficient for the present purpose. Prof. Bruhn notices that the Jaina image traditions show certain peculiar formulae as follows: Rṣabha-Pārsva-Others in North India (up to c.a. 1000 A.D.); Pārsva-Bahubali-Others in Early Deccan (postcanonical); Pārsva-Others in Southern India (post-canonical). K. Bruhn : "The Identification of Jina Images" in Berliner Indologische Studien, Band 1, 1985, pp. 152-53

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OHIRA : THE 24 BUDDHAS AND THE 24 TIRTHANKARAS
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1) The earliest firthankara image belongs to the Maurya period. 2) Parsva's image is the earliest one among the firthankara images who are
identified. 3) The images identified in the Kuşāņa age are Rşabha, Sambhava, Santinātha,
Munisuvrata, Aristanemi, Pārsva and Mahāvīra. 4) The images identified in the Gupta age are Padmaprabha and Candraprabha,
in addition to those enumerated in 3. 5) A group of tirthankaras called pancendra appears in the Gupta age. 6) Rşabha, Aristanemi, Pārsva and Mahāvīra are the most popular objects of
worship elsewhere in the canonical age.
Let us see, then, in what way ttrthankaras are recorded in the Agama. Nandtsūtra 20-21, Avasyaka II and Bhagavattsūtra XX.8 mechanically enumerate the names of the 24 tirthankaras. Samavāyanga 248 lists their names, then their stereotyped biographical particulars are itemized in its 249ff. The biographical accounts of Rsabha, Aristanemi, Pārsva and Mahāvira are taken up in the Kalpasūtra, which are treated in the dry and stereotyped manner excluding the case of Mahāvira, and brief descriptions are offered as to the rest of tirthankaras again in a stereotyped way. Needless to say, Mahāvira's biographical account appears since the earliest canonical age. Pārsva's biography is not taken up in the canon except in the Kalpasūtra. Rsabha is taken up in Jambūdutpaprajñapti II. Aristanemi appears as a secondary hero in Uttarādhyayana XXII, and he often comes in the stage as the preceptor of Krsna, for instance, in Antakrddasā III. As to śāntinātha, Sambhava, Padmaprabha and Candraprabha, they never appear in a significant way in the canon. Munisuvrata is touched upon in relation to the heroes of stories narrated in Bhagavattsutra XVI. 5.575 and XVIII. 2.616, for instance. Mallt is a female tirthankara who is taken up rather in a prominent way in Jñātādharmakathā VIII. AU these texts belong to the 4-5th canonical stages, that is, the 4-5th centuries A.D. 30
It is thus confirmed that Rsabha, Aristanemi, Pārsva and Mahāvira are the important and popular tirthankaras in the canonical texts as well as in the idol worship. The rest of the tirthankaras carved in the form of images are practically neglected in the canon. Now, let us try to explain why it happened so, and how these
30. S. Ohira : Ibid., Ch.1, "Canonical Stages"

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numerous tirthankaras came to appear in the Jaina sect around that time on the basis of the above data.
It is a universal phenomenon that a certain form of worship arises after the demise of the founder of a religeous school, and it is, as a matter of fact, natural that the Jainas started to make Mahavira's images as the objects of worship in due course. And as long as the object of worship was Mahāvira himself, there was no need of recording his name on the image. It was sufficient to mention that so and so donated an arhat's image, which was understood as of Mahāvīra. Majority of the old images of tirthankaras not identified with any specific tirthankaras must therefore mean Mahāvira's images. One may, however, argue that all the images of the 24 tirthankaras were already existent in the Kusana age, and the numerous unidentified tirthankara images must be those of some specific tirthankaras. But this is not likely, because tirthankara images that are produced in the naked form, by symbolizing the idealism of ahimsă, are undistinguishable one from the other without the presence of their attendants and specific marks called lanchanas. Lañchanas which are unknown to the canon emerge only in the post-canonical age. Then, the images of the 24 tirthankaras must have been built in the post-canonical age.
Mahavira received the basic doctrines of Pārsva and gave them a modern outlook in the current thoughts and language of the days. Therefore, many of Pārsva's followers must have been converted to Mahavira's camp, who then became the promotors of Jainism. As the canonical texts often touch upon the cases of converts from the Pārsvan school, for instance, Bhagavatisūtra II. 55.106-11 and V. 9.255, the Jaina school went on absorbing Parsva's followers in the course of time. And it may not be wrong to assume that the Pārsvan school was practically absorbed by the Jaina school by the end of the canonical age, when the Jainas established the lineage of the 24 tirthankaras with Parsva as the 23rd in their church history.31 Having this as their historical background, it may not be surprising if the converts from the Parsvan school and their descendants began to carve Pārsva's images about the time when the idol worship of Mahavira became prevalent. Here they must have tried to distinguish Pārsva's image from Mahavira's by adorning Parsva with a canopoy of snake-hoods. We can thus identify Pārśva alone among
31. According to Pt. Malvania, however, there still exists a caste called Saraka in West Bengal, that is suspected to belong to the Parsvan School.

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the other tirthankara images on the Ayaga-pata, and the unidentified images must be Mahāvīra's ones. Pārsva's biography offered in the Kalpasūtra does not attract us as an individual human being, because his personality as an individual person fell into oblivion already in the remote past as so suggested by the fact that he is associated with the popular snake worship.32
15
Excluding Mahavira and Parsva, the tirthankaras who are the popular objects of idol worship and who are paid due attention in the canonical texts are Rsabha and Aristanemi. Rṣabha or Adinatha appears in Jambudvipaprajñapti II, and his son Bharata in its Chapter III. Aristanemi appears in the canon as the preceptor of Krsna. Here we should note the fact that Rsabha-Bharata and AristanemiKrsna are both involved with the Vaisnavas.
Historically speaking, the Jainas seem to have advanced the roads opened by the Buddhists, and they became active centering around the then cosmopolitan city, Mathura, since around the 2nd century B.C. And in the Kuṣāna period, during the reigns of King Kaniska and King Vasudeva, the Jainas seem to have enjoyed more power and prosperity at Mathura than the Buddhists did, as evinced by the numerous finds unearthed therein.33 Upon entering the Gupta age, however, the number of the Jaina inscriptions and archaeological remains suddenly decreases, and the number of those in South India centering around Mysore increases. There are hardly any Jaina remains in South India since the beginning of this Christian era (there are, of course, in the pre-Christian era),34 but they begin to appear all of a sudden upon entering the Gupta age, and their number continues to grow in due course. And since then. South India and West India have become the two centers of the Jainas.
32. Pārsva was worshipped elsewhere in India in the post-canonical age, as Prof. Bruhn notices in f.n.29. It is true even today. According to Pt. Malvania, people worship him for the power of his Yaksa and Yakṣini for answering prayers. 33. Out of 159 Mathura inscriptions of this period listed in Lüders' List of Brahmī Inscriptions, 87 belong to the Jainas, 55 to the Buddhists and 17 to non-sectarian, from which it is assumed that the Jainas then had more dominant power than the Buddhists. See Gai, G.S.: "Mathura Jaina Inscriptions of the Kuṣaṇa Period" in Aspects of Jaina Art and Architecture.
34. S. Ohira: A Study of the Tattvārthasūtra with Bhāṣya, pp.116-17

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The strange phenomenon of these archaeological evidences seems to be suggesting that some frictions must have occurred between the Jainas (along with the Buddhists) and the Vaisnavas during the Kusāna and Gupta periods under the Vaisnava renaissance movement of Sanskrit culture at Mathurā, the birth place of Krsna, and this opened a way to the mass exodus of the Jainas from Mathurā to the South and the West, which later caused the Great Schism of the Jainas into the Śvetāmbaras and Digambaras.35 And the creation of tirthankara images must have probably happened in connection with the fight for winning Mathurā, which the Vaisnavas must have been eager to take back from the Jainas (and the Buddhists).
The following is a supposition that explains the situation along this line. As aforementioned, the Jainas were worshipping the images of Mahāvīra and Pārsva by the early Kusāna period. The Vaisnavas tactfully placed Buddha under the supremacy of Visnu by way of receiving Buddha as one of Visnu's avatāras. It might be likewise possible that the Jainas, sensing the danger of their attack, tried to safeguard themselves by placing Krsna under the power of Aristanemi whose chronological position must be assumed to be earlier than that of Pārsva. firthankara Aristanemi might have been created in such a way. However, since Krsna is no more than an avatāra of Visnu, the Jainas have to have their Adinātha who stands equal to Visnu's position in order to cope with their avatāra theory. And the Jainas might have probably tried to absorb the line of Rsabha-Bharata from the Vaisnava source. 36 And since the fight urged the Jainas to establish evidences that Rsabha and Aristanemi had existed ever since the beginning of their church chronology, the Jainas probably had to produce their images at once. It could be the reason why their numerous images emerged suddenly during the period of King Kaniska through Vāsudeva. As aforementioned, a class of tirthankara identified with Aristanemi flanked by Balarāma and Vāsudeva Krsna appears in the Kusāna and post
35. For the details, refer to S. Ohira : Ibid. Section IV, Part I 36. Then later, the Bhagavata Purāna, which is assignable to the 10th century A.D.
(M. Winternitz: A History of Indian Literature, v.1, p.556) absorbs Rşabha, by speaking of his wandering in the Western part of the peninsula, and connecting him with the establishment of the Jaina religion in those parts. (J. Dowson: A Classical Dictionary of Hindu Mythology and Religion, Geography, History and Literature, p.268)

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17
Kusāna periods. And Sonbhandār cave at Rājgir cave came to be requisitioned by the Vaisnavas in later days.37
When Rsabha was established as Adinātha and Arstanemi was placed in the position chronologically earlier than Pārsva, it was natural that some other tirthankaras had to be created in between. Sāntinātha, Munisuvrata, Padmaprabha and Candraprabha came to be created in this background possibly hinted at by the Vaisnavas' stories or from the common stock of legends and stories in India.38 These tirthařkaras must have been thus created in order to fill up the temporal space between Adinātha and Arstanemi-PārsvaMahāvira in the capacity of minor characters, so to speak. This must be the reason why the canonical texts do not attach much importance to them and offer stereotyped descriptions of them. Among them, Śãtinātha is included in the pañcendra, therefore he must have played a certain important role in this historical context. Bhagavatisūtra XX.8 lists Suprabha in the place of Padmaprabha
Candraprabha, which explains that Padmaprabha and Candraprabha became popular enough by this time under the names Suprabha and Sasi.
This is still a hypothetical explanation, no doubt, but even then, it can throw a new light upon the problem under consideration. If so, it was the historical reality involving Mathurā that produced many Jaina tirthankaras all at once. As a result, their images (of course, excluding the case of Mahāvira) were created first, after which their stories came to be composed in the canon. The list of the 24 tirthankaras must have been then finalized upon entering the final canonical stage, along with the completion of the Jaina church chronology and organization. It is thus evident that many Jaina tirthankaras came to be established in the totally different background from the case of the Buddhists.
Then, what is the context in which the 24 tirthankaras make their
rance? The answer is best found in Bhagavatisūtra XX.8 which deals with the following topics. (1) The time cycle consisting of avasarpini and utsarpini dominates over 5 Bharatas and 5 Airāvatas in the human regions (i.e. Jambūdvipa, Dhātakîkhanda and Puskarārdha) alone. (2) The first and the last tirthankaras preach 4 yāmas in Mahāvidehas, but they preach 5 vratas accompanied by
37. A. Ghosh, ed.: Ibid., p.117 38. For example, Sānti, Kunthu, Ara and Nami are listed as the names of kings in
Uttaradhyayana XVIII

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pratikramana in Bharatas and Airavatas in the human regions. The rest of the 22 tirthankaras preach 4 yāmas in all these karmabhūmis. (3) A list of the 24 tirthankaras who appear in Bharata in Jambudvipa in this present avasarpini. (4) The 24 tirthankaras teach the 12 Angas. However, the Drstivada does not exist in the 23 interims. The 11 Angas exist in the first and the last 8 interims, but not in the 7 interims in the middle. (5) Duration of the Purva of each tirthankara. (6) Duration of the tirtha of each tirthankara.
The topic of the 24 tirthankaras is treated here, involving the problem of tirthankaras' roles in teaching the Jaina dharma in the context of Jaina world and the time cycle. This topic thus arose at the end of the canonical period, when the Jainas were attempting to establish the Jaina church chronology by clarifying the roles of tirthankara, after completing the Jaina doctrinal system and the structure of Jaina universe. In other words, the problem of the 24 tirthankaras arose in order to establish the idea that the dharmacakra of the Jainas is eternal, for it is constantly turned by these 24 tirthankaras, who are schemed to be born in the human regions periodically at certain periods of kāla-cakra. The factor of kāla-cakra is not at all taken into consideration in the Prajñāpana, while taking up jivas' transmigration in the cosmographical outline.39 The problem of kala-cakra thus came to be taken up after entering the final canonical stage. Let us now examine the background of this problem rather closely.
According to the world view of Brahmanism, the world repeats its creation and destruction, and the duration of its maintenance period is divided into 4 yugas or kalpas consisting of unequal length of time, which dominate over the region of Bharata."
40
The Jainas maintain that ananta jivas and ananta karma matter are united since times eternal, therefore they cannot bring the Brahmanical idea of creation and destruction of the world into the Jaina system of thought. Here devised is Kala-cakra consisting of two half cycles of avasarpini and utsarpini, by which the Jainas explain that as long as this kala-cakra turns, good period and bad period take their turn without creating and destroying the world. Each half cycle is divided into 6 periods of unequal length of time,
39. The date of the Prajñāpanā thus falls in the later canonical stage, but comes prior to the Jambudvipaprajñapti.
40. Kane: History of Dharmasastra, V-1, p.687, n. 1081a

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for good and bad periods can be combined into 6 ways. Avasarpini consists of the best period, good period. good-bad period, bad-good period, bad period and the worst period, and utsurpini takes its reverse order. This kala-cakra turns over 5 Bharatas and 5 Airavatas in the human regions, and the rest of the districts in the human regions are eternally under the fixed modes of time. Let us see it in the figure pertaining to Jambudvipa.
Bad-good
Good-bad
Good
Best

Best
Good
Good-bad
Jambudvipa
Bad-good
►
Airavata
▸ Hairanyavata
► Ramyaka
Videha
Hari
Bharata
Kuru
►Haimavata
Kuru

19
Videha
The four periods of yuga or kalpa dominate over Bharata region alone in the world of Brahmanism, but the Jainas turned the kala-cakra over Airavata also in order to keep a balance over the geographical structure. Furthermore, the same phenomenon is said to occur in two Bharatas and two Airavatas each in Dhatakikhanda and Puskarärdha as shown in the following figure.
The 24 tirthankaras (along with the 12 cakravartis and other great personages) are to be born in these 5 Bharatas and 5 Airavatas at good-bad period and bad-good period in each half time cycle, and preach the law of the Jainas in their own districts. Why 5 vratas

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---- Puşkarārdha
► Dhātakikhanda
---
Jambūdvipa
Human regions
are taught by the first and the last tirthankaras, and why 4 yimas are taught by the firthankaras in the middle are explained by Gautama to kesi in Uttaradhyayana XXIII.4 Beside the names of the 24 tirthankaras born in Bharata in Jambūdvipa in the present avasarpint, the names of the 24 tirthankaras born in Airāvata in Jambūdvipa in the present avasarpini, and those to be born in Bharata in Jambūdvipa in the immediate future utsarpini are listed in Samavāyānga 264 and 267, which are likely the post-canonical interpolations. 42 The 240 tirthankaras (24 x 10) are thus to be born in the human regions in each half cycle, therefore the Jainas assume that numerous tirthankaras are to be born in the human regions in the eternal course of time. The Buddhists also approve
41. This explains that the Uttaradhyayana XXIII is fully acquainted with the
content expressed by the Bhagavatī sūtra XX.8. The late date of the composition of the Uttarādhyayana XXIII is also evident from the fact that jñānadarsana-cāritra are maintained by Gautama as constituting the fundamental cause of liberation in answering to the important problem of robe wearing and non-robe wearing practice of monks in both schools. This concept that jñanadarśana-cāritra constitute the pathway for liberation occurs at the final canoni
cal stage, i.e. the 5th century A.D. 42. Shah, U.P.: Studies in Jaina Art, pp. 73-74

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21
that numerous buddhas appear at the same time in numerous worlds to preach their law in their assigned areas.43
The 24 tirthankaras of the Jainas thus emerge as a part of the
zed picture of the world and the time cycle of the Jainas. The 24 tirthańkaras who include Mahāvira himself as the 24th constitute a group of tirthañkaras who were born in Bharata in Jambūdvipa in the present avasarpint. This group of the 24 tirthařkaras has nothing to do with the other 9 groups of the 24 tirthankaras who were born in the other districts in the human regions in this present avasarpini. Mahāvīra is therefore a part of this mechanism, and has nothing to do with the other numerous tirthańkaras appearing in the eternal course of time. In other words, a group of the 24 tirthankaras is nothing but a mechanical unit in playing the functional role of tirthankaras in the mechanism of time and place in the Jaina universe, that is planned to explain the eternity of dharma-cakra of the Jainas.
Such being the case, there is no particular reason for the Jainas to fix the number of tirthańkaras to be 24. 24 is not particularly a favourite number of the Jainas. The 24 dandakas constitute the classes of fivas, which however are not likely associated with the number of tirthankaras. The number constituting a mechanical unit as such can be all right if it were 5 or 50, for instance. However, there are at least 9 tirthařkara images whose names are known in the canonical period. And there are some other tirthařkaras whose names are known in the canonical texts as aforementioned. The number of tirthankaras must be therefore 9 + X.
In front of the Jaina authorities in the 5th century A.D., there was an authoritative ready-made model of the past buddhas consisting of 7, 24, 27, 32 and 35. Among them, 24 is first fitting number for this formula "9 + X". So probably the then Jaina authorities chose 24 as the number for a group of tirthankaras. The then historical element must have therefore played an important role for the Jainas in adopting this number 24, for there is no other essential
43. For instance, the Sautrāntikas, see Abhidharmakosa: Loka 5.3.3, and Ui, H.
Ibid., v.4, p.222. Also see S. Mochizuki: Ibid. v.5, pp.4438-39

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ground or raison d'être for the Jainas in deciding the number of their tirthankaras to be 24, as we have lengthily discussed above. In the medieval Jaina sculptures, there arise the 72 tirthankaras (24 x 3, i.e. past, present and future), 170 or 172 tirthankaras and 1,000 tirthankaras beside the 24 tirthankaras.A 44
44. A. Ghosh, ed.. Ibid., v.3, p.485
JAIN JOURNAL: VOL XXIX, NO 1, JULY 1994

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DANACHINTAMANI ATTIMOBBE - AN APPRAISAL
Vasantha Kumari Though, during the Western Chalukyan period, Jainism ceased to continue as the professed religion of the rulers, as it was under the Gangas, Rastrakutas and the Hoysalas, it was still outgoing as a conquering faith attracting many followers. Jainism attained strength and grew stronger, on account of the unstinted support provided by the noble Jaina families, and, specially, the patronage of the rulers who were favourably disposed towards Jainism. A number of epigraphical records attest and illustrate the progressive ascendency that Jainism had attained in the Chalukyan territory.
The Lakkundi inscription illustrates the achievements of two, martial, Jaina families, their contributions to the rise of the Chalukyas to power, and Jaina cultural ascendency. It also contains full details of the accomplishments of Attimobbe, a highly esteemed and distinguished personality in the Jaina history of med nataka. The discovery of the Lakkundi record was made by Dr. T.N. Srikantaiah, who in 1945, brought to light, by his own efforts, two records lying inside the complex of Attimobbe's basadi at Lakkundi. The contents of these records are more or less the same. However, the original record has been largely effaced and broken into pieces; it is dated 1007 A.D.' Another record of the original also supplies additional information throwing light on the destruction and fatalities which the Brahma Jinalaya, the splendid basadi, built by Attimobbe at Lakkundi, suffered during the subsequent years. It is believed that this inscription was recomposed after two centuries.4 The record is bilingual, elaborate and contains 88 stanzas, composed in beautiful Kanda and Vritta styles. The later dated inscription was composed by one Bahubali, who was proficient in the Kannada and Sanskrit languages; according to this record, he was the son of Siripala, who caused the Attimobbe basadi to be reno
1. SII, Vol. XI, No. 52. 2. Ti. Nam. Srikantaiah (Ed.) Samalokana, pp. 150. 204. 3. SII, Vol. XI, No. 53. 4. Ibid., 52 5. Ibid.

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vated, approximately in the 12th century A.D. The composer of the earlier dated inscription is believed to have been the classical Kan nada poet Ranna, the author of Ajitanatha Purana. It is important to note that the contents of this inscription corroborate, by and large, the contents of the Ajitanatha Purana.' It is well-known that Ranna wrote his work at the suggestion of Attimobbe. The poet also enjoyed the patronage ofthe Chalukyan rulers, Taila II and Irivabedanga Satyasraya.8
In the constellation of brilliant, Jaina martial families in the Chalukyan kingdom of the 10th century A.D., two numes, namely, Mallappa and Dhallappa, appear prominently; they were, apparently, the central figures in the Chalukyan polity. They and their forefathers seemed to have given their support to the Chalukyan rulers Taila II and Irivabedanga Satyasraya Ahavamalla in their combats against the opponents during the early years. Mallapa and Dhallapa served Taila II and his successor Irivabedanga Satyasraya Ahavamalla under them in various capacities, as ministers and generals, during the subsequent years, after the Chalukyas came to power. They were also the chief promoters of Jainism during this century, and it is important to note that Attimobbe was a link between these two Jaina martial families.
Profile of Mallapa, Father of Attimobbe:
In a feudalistic system of administration, like that of the Western Chalukyas, there was always ample scope for an able person to build up his political fortunes. Only persons having excellent military prowess, loyalty, and intelligence were appointed as administrators of fiefs and as state officers. Mallapa, father of Attimobbe appears to have built up his fortunes by the dint of his own merits under Taila II. From Ranna's account, it also appears that Mallapa belonged to the Vajivamsa' of Kaundinya Gotra.10 Reference to the
6. Ibid. 7. Dr. Hampa Nagarajaiah (Ed.): Santipurana (Introd); Ajitapurana, Tilakam,
(Ed.): Devirappa, D. Javaregowda Ch: 1, St. 38. 8. Karnataka Kavi Charitre, Vol. I. 9. Dr. M. S. Nagaraja Rao (Ed.): Seminar Papers, The Chalukyas of Kalyana,
Article- The feudal element in the Western Chalukyan Polity. The Mythic
Society, 1983. 10. Ajitapurana Tilakam, Ch. 1-28.

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Vajivamsa also appears in the Laundi inscription. The Vajivamsa was, possibly, a reputed Jaina, martial family; this may be deduced from the fact that the term literally conveys the meanings 'horse', 'fighter', 'courage', thereby implying that it was a Ksatriya family." The Chalukyan records refer to the noble families who hailed from Vajikula and belonged to varied gotras of non-Jaina and Jaina origin. In the present context, it is hard to trace, more precisely, the origin and development of this Vajivamsa. However, it is important to note that the renowned Hulla, a gifted Minister of the Hoysala kings, Narasimha-I and Ballala-II also hailed from Vajivamsa. 12
The Chalukyas of Kalyana, the feudatory chieftain of the Rastrakutas, came to the forefront in 973 A.D., after getting rid of the Rastrakuta suzerainty. 13 During a crucial stage of this political transformation, many loyal officials and generals stood in support of the Chalukyas. One such general was the grandfather of Mallapa, namely Pampaiah, and he appears to have rebelled against the Rastrakutas in support of Taila II. This is illustrated in the Ron inscription of Dharwad district, dated 943 A.D.'4 This inscription refers to one Pampaiah of Vajivamsa and Kaundinya gotra. He is stated to have rebelled against an official of the Rastrakuta king Krishna III, but died a heroic death in the battle. 15 The Pampaiah referred to in the Ron inscription is believed to have been the grandfather of Mallapa, who also belonged to the Vajivamsa and Kaundinya gotra, as mentioned by Ranna. Chronologically, this seems quite probable. Pampaiah lived during those days when Taila II was consolidating his strength against the Rastrakutas. 16 Another undated inscription, belonging to the period of Rastrakuta king, Krishna III, and discovered in Ranebennur Taluk in the Dharwad District, also refers to one Pampaiah who was administering Gottigali. He must have been the same person referred to above.17
Some information about Nagaiah, the son of Mallapa, is recorded
11. Kittle's Dictionary. 12. E. C, Vol. II, Nos. 71, 481. 13. R. R. Diwakar (Ed.): The Karnataka through the Ages, pp. 266 off. 14. SII, Vol. XI, No. 36. 15. Ibid. 16. B. K. Gopal, The Western Chalukyan (Unpublished Thesis). p. 43. 17. SII, Col. XVIII, No. 32.

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by Ranna in the Ajitapurana, and by Ponna in the Santipurana. Ponna and Ranna, the classical Jaina poets of the 10th century A.D., enjoyed the munificence of Mallapa and his brother Ponnamaiah, and of Attimobbe respectively. 18 Accordingly, Nagaiah was a notable among the Jaina community in the whole region of Kemmenadu, a province which then covered the present borders of Andhra and Karnataka states. He was born at Punganuru, an important centre of Kemmenadu; from the description of the poets, it appears that Punganuru was a renowned centre which was rich in natural splendour, and was the most opulent in the whole of Kemmenadu. Incidentally, the poet Ponna has also revealed that Nagaiah was incharge of the defence of Kemmenadu. However, he fails to reveal the exact position of Nagaiah.
19
Two sons of Nagaiah, Mallapa and his younger brother Pampaiah, appear to have built up their bright military career entering directly into the service of Taila II. The poet Ponna extols the unusual military prowess of Mallapa and his brother Pampaiah. He states that they were the embodiments of high spiritual and moral values of life. It is also interesting to note that Mallapa, specially, is compared with the puranic and epic personalities like Karna, Dadhichi, Sibi, Vrisena, Dharmaraya, Bhabruvahana and others 20 for his valour, truthfulness, politeness and loyalty. Pampaiah, who was also a general under Taila II, died a heroic death in a battle on the bank of the river Kaveri. 21 In this battle, Taila II resisted the forces of Govindarasa, a brother of Ganga Marasimha, a claimant of his brother's throne. In this succession battle to the Ganga throne, many parties were involved; Taila II, who was strengthening his position, appears to have opposed the Gangas. Ponnamaiah, the brother of Mallapa, an officer under Taila II, ment Govindarasa in the battle and bravely defended the Chalukyan forces crying 'Long Live King Tailapa', and lost his life after a brave fight.22
When Taila II proclaimed his independence, the honorific title,
18. Ajitapurana Tilakam, Ch. I, Sts. 1 to 38; Santipurana, Ch. I, Sts: 37-39. 19. Santipurana, Ch. I, Sts: 43-44
20. Ibid., Sts: 47-49. Pandit Nagarajaiah, Ed. Ajitapurana, Tilakam, Ch.I, St: 8. 21. B. K. Gopal, op. cit., pp 49-50 22. Ibid.

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27
Dandanayaka, i.e., the Commander of the Chalukyan forces was bestowed on Mallapa.
Mallapa appears to have led the Chalukyan army in many more wars, leading to the expansion of their influence as far as the River Narmada, in the South-West and Godavari in the South-East.
Mallapa fought against Kumara Lodhara Samara. It is believed that these kumaras were the Ankakaras or Lenkas, who were a reserve of body-guards, kept by the Nolambas; the Kumaras formed a main force of the Nolambas. P.B. Desai, on the other hand, interprets the term 'Kumara Lodhara Samara' as "Sanguinary battle" on the part of Taila 11.23 (Lodhara - bloody fight). Ranna eulogises Mallapa for having increased the wealth of Ahavamalla Samrajya.24 From this, it may also be presumed that Mallapaiah like many Jaina martial men of Karnataka, also enriched the country by transoceanal contacts. It should be noted that, the richness of such families obviously depended on economic activities within the country and abroad.
Above all, Mallapa was an ardent Jaina in spirit and action, imbued with the high ideals of integrity and loyalty, righteousness and sympathy. He was exemplary in all fields of activity. He was well-versed in Jaina doctrines, patronised scholars like Ponna and others. He was submissive to munisamghas.25 In short, he is described in the Lakkundi inscription as Jina Pada Pankaja Bhrama ra', i.e., 'bee at the lotus feet of Jina'. 26 Being a political genius, Mallapa was also well-versed in the art of warfare and the equestrian sciences, i.e., Aswasastra-parinita and astrology, etc. Ranna adorns him with many titles like Viprakuladeepa', 'Abhimanatunga', 'Ahitagajaghatasimha', 'Parahitacharya', 'Chalukyabharana'.27 His great preceptor was Jinasenacharya. Dr. Hampa Nagarajaiah asserts that Jinasenacharya belonged to the Yapaniya sect.28 It should be noted that the influence of Yapaniya acharyas prevailed more predominantly in northern Karnataka than in the southern part. In the 10th
23. Ibid. 24. Santipurana, Intro. 25. Ibid. 26. SII. Vol. XI, No. 52, Sts: 26-27. 27. Pandit Nagarajaiah, op. cit., Sts: 9-10. 28. Hampa Nagarajaiah, Lakkundi Sasana -Kelavu Olanotagalu. Sadhana, Vol. 22.
Oct. 1993, Bangalore University.

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century A.D., the region of Masavadi Nadu and Belvaladesa appears to have come more under the influence of Yapaniya acharyas. It is evident that Attimobbe, having built Brahmajinalaya at Lakkundi, made a grant of Talavritti for its maintenance, and made it over to Ashanandi acharya,29 who, according to Dr. Hampa Nagarajaiah, was also a Yapaniya acharya 30
Profile of Dhallapa
Another renowned personality in the Chalukyan polity was Dhallapa, the chief minister of Taila II. His greatness also rested on annihilating the enemies of the Chalukyas, and winning brilliant wars. From the political situation prevalent in the Chalukyan territory, it appears that Mallapa, Dhallapa, and possibly his son Nagadeva, had jointly participated in the offensive and defensive wars, sharing the pleasures and pains of victory and defeat. An inscription at Sravana Belgola highlights an event in which Dhalla suffered defeat at the hands of the Ganga ruler, Marasimha II, in a multisided conflict, in which each side - Rastrakutas, Gangas and the Taila II, the Chalukyan King - had participated to safeguard its own interest.
The Chalukyas who participated in the war aimed at overthrowing the Rastrakuta supremacy, and Dhallapa led the Chalukyan army. Marasimha II, the Ganga, had taken up the claim of his nephew Indra IV to the throne of the Rastrakutas. However, it is not the details of the war that should be discussed here; what is important is that the record which refers to one Dhalla, a hero in this conflict, who was a general of Taila II, and who was defeated by MarasimhaII. The record states that "Marasimha displayed prowess in destroying the pride of the mighty Dhalla, who set himself in opposition to Vanajagamalla."32 It should be noted that the Vanajagamalla referred to in the record was Krishna III the last in the line of the Rastrakuta rulers. Marasimha II had supported Vanajagamalla, who was also his brother-in-law.
Ranna attributes high sounding qualities to Dhallapa, the chief
29. SII, Vol. XI, No. 52. 30. Lakkundi Sasanada Kelavu Olanotagalu. 31. E. C., Vol. II, No. 64; Santipurana, Intro. 32. E.C., Vol. II, No. 64; B. K. Gopal, op. cit., p. 43.

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KUMARI: DANACHINTAMANI ATTIMOBBE -- AN APPRAISAL
of all the ministers of Taila II: e.g., "Sakala Chakravartiya Sabha Samvasa Chatura', 'Sachivottama', i.e., an intelligent man in arranging the Court of Taila II, and best among the ministers.33 The Lakkundi inscription also provides some details of Ajitapurana. Here Dhallapa is eulogised as Bujadanda of Ahavamalla, i.e., the right hand of Taila II. 34 It is important to note that the Lakkundi inscription which highlights the high position held by Dhallapa, says that the latter was equal to the King in all respects, and the only difference that existed was the title of kingship. 35 From this , it appears that the relation between the King and the Minister was one of trust and intimacy. Like Taila II, Dhalla was proficient, intelligent, highly learned, rich, diplomatic, and valiant in war.
Further, the Lakkundi inscription credits him with winning victories over Vengi, Tigules, Konkana and Malwa. 36 It is well-known that the Chalukyan army under Taila II made inroads into the Vengi region. It should also be noted that the power of the Chalukyas of Vengi was slowly diminishing during this period, and the Cholas were penetrating into the Vengi Chalukyan polity.
Taila II also is stated to have defeated and killed Munja of Malwa. This was indeed a formidable battle, which ultimately extended the influence of Taila II across the river Narmada. According to the Lakkundi inscription, Dhallapa appears to have led a section of the Chalukan army to Malwa which ultimately led to the Chalukyan victory.
Profile of Nagadeva
Nagadeva, Dhallapa's eldest son was a bright star of Vajivamsa. Family ties between Mallapa and Dhallapa became intimate, when latter's son, Nagadeva married two daughters of Mallapa, Attimobbe and Dendamobbe. Nagadeva, following the footsteps of his elders, had joined the service of Taila II. Referring to the military prowessness of Nagadeva, the Lakkundi inscription states that while his father Dhallapa frightened the kings of Vengi, his son Nagadeva captured Audhras in battle.' He also chased Mallama from Karahata
33. Santipurana, Intro. 34. SII, No. 52, St. 8. 35. Ibid., Sts: 10-11. 36. Ibid., Sts:9-10.

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and thereby pleased his master, and further more, he defeated the Ruler of Gujarat.
37
Nagadeva is also credited with having defeated Panchaladeva, a subordinate of the Rastrakuta, and an officer under Marasimha, the Ganga ruler. After the death or Marasimha he secured the throne but ruled only for a short period, i.e., from 975 to 976 A. D.38 Nagadeva, a general of the Chalukyan army is stated to have scattered the cavalry and elephant forces of Panchala in the battle field. However, Panchaladeva was killed by Taila II.
The Tigulas were, possibly, identical to the Cholas and it is apparent that the Chalukyas during their invasion of the Vengi territory, collided with the Cholas; Nagadeva appears to have led the Chalukyan force. This is corroborated in the Ajitapurana, in which the author says that, at the command of the King, this son of Dhallapa chased Mallama from Karahata, and thus pleased his master. Karahata has been identified as a place in Maharastra.
Thus, the above illustrations elucidate that Pampaiah, Ponnamaiah and Mallapa, Dhallapa and Nagadeva were the eminent Jaina generals who not only contributed to the rise of Taila II (973-997 A. D.) to power, but also stood by his side all through their lives, helping their master to establish his authority over the whole of the Rastrakuta kingdom which then was known as the Rattapadi seven and a half lakh country.
39
But, with regard to the material accomplishments of Paduvala Taila, son of Nagadeva by Attimobbe, we know very little. He appears to have inherited the valiant qualities of his father and grandfathers. In the Lakkundi inscription, he is extolled as a son of the goddess Lakshmi, i.e., 'Lakshmiputra', Nanni Narayana (Truthfulness) and 'Samyaktva Ratnakara'. He was governing over Belvaladasa in Masavadi province. It should be noted that Belvala, together with Puligare, had attained great reputation consisting, as it did, of 600 towns and villages, in which there lived many eminent Jaina personalities.41
40
37. Ibid., Sts: 11-16.
38. Dr. Sheik Ali,History of the Western Gangas, pp. 150-152. 39. R. R. Diwakar (Ed.): Karnataka Through the Ages, p. 270. 40. SII, Vol, XI, No. 52, Sts: 30-36.
41. E. 1. Vol. XV, p. 339. (Gawarawad Inscription).

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Profile of Attimobbe:
Attimobbe became a link between the two eminent Jaina material families referred to above, by her marriage with Nagadeva, son of Dhallapa. The Lakkundi inscription introduces Attimobbe as the daughter of Mallapa, wife of Nagadeva, the ‘eldest son of Dhallapa and Mother of Paduvala Taila or Anniga,42 implying that the greatness of Attimobbe rested in the greatness of the families to which she was connected.
31
It should be noted that among the eight children of Mallapa, it was Attimobbe who appears prominet, and no information is avaliable as regard to the other children of Mallapa. However, as already mentioned above, Gundamobbe, younger sister to Attimobbe, who was also married to Nagadeva, observed sati when Nagadeva died a heroic death.43
The following are the neteworthy achievements of Attimobbe:a) She caused the construction of 1500 Jinalayas, and in addition, a more splendid one at Lakkundi.
b) She caused 1500 images of Jina to be made and gifted them along with goldson bells and lamps, for the purpose of domestic worship.
c) She caused 100 copies of the Santipurana to be made, and distributed them to the learned.44
Ranna, the classical Jaina poet of the 10th century A. D., was 'shapped' by Attimobbe to become a jewel as Kavi chakravarti in the Court of Taila II, and his successor Irivabedanga Satyasraya.
Attimobbe, who survived her husband Nagadeva, led a pious life, dedicated to the propagation of Jainism.
In principle, the practice of Sati is not advocated in Jainism; nevertheless, there are a few references to such instances, specially in the medieval history of North Karnataka. This practice does not seem to have been widely observed in the southern region of Karnataka; however, this is only an incidental observation awaiting a

42. SII., Vol XI, No, 52, Sts: 26-27.
43. Pandit Nagarajaiah, op. cit., St: 18.
44. SII., VOI. XI, No. 52, Sts: 30-31, 45. Ajitapurana Tilakam, Ch. I, pp. 57-59.

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detailed study. Ranna also endorses the idea that the practice of sati was a socio-religious virtue:
A widow, according to him, has two alternatives: (a) to follow her husband by observing sati; (b) to observe Jina Vrata, i.e., Jina diksacharana, i.e., to strive for
a higher spiritual progress. 45 Attimobbe opted for the latter, and proved herself to an excellent architect of Jainism.
It is obviously true that a Jaina widow was not subjected to hard and fast rules. The social code of conduct did not impose on her such customs and traditions which have been imposed on a widow in the Brahninical society. The composer of the conduct codes on widows in Jainism seems to have been more liberal and compassionate in spirit; as such, the Jaina society was free from the influence of the vedíc Brahminical customs in this sphere. However, a widow is compelled to observe Desaprata, which denotes the observance of the Anurata, Gunavrata and Sikshavrata. In other words, it constitutes the observance of partial and multiplicatory and disciplinary vows - Right belief, equanimity, celibacy, fasting, renouncing animal food, worldly occupations, worldly possessionsall these constitute partial vow and thus signify Desavrata. In practice, her faculties were concentrated on activities that conformed to the precept of utilitarianism. This, in fact, enabled a widow to devotė herself more and more to philanthropic activities. 46 So, Jainism did not deprive a widow of an esteemed place in the socio-religious life, and enabled her to become an active architect or Jainism. The best example of this type was Attimobbe. Attimobbe had, possibly, spent her last days and years at Lakhundi, which, in spite of being an agrahara of 1000 mahajanas, also appears to have been a centre of Jainism. The Lakkundi inscription refers to a storied and well-forHified house where Attimobbe was residing. 47 Whether, or not, Kakkundi was the capital city of Anniga, cannot be affirmed, due to the non-availability of sources.
45. Pandit Nagarajaiah, op.cit., St: 16. 46. Ratnakarandaka Sravakachara, Ch. 3, Charitrasara. Banduvarma, Satidhar
masara, (Ed.): B. S. Sannaiah. 47. SII, Vol. XI, No. 52, Sts: 71-73.

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From the Lakkundi inscription, it appears that the most splendid among the basadis built by Attimobbe was the Brahmajinalaya at Lakkundi. This basadi attained great fame, and there were many Nisadis of Acharyas who died there of Sallekhana rites." 48 From the above inscription, it also appears that Brahmajinalaya was built in multi-kuta style, on a high platform, with an elaborate ground plan. It also had a huge gopura over which was installed a golden kalasa. .49 This kalasa on the gopura, according to the record, was installed by Irivabedanga Ahavamalla, the son and successor of Taila II, in commemmoration of his victory over Gujarat, at the request of Attimobbe in 1007 A. D.50
In short, the Basadi, that is now in existence, is not in its original form and is only a rebuilt structure. Nevertheless, it is significant that the basadi up till now is still recognised by the name of its builder; thus Brahimajinalaya has earned its popular name 'Attimobbe Basadi.'
The basadi in course of time suffered destruction repeatedly; once it fell down to the ground, and at another time it was burnt.51
33
The name of the Jinalaya built by Attimobbe is not explicitly mentioned in the rocord. The inscription merely states that 1000 mahajanas of Lakkundi named the basadi as Brahmajinalaya and accorded consent to Attimobbe to make a tax-free endowment of the village of Suruki for its maintenance. The inscription also specifies boundary on four sides. One Nagi Setti, who renovated this basadi during the later years, also made a grant of a flower garden yielding three hundred flowers, for the perpetual conduct of Pushpanjali Puja.An inscription at Lakkundi refers to one Annigara Nagi Setti, who made a money grant for the perpetual conduct of Astavidharchane. It is quite evident that the Nagi Setti referred to in this inscription must have been the same Nagi Setti who renovated Brahmajinalaya. This inscription is dated in 1173 A. D. 52
Tragic events leading to the destruction of innumerable Jaina basadis have occurred repeatedly in the Chalukyan dominion. The
48. Ibid.,St: 79.
49. Ibid.,St: 53
50. Ibid., Sts: 52-53.
51. Ibid., Sts: 84-88.
52. SII, Vol. XV, NO. 119.

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records attesting to such attrocities on basadis are many. The Gawarwad inscription, dated 1071 A. D., in Gadag Taluk, refers to the invasions of the Chola King Ko-Para-Kesari Rajendradeva in Belvaladesa is stated to have defiled and damaged the Jain sanctuaries erecrted by Ganga Permadi (Bhutuge II). but he paid the penalty of his crimes by being defeated and slain by Trailokyamalla, i.e., Someswara 1.58 It is quite evident that many basadis, including the Brahmajinalaya built by Attimobbe in Belvaladesa, must have fallen to the ground during this invasion. Again, a century later, Goggarasa, an ardent Saiva, destroyed many more basadis in about 1184 A. D.; the images of Jina and celestial gods and goddesses, were broken to pieces. This is illustrated in the Annigeri inscription dated 1184 A. D.54 Further advent Veerasaivism aggravated the situation. Challenging the atmosphere of religious tolerance, and ultimately bringing about the downfall of many magnificent Jaina basadis. Literary and epigraphical records throw light on such events. However, all traces of 1500 basadis built by Attimobbe have been completely wiped out.
Marvels and Miracles of Attimobbe:
Attimobbe, on account of her pious activities, appears to have been admired and adored by the people, and many marvellous events have been attributed to her in the Lakkundi inscription. Brahmasiva, a popural Jaina poet of 12th century A. D., extols Attimobbe as 'ghatantaki' meaning Yakshi Padmavati. The following marvellous and miraculous events are also mentioned:(a) She once took a vow to observe complete fasting until she saw
Kukkuteswara Jina, on the Indragiri at Sravana Belgola. She felt exhausted while climbing the hill, but sudden, untimely
showers provided her relief from strain. (b) When a fire broke out and spread devastatingly in the city (not
mentioned), Attimobbe sprinkled holy water of the Jina, and the
fire was thus extinguished. (c) She took an oath of fasting -even unto death- until she secured
the Jina image of Karulapave, on the bank of the river Narmada. Her desire was fulfilled and this became her precious life-long possession.
53. E. I., Vol. XV. 54. SII, Vol. XV.

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(d) At the instance of the king, she walked forth into the waters of the river Godavari fearlessly with the image of the Jina upon her head, and the river stopped flowing.
(e) A rutting elephant which was once touched by Attimobbe, became calm saluted her.
35
(f) She once announced an irrevocable fast, until she secured the image of Jina that had fallen to the river bottom. The image reached Attimobbe safely in a short while.
(g) When another wife of her husband plotted to kill Attimobbe by drowing her in the river, the boat started rotating and thus she was saved. 55
The above appear to be the sensational events that really took place; hence they need to be viewed from two aspects, abstract and concrete. The former reflect the high spiritual attainments, inherent super in qualities and beliefs in right faith, right conduct and right knowledge; whereas the latter on many sided abilities and application of utilitarianism in spirit and action. Observing fast even unto death to secure a Jina bimba that had fallen to the river and to secure the same from a distant place on the bank of the river Narmada, all these reflect her inherent moral and spiritual strength. Likewise, she seems to have proved successful once in stopping violence by applying the strength of Non-violence, to wipe out the wild fire that had spread in the city; on another occasion, she calmed down a rutting elephant which later even saluted her. The evils of polygamous family structure are well-reflected in the narration of an event when a jealous co-wife plotted to take away Attimobbe's life. The event of Attimobbe crossing the river Godavari appears to have influenced even Gangaraja during the later years - while crossing the river Kaveri. An inscription at Sravana Belgola contains the following passage: "Whereever he marched, whereever his mind was attached, there he had Jina basadis made, and thus the country was brought through Gangaraja to the condition in which it had been in the days of yore." The record proceeds further and attributes extraordinary powers to the great general: "The reason why the world extols the distinguished Jaina devotee Attimobbe is because, the Godavari stopped flowing. Now the river Kaveri, though it swelled, surrounded and pressed forward, its waters did not touch the General Gangaraja, when he crossed the flooded river, obviously during his attack on Talakad. Thus Attimobbe became an exem
56
55. Ibid., Vol. XI, Sts: 18-26. 56. E. C., Vol. II.

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plary to many who attemped to follow her footsteps. Crossing of Godavari- this event even finds references in Brahmasiva's Samayaparikshe, in which the author has paid tribute to Attimobbe, extolling her exemplary qualities and her purity of mind, thought and action. He states that the miracles of Attimobbe do not appear to have been the exaggerated accouts; rather they are events rooted in reality, and are attended during diferent occasions. It is significant that the Lakkundi inscription glorifies her 'Gunadankakarti' i.e., possessor of pious and pure qualities.
Attimobbe in Lakkundi inscription has been compared with many great legendary figures of the puranas and epics and all their virtuous qualities. She is compared to Rukmini and Satyabhama, Chelini, Rohini, Prabhavati, Sulochana, Marudevi, Sushaine Sivadevi, Lakshmane, and Vijayasena. Among these, the last five are the names of the mothers of Tirthankara Adinatha, Sambhavanatha, Neminatha, Chandranatha and Ajitanatha respectively. Ranna also extols Attimobbe and compares her to Vijayasena. Comparison to Rukmini and Satyabhama denotes that she was an embodiment of sacrifice, both saintly and beautiful. Rohini was Vasudeva's consort. Sulochana was the princess of Varanasi, and the daughter of Anukampana and Prabhavati. Sulochana was consoled by the King Bharata after her consort's death. Likewise, when Nagadeva died, Taila II, the Chalukyan king himself appears to have expressed his condolence to the grieved consort. Chelini, the daughter of Chetaka, was a Contemporary of Vardhamana Mahaveera,57 and a chief architect of Jainism of the period. It cannot be denied that the above exegesis constitute the poetic style of narration borrowed from the imaginary pen of the poets; nevertheless, they also denote multifarious abilities of Attimobbe. She was indeed a solitary instance of a great woman who championed the cause of Jainism, and was and ardent promoter in the Chalukyan kingdom.
Attimobbe was contemporary of Chamundaraya. The fame of this illustrious Ganga Minister rests on the collosus, Bahubali, which he erected in 981 A. D. Likewise, the fame of Attimobbe is implicit in her epitaph, 'Danachintamani'. The 1500 Jinalaya, 1000 Jina bimbas, and 1000 copies of Santipurana which she had built, erected and made respectively, reflect her multifarious and concrete
57. Lakkundi Sasana-Kelavu Olanotagalu.

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achievements. It is a misfortune that none of the basadis built by this great woman, except the one at Lakkundi, has survived.
Ranna hails Attimobbe with high sounding epitaphs like Danachintamani. This epitaph became a prasasti award, and was bestowed on many illustrious ladies of the noble houses in Karnataka throughout. Brahmasiva in Samayaparikshe, adores Attimobbe attributing to her many epitaphs like Gunada khani, Vimala Charitre, Jaina Sasana Rakshamani, Sajjanaika Chudamani, Akalanka Charite, Sarvakala Vidhi and Ghatantike.58
37
From the above, it is evident that Attimobbe appears to have fulfilled the need of many. She was bountiful, profound like the pure ocean, a mine of great courage, lore and glory. By and large, about 22 lithic records in Karnataka, refer to high esteemed women of the nobility who have been compared to Attimobbe for their acts of charity and chastity.
Attimobbe, thus appears to be a rare personality who championed the cause of Jainism. She was one of those personalities who have attained the highest values of life, and translated them implicitly and explicitly into action.
58. Chidanandamurthy, Sasanagala Samskritika Adhyayana.

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ATTIMABBEYA - SASANA
1. (Śbbham) bhūyājjinēndrānaṁ Sāsanāyāghanäšině kultirtha) dhvänta-sanghata-prabhinna(ghanabhānavē//) Srimadrāmama (htṁ)2. dra-datta-Sakalaksōnt - Vadhumandane sāksātkōkanadāsanēna sadrṣam brahmātmajalssēvitē sumbhattōyajanābha - pattananibhe 3. Śrilikki gundahvaye jainasthanam-actkaradgunanidhih Sri-dänacintamanih // Calukya-cakri -dhvajinipamātrā samarppitaḥ kāritajiana-gēhaḥ(*) 4. Śrilokkigundya(h*) paripalanartham sahasrasamkhyēsu dharamarēsu //
5. * Svasti samastabhuvanäsraya - Sripṛthvivallabha
-mahārājādhiraja Paramesvara-paramabhaṭṭāraka-Satyastayakulatilaka-Calukyābharana
6. Srimadahavamalladevara rajyam-uttaröttarā -bhirddhi-pravarddhamānam -ācandrārkkataram saluttamire tatpāda padmōpa
jiviyu
7. makhiala - rājyabhara-nirūpita - mahāmantrākṣa -pataladhipatiyum-enisi)//kanda//) Mallamalliyolā -ntari mallaranähavadolotti gō
8. (murigolt battāltanadindāhavamallana - bhujā dandam-enisi dha(m) llam negaldam//vrtta?? ponarddidirāgi tāgi dorananeyolokkuvenendu
berre kom
9. Kanameldeyikke demgi beeragage tivulnalanalke mālavamaniyi podal dudirkkelada mundana pindaṇa -mandalakke dhisahamatirandrama
10. dbhyutamagurvvine tējadalurkedhalland//

Dhallaṁgamnegaldāhavamallaṁgambhēdamunte
vibhavadoladānēnellaram-ariyal dharanivalla11. bha Simhasanaika bhedame bheda(m) // va // Antu mandala siddhiyum vivekabrhaspatiyumenisi negalda dhallana piriya magam // vr // bharadim 12. rāvanasēnayaṁ tavisi geldā gandarum bhandānājiradol kaurava senayam tulidu geldagandarum ganda maccaradim saktiya biraram
13. ponaldu geldā gaṇḍarum vitamatsaradiṁ bhāvi suvagate samarakolgandambaram gandare // va // A vajikulatilakanum tējo bhaskaranum

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KUMARI : DANACHINTAMANI ATTIMOBBE -- AN APPRAISAL
39
14. Viratrinētranuṁ nanni mahārnnavanur kandu
kapurandaranum-enisuva vtrăgraniya paräkra
namē dorentene // ur // Dhällyo - 15. landhranam pididaper magadhësananikki
mettipern lalana gantalan muridaper khasanam
pudiyo! poralcipem köladolikkiper maleva pā16. ndyananāhavamalladēvanti pēlenutirppant
doretu sauryyagunõnnati nāgadēvana // va // A
mahidēvakulagagana gabha17. stimālige mahāsatiratnam kulapatniyāgi
gunadarnkakārttiyus kavwara kamadhënuum
kataka pavitreyum ji18. nadharmma patakeyum-enisida dānacintamaniya mahaprabhavamedorentene // Unnatakakku tēsvara
jinēsvaranan 19. jinabhakte põgi kānbannē gamannamam toredu
parvatamam mudadere tajjinásannadolattiya
bbege pathasramam-ādodakalavrsti - 20. Yaytinnavu dēvabhaktigadu codyame kollave
purpаvrstigal narapana besadim jinanam sira
dolsale taldi danacintāmani nirbbha - 21. ra gödāvariyaṁ gepu pariyudugidu dendodolpana
danē vēlvem // Maduatkarisereyam paridodavidą
l- mulisinde bhõreneytendo da darkadi - 22. radire bhaktiyindadu padayugakeragidudu
dānacintamaniya // Mudadarccipa jinabimbannadiyolkaybrd
duki bilododadu bappinamu - 23. nbudanulidiralentu dinakkadu banduda kayge
dānacintamaniyā // pralayāgniyante katakamanola
-kondalurvvagni danacintāma - 24. ni nirmmala-jinagandhodakamar taliyalku pasamisi
tendodë vanniswē // Odanēre savati nūnkalkodarise
toreyolage parugala · 25. ttittalanam midukade tiriyuttire kandadige ragidal
attimabbe satibhaya vasadim // Jinadharmma
patākege vimala narmadānadiya 26. (ku)rula pāveya jinanam vinutam känbenegaṁ külane
toredudu sandudandā janmāntam // vr // jinapadapan.
kaja bhramaranerba-negartteya - 27. nalda mallappayyana negaldappakabbeya.magal
sacwõttamanappa dhallapayyana sose nāgadē vana kulāmgane tāilana tayiasakke bhājaname -

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JAIN JOURNAL: VOL XXIX, NO.1, JULY 1994
28. nipattimabbhe-jinasāsanamam belaguttamildapal // Ene marudevi pasati susēne-samam sivadevi pāti laksmane sadrsam mahāvijaya -
29. sēne samane sustle põlvirugmini sari satyabhäve tone mikka sulocane tatsvarupe rōhini dore sanda rundhati perardo
30. reye gunadanka kārttiyōi // Paramasrijinanathagēha vilasacchandōha-sandōha-bhāsura-jainapratimā
vicitramanighantā -
31. mālikāsankhe sayiradaynurevu belenipinam nirmmapanam geydu bhubharado! dharmamanattimabbeyavol-intär-ujvalam
32. madidar // kam A paramēsvarige jagadvyāpaka Suddhendu kirtti - piriyamagam laksmipati samagra vijayasripatiyene dharege nega -
33. Ida padavala tailam // Pagaranamanmameccupanighṛ stiye budiyim) bottu gandavatugibagi kirtti kuppakure muttaramudale pem
34. pu vikramaṁ bhagavatiyeru saucagunamattiyapanne -nipelapundaram tegalvududaracarucarita prabheyim padevalla tailanā // va //
35. Intu nanninārāyanam samyaktvaratnākaraṁ patimeccegandanaldana cakram karpuravarsam caturacaturananam gunamēru vayi(dha) -
36. cārya nemba namamale digvadhidhammella mäleyenisi srimatpadevalla tallapayyam māsa vādi nūranālvattumam belavr
37. ttiyin-aluttamire // vr // vilasadbhudeva vedadhwari samucita dharmartha-sastrārthavannirmala -
dharmärtthōkti-nānājanapadaja(na) -
38. tānandakōlaha.........nya sampadvilasana
-malavattirppinam tannolurvvi lalanā lālātalilātilaka menisi sam.....
39. haram....... ranāgatavaridhi taccarryyasah -prasaravilasa-ranjita disavalayar-dvijamu - 40. khyarana. darnnayasastra visāradar
virajisu tiralacatussamaya raksakarudghagu· 41. naugharanjitar // İntenisida(ta) tpuravaracala sekharamembinam disadantiya dantakānti-nija
-soudha visalavitolabhitti
42. Yolsantatamopputirppinegamūrijitamappinamattimabbe cairantanacelinicarite madisidaljina -rajagehamam // Jitade -

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KUMARI : DANACHINTAMANI ATTIMOBBE -- AN APPRAISAL
43. vādhiša vāsāspadamadharita-nägēndra nido
-ninatam ranjita nānākūta sõbhāvibhava-mudita
tatkamini-cărukortti pratati-protkań 44. damernbanteseduda-sadalar lokkigundipuros
bbipati cancadratnakott sphurita-makauta sambhasa
jainadhwäsar // ka // A sati mu 45. mmādisidā sāsiradaynūru basadigidu kalasa
-menalbhasuramāytu jinëndravāsar tolagua
suvarnna kalašonnatiytin // 46. // va // Intatisaya-saralavimala kēvala vagamataruna
..... kiranakiranašata vibhasamana sakalavastu
-vistarajinëndravacana - 47. (ra) canavacita sāska)ramārgga pavanapatha candra
-lekheyuí Abhyudayanaisseyasa (su) khāvāptihēlū
bhutāharā - 48. bhaya bhaisajyasastrabhidhana-danapujasilopa
vasadyaśesaguna gana-vibhāsurateyin gunadanika
kārttiyum | sakala divijendra 49. vistaraprakampana-samartthānanya-sädhārana
-nijapatiratāguna-jinēndra padapayojasañjāta
bhaktibharaprabhāvapasta-samasta - 50. Katakabhayankara nadišrotovēga vilasanadin
katakapavitreyuín / kavikathakagayaka vādakanagra
bhagna natabhatmagadhanathast - 51. stēstasamabhilasitartthadanavinode paribmhita
bhinava yasarpataha badhirikrtāśā gajēndra
sundarateyin dānacintāmani - 52. yumloUmmandara-mahidharāyamānabhrankasa
(samyagda) rśana prabhāve vijitarugmini prabhāve
yumenisuvattimabbarasiyar-ssakalagu 53. rijaravijayanantarum Srimadahavamalladevarge
binnapam geydu cakravartti dattiprakhyātamappa
sāsanamam ponna kalasar berasu padedu 54. sakavarsa 929neya plavanga samvatsarada phalguna
masāda nandiśvaradastalmi) yum brhaspatiaradandu
śubhalagnõdayadolmahādhwajam - 55. hābhisēka mahādāna dharanānantaram tamma
gurugalu sūrastaganada kaurūgacchada arhanandi
panditadēvargge śrilokkigundiyo - 56. Ibasadiyam mādisiyadakke talavrttiyendu kotta
surukiya sinämaryādeyentendode tenka pālvallar nairitiyolbaravu.

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JAIN JOURNAL : VOL XXIX, NO.1, JULY 1994
57. ligereya tenkana kodiyim badagalbareyerada kolanurn budivālum
vāyavyada deseyolu guriyapallar
badagatā pallamenirvva - 58. riyāge müdaleradum palladaküdale mēreyāge
bittaradakkarwana gadyānavirppattu alliya gāvund
arige pannirmmattarkkeyyu - 59. mondu maneyunallade balla(a)ll maryadeya dharmmamam
kadu nadeyisidamge prayage kuruksetra
banārasi argghya tirtthamernba t - 60. rtthasnānangalol pannircchasira kavileya kodus
kolaginolan ponnum belliyolar katta phalamanti 61. dharmmamannadeyisadorige mur pelda titthangalo
lantanitum kavilegalmasí) nantanibarmmahābrahmana
rumanalida pañcamahāpatakanā - 62. gi narakam puguguṁ // *// Brahmane(da)lnamagāde
brahmajinam tänenutta sāsiruvarumi brahmajina
nilayakittarvurhma jinālaya - 63. menippa pesarar mudadim // vr // kalasadinudgha
kannadiyinunnata camaradi karam manaingoliswa
samkhadindubhaya caukadinujvala cha - 64. tradinda nāvilakulalañjitotkaradinoppwa pañca
-mahanakargaliṁ balasipodalda väjidaladindamagu
-ruvipa virakotiyi // sabalaṁ ra 65. tnada tējamantumadhideyvaṁ sankidiyūrgge
candrabalar brahmajinendra gēhamenuta
bandarttiyim sesegondu balaigondu samantu põdu 66. nesevi gramadhipaí sanda bādube dipāvali
karapunnameyenippi mūru paruvamgalól // maha
-satiratnamattimabbaraśiyar 67. svasti yamaniyama svādhyāyadhyana dhārana
mõnānusthānaparāya na japasamadhisilasam
pannar-samasta gunaganalamkrtar- vviditavē 68. dārtthavidyapäragar-satkarmaniratar-sapta
sõmasarnsthāvabhrthāvagāhana-pavitrikrta sarirar
-astādas'adharmmasāstrakušalareka vākyar-acalita dhairyya 69. r-simha parakramar-asrtajana kalpavrksar-ahita
paksaksayakarar-kalkiyuga gängēyar-parama
parõpakārigal-sāpānugrahasamartthar-kkā 70. ryyabrhaspatigal-ēkaikapanditar-vaisnava
- gitimanoharar-papabhirugal-paranāridūrar
dustavidhavamsakar-sistajanaśrayar-kamakrõdhalobha mo 71. habhayavirjjitar-dvātriñsasahasra samayā
-rgghyārhar-dvijakulatilakar-saranāgatavajra

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KUMARI : DANACHINTAMANI ATTIMOBBE -- AN APPRAISAL
panjarar sridaśarthi vinirmmita mahāgrāmāśri 72. lokkigundiyūrodeya-pramukha-mahajana sāsi
-vvarakayyol-tanna basadige pujānimittadimbedi padedwiāvu
vendodūri paduva - 73. lun carasatadolagitta mūrumattara tontamon
-dadam jainarpratipāliswarā tontakke tontiga
samayamillada nārārvvarmmarpparavarbbasa - 74. dige samabhāgamikkiyunbar tontakke karavanda
talabhogamasatu modalāge saruvabādhā parthāram
mattañ devargge nandadivige gitta gānamonda 75. dakke karavandatalabhöga masatu modalāge
sarvabhadhā parihāraṁ // Mattame basadiyin müda
markayyagēriyin paduma ... luvare 76. patti nelasi basadiyodave // Battiyi ... (gu)
dalmttārggam salladi basadiyodameyanatyud
urttargantudu tānerdeguttar grāmakke 77. ... dharmmadrõham // osedittarmajanamē
basadiya sülege visesadim pariyaramaindasatu
deramaindi karavaravisiaku! kalalgay) - 78. ydu talabhogavivā // avam basadigalolakke
dēvarggesev-agrapūje pūjarigamendivarosedi
-tar kupinada dēvara vallabhana tējameniturna 79. degum // Bodhisave perevu jinagrhakkādhikya
madillenippudar sanyasanāradhaneya javadi sanda
nisidhige yaddanige talige pattamipe - 80. (ni)tumll ... ... ganamāganamiganamienna
vennade dharmmodyõgadinda raksiswar-sagarasu
märgganiratarilliya bhavyar // slo// 81. svadattas paradattam vāyo harēti vasundharām /
sastirvarsasahasrāni visthāyām jāyatë krimih //
sāmānyo-yam dharmmaseturnri pānam kālē 82. kälē pālaneyo bhavadbhih / savvanētānbhāvinar
pārtthíēndro bhūyo bhūyo yācate rāma bhadrah //
Paramarttham jinatirthayogi 83. jinatirtha vyomasitāṁsu digdviradīghāta sukirtti
jainavrsadandādhisamdyajjinēśvara pädāmbuja
satpadań belagidar samyaktva ratnā - 84. karar siripālam jinadharmmanrmmalanuta
prakhyāteyin lõkamam // paramasri jinadharm
mārbara ravi siripalasettiyatmaja - 85. nudyaccarita bahubali savistaradindar -
baredanendodār-pogalarida // Nirupamamattiyabbeya jinendragrham dharanitalakke

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JAIN JOURNAL: VOL XXIX, NO.1, JULY 1994
86. bllore posatagi deyva bharataryya nina bharatäryya
nin balikkiradadu .... ndarale bendade sundaramage
nākiyis parama parāpa - 87. kārt stripälaninē paripurnnamädude //
basadtya pratibaddhavappa tontada ghatāntikeya
basadiya pārsva - 88. devargge nadeva (pulpalmunūru // tontaman
ärorbbaru mådidavaru pushpamam nadeswaru //*
*Translation helped by Dr K.S. Prasannakshi, Reader in Sanskrit, Maharani's Art College for Women, Mysore.

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