Jain Journal 1994 04

Author(s): Jain Bhawan Publication
Publisher: Jain Bhawan Publication
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/520114/1

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ISSN 0021-4043 A QUARTERLY ON JAINOLOGY VOL. XXVIII APRIL 1994 APRIL 1994 No. 4 Jain Journal usta Hal JAIN BHAWAN PUBLICATION

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Contents 153 A Jaina Mantra Leona Smith Kremser 154 The Chanting Stones Leona Smith Kremser Sotae Reflections on Jainism in Ancient Bengal 155 S. C. Mukherjee Religious copflicts and Conversion of Jain Temples in Tamilnadu A. Ekambaranathan 161 Sacrod Literature of the Jains Albrecht Friedrich Weber 169 Index 186

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A Jaina Mantra Leona Smith Kremser ... Om, Om, Non-injury is the highest religion, Non-injury, by thoughts, words and deeds, is the highest religion. Non-injury to all living beings moving and unmoving, is the highest religion. Non-injury, awaited by all living beings on the tides of all times, is. the highest religion. Non-injury, praised by the many pilgrims on the many paths by the many names, is the highest religion. Non-injury, relighted by the twenty-four Jinas on the path of pure truth by the name of Jainism, is the highest religion, Non-injury is the highest religion, Om, Shanti, Om ...

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Some Reflections on Jainism in Ancient Bengal S. C. Mukherjee Jainism had its origin in eastern India, as Mahavira, the last Tirthankara, was born near Vaisali and resided in Magadba and Champa during his religious tours. Parsvanatha, bis immediate predecessor, too, is associated with Champa. One of the most important Jaina centres in India, viz. the Paresbnath hill, hallowed with the memory of the latter, is also situated in eastern India. The north Bengal and the Chotonagpur plateau region were the strongholds of Jainism. According to the Jaina tradition, Mabavira's itenerary included also Bengal, and it is believed that the great leader traversed many places in Ladha or Radha, Subma or Subbabhumi and Vajjabhumi, comprising western parts and south-western parts of Bengal as well as some tracts lying in Bihar and Bengal like Manbhum (Dhanbad and Purulia Dts.), Dhalbhum, Ranchi & Bankura Dts. Places like caraga. sannivesa, Kajangala, Siddhatthapura and Purimatal in Bengal may be cited here as examples. The Jaina Ayaranga Sutta says that he (Lord Mabavira) while travelling through the pathless country of Ladha in Vajjabhumi and Subbabhumi was not properly received by their inhabitants who spoke an alien tongue. Were the Ladha people non-Aryans ? We have, however, no evidence to show that he (Mahavira) crossed the Bhagirathi and went to north Bengal where Jainism was in a flourishing condition in the 3rd cent. B. C. We have it from Buddhist texts like Divyavadana that Nirgranthas (earlier name of the Jaina sect) of Pataliputra were massacred by Asoka for the guilt of defiling a painting of the Buddha by the former in Pundravardhan. The Nirgranthas are also mentioned in the Asokan edicts. The veracity of the Divyavadana statement, however, cannot be vouchsafed, But it is certain that there were Jainas in the time of Asoka, We know that Ajatasatru, some of the Nanda kings and Chandragupta Maurya were adherents of Jainism. Jainism held its sway in Bengal sometime in the 3rd cent. B. C. (if not earlier) probably when the influences of Buddhism were not strongly felt in Bengal It was probably Bhadrabahu, the religious preceptor of Chandragupta and probably a resident of Kotivarsa or Bangadh in Dinajpur Dt. (now in West Bengal), was responsible for the

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156 JAIN JOURNAL spread of Jainism in Bengal and Champa. According to Jaina Kappasutta (Kal pasutra) and Kathakosa, Godasa, the celebrated disciple of Bhadrababu laid the foundation of a Jaina school, which became known as the Godasagana in subsequent times. There were four branches of the school, viz. Pundravardhaniya, Kotivarsiya, Tamraliptika and Dasi-Kharvatika (?), active in Bengal, and it is not difficult to locate their respective areas of origin and jurisdictions for propagation, save the last one. It seems that the latter sub-sect was active in a valley or valleys guarded by the small hills lying in the Dts, of Purulia and Bankura (near the foot-hills of Ayodhya bill in Purulia Dt. or Biharinath hill near the boundary of Bankura Dt.), Karvata or Kharvata may as well stand for a village lying at the foot-hill. Champa and Sametasikhara are the two important places on the fringes of Bengal which are associated with the memories of two Tirtharkaras. Epigraphic records of 1st cent. B.C.--1st cent. A.D, refer to a member of schools of subsects mentioned in the Kalpasutra indicating thereby to the well-established Jaina tradition in the country. Sometimes, dedications of some Jaina reliquary by lay Jaina worshippers are recorded in the inscriptions; and in one of the 2nd cent, A. D. Mathura records, the erection of a Jaina image by a resident of Ladha country is mentioned. We do not get any information regarding the Jainas in the next two centuries following the aforesaid Mathura record in 2nd cent. A.D., though it may be surmised that there were followers of Jainism in Bengal during that period. There are evidences to show that many images of Jaina Tirtharkaras were installed, and several Jaina shrines were established in the Gupta period, but the same partially holds good in the case of Bengal. We hear of Jaina establishments in the district of Rajshahi, now in Bangladesh, From the Jagadishpur copper plate Inscription of 128 G. Y. ( 447-8A, D.) and the Pahadpur copper-plate Inscription of 159 G. Y. (479-80 A, D.), we come to learn that there were Jaina establishments in Pundravardan in the 5th cent. A. D. The first epigraph, issued during the reign period of Kumaragupta I, records that one local Saiva householder dedicated some land for the worship of Jaina deities in a Siddhayatana (Jaina vibara) lying in a mango-grove in the Gulmagandhika locality of village Samagohali. The second epigraph belonging to the reign period of Budhagupta records that one Brahmin couple dedicated some lands for the worship of the Jaina 'arhats' and construction of

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APRIL, 1994 a restshed in a Jaina Vihara lying at Vatagohali. This Vihara was controlled by the disciples of Nirgranthanatha-acarya Guhanandi belonging to the Pancastupa section of the Jaina laity located at Kasi in modern U.P. It may be surmised that the Jaina Vihara was probably established either in the latter half of 4th cent. A.D. or in the first half of 5th cent. A, D. The Jaina establishment, however, did not last long, and later on it was grabbed by a Buddhist establishment. The great Temple and Monastery ot Pahadpur stood on the ruins of the Jaina Vihara (its Sarvatobhadra plan reminds one of the Sarvatobhadrika Pratima of the Jainas). 157 Till date, no Jaina sculpture which may be assigned to the prePala period has been found, though we have it from the account of Hiuen Tsang, the celebrated Chinese scholar, who happened to visit India in the first half of 7th cent. A. D., that the Nirgranthas (Digambara ?) were numerous in north Bengal (Pundravardhana) and south-east Bengal (Samatata). Not a single epigraphic record appertaining to the Pala-sena times has yet been discovered in Bengal which may throw some light on the state of Jainism in the then Bengal. It may be that during this period Jainism was in the wane. No religion can flourish or survive without a royal support and there was no king in medieval Bengal who was a Jaina. But, in spite of any royal support, Jainism seemed to have had some followers in Bengal who worshipped Jaina Tirthankaras and deities and caused their images constructed in stone and bronze. Jaina images have been mostly recovered from the districts of Purulia, Bankura and Burdwan in Western Bengal, districts 24 Parganas in south Bengal, and Dinajpur and Rajshahi dts. in north Bengal (W. Dinajpur dt. in West Bengal and Dinajpur and Rajshahi dts. in Bangaladesh). The survey of antiquarian remains as conducted by the different organisations in undivided Bengal. In the present day West Bengal has brought to light some Jaina shrines now mostly converted into Brahmanical ones, and many Jaina sculptures mostly appertaining to 9th-12th centuries A. D. Most of the early Jaina shrines belonging to the Rekha variety are either dilapidated or in a bad condition. It is believed that most of the Jaina shrines were erected in the 9th-10th centuries A.D, by the Saraks of Manbhum who came to Manbhum and Singhbhum as copper-miners. Most of these temples are found to be lying on the banks of the Damodar, Kansavati and Suvarnarekha and their tributaries. Of the few still remaining in situ, mention may be made of those located at Deoli, Pakbirra, Budhpur (mostly in ruins),

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158 Tuisama, Choto Balarampur, Charra, Arsha, Sanka and Senera in Purulia dt.; Ambikanagar. Kendua, Harmashra, Deulbhirra, Bahulara and Dharapat in Bankura dt; Nunia and Organda-Rajpara in Midnapur dt, Punchra & Sat Deuliya in Burdwan dt. The Jaina Temple near Biharinath hill has been converted into a Saiva one. Likewise, the Jaina temples at Pareshnath and Bahulara have been converted to Saiva ones and the Jaina Temples at Arsha and Dharapat to Vaisnava ones. The site of Haraktore in Purulia dt. was once a Jaina establish JAIN JOURNAL ment, but it became a Saiva centre in later time. There might have been Jaina shrines in places of north Bengal near Surohar etc. and in south Bengal near Kantabania and Nalgora. Sculptures of Jaina divinities have mostly been found at the sites of Pakbirra, Charra, Anai-Jambad, Lalpur, Cheliyama, Deoli, Sufaran, Suissa, Arsha, Sulgi. Jhalda, Haraktore and Barabhum in Purulia dt.; Ambikanagar, Pareshnath, Sarengarh, Baskola, Ranibandh, Harmastra, Bahulara and Deulbhirra (under Joypur P.S.) in Bankura dt.; Punchra and Satdeulia in Burdwan dt., bronze sculptures of Mahavira and Ambika from Parihati; dt. Midnapur, Nalgara and Kantabaria in 24 Prgs. dt.; Surohar. Mandoil, Belowa and Govindapur in Dinajpur dt. (Bangladesh); Deopara and other places in Rajshahi dt, They belong to 10th-12th centuries A. D. There is an impressive array of Jaina sculptures at Pakbirra of which mention may be made of Padmaprabba, Chandraprabha Rsabhanatha, Santinatha, Neminatha, Ambika, Yaksa couple (upsalas), Jina and his consort, miniature Chaumukha shrines. At Deoli, near Sufaran, a Pancayatana group of Jaina Rekha Temples (cir 10th cent. A. D.), all dilapidated, may still be noticed. One of these temples was perhaps dedicated to Tirthankara Aruanatha as found in its cella. At Arsha near Boram, several Jaina sculptures including one of Rsabhanatha flanked 24 Tirthankaras, 2 Yaksa attendants, 9 Grahas are found. At a place, called Lalpur, on way to Telkupi one stone sculpture of Ambika has been found. Mrs. D. Mitra has noticed some Jaina sculptures at Telkupi and its neighbourhood. At Suissa, P. S. Baghmundi several Jaina sculptures (Tirthankaras etc.), viz. of Padmaprabha, Rsabhanatha, Parsvanatha, Santinatha, Mahavira, besides miniature Chaumukha shrines (votive) need mention. At Anai-Jambad also several Jaina stone sculptures have been noticed. From Charra miniature votive shrines have been found. From the dt. of Bankura, stone sculptures of Mahavira, (Ranibandh), Ambika (Ambikanagar), Ajitanatha and Suvidhinatha besides a miniature votive shrine (Barkola) have been recovered. The bronze sculpture of Ambika from Nalgara and the stone sculpture of Parsvanatha in the Kayotsarga pose having

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APRIL, 1994 139 23 miniature Tirthankaras seated and arranged in rows from Kantabenia in the dt, of 24 Prgs. are interesting. From Ujani in Burdwan dt. comes the stone sculpture of Santinatha with Navagrahas and attendants (12th cent. A, D.) From north Bengal, several Jaina stone sculptures have been recovered. One of them, unique of its kind, has been discovered from Surohar, dt. Dinajpur. It belongs to circa 10th cent A. D. It has Tirthankara Rsabhanatha as the central figure, seated in an adamantine posture in 'dhyanamudra', being attended by two Yaksas and flanked by 23 seated figures of Tirthankaras within miniature shrines arranged in tiers (7 on either side of the central figure and in 3 each in 3 parallel rows on the top). The entire composition of the sculpture has been fashioned in the form of a miniature shrine with deities in it, and executed with minute skill and refined delicacy of the Varendra style. There are several sculptural representations in stone depicting a seated couple with children on their laps representing Jaina and his parents and a tree. From Sat Deuliya in Burdwan dt. comes a stone slab of circa 10th cent, A.D. which depicts Tirtharkara Rsabbanatha being attended by the Yaksas and Jaina divinities (Salakapurusas etc.) arranged in horizontal rows. From a rapid survey of Jaina sculptures as found in Bengal, it appears that Tirthankaras like Parsvanatha, Santinatha, Rsabbanath, Chandraprabha, Padmaprabha and Mahavira and Sasanadevis like Ambika were popular with the Jainas of early medieval Bengal. Jainism was revived in dts. of Bengal (Murshidabad and Dacca dts.) in the 15th Cent. A. D. Before we conclude certain observations regarding the iconograpby of Jaina deities may be made. Jainism like Buddhism tried to assimilate the folk or 'laukika' cults in its pantheon to gain common people's support in it, People of ancient India used to worship trees, Nagas, Yaksas & Dhvaja symbols (Vyantara devatas' etc.), In the opinion of Dr. J. N. Banerjea, many of the subsidiary members of the Jaina pantheon were direct copies of the Brahmanical divinities. The Jaina Tirtharkaras are often found associated with

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160 JAIN JOURNAL the Yaksas and Yaksinis, navagrahas, dik palas and sacred trees. Many of the Brahmanical deities have been represented as Yaksas and Yaksinis, Srutadevis and Sasanadevatas, But in regard to the mythology of these Jaina divinities there is a marked difference with its Brahmanical counterparts. The idea of cult-syncretism developed in India in the early medieval times; and not only syncrestic icons (of different cults) were produced, but also icons having identical or semi-identical attributes and forms were constructed (Brahmanical, Buddhist and Jaina). Select Bibliography 1. Baperjea, J. N.--The Development of Hindu Iconography, Calcutta, 1956. 2. Bhattacharya, B. C.-The Jaina Iconography, Lahore, 1939. 3. Buhler, J. G.-- The Indian Sect of the Jainas, Calcutta, 1963. 4. Chakravarty, D. K.--A Survey of Jaina Antiquarian Remains in West Bengal in Mabavira Jayanti Souvenir, Calcutta, 1965 5. Dasgupta, P. C.-Pakbirra's Shrine of the Emancipated, Jain Journal, Vol 5, 1971, - Jaina Sculptures from Bangladesh, ibid, Vol. 10, 1976. 6. Ganguly, K. K.-Jaina Images in Bengal, Indian Culture, Vol. 6, 1939 7. Ghosh, D. P.-Traces of Jainism in Bengal, Mahavira Jayanti Souvenir, Calcutta, 1965. 8. Majumdar, R. C. (ed) - The Dacca History of Bengal, Vol. I, 1943. 9. Mitra, D. (Mrs.) - Some Jaina Antiquities from Bankura, Journal of the Asiatic Society, Vol. 24, 1958. -Shrines at Telkupi, Mem, of Arch. Surv. of India. 10. Nahar, P. C.-Jaina Inscriptions.

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Religious conflicts and conversion of Jain Temples in Tamilnadu A. Ekambaranathan In the religious history of ancient Tamilnadu, the 7th century A.D. is said to be a period of serious religious conflicts between the brahmanical sects of Saivism and Vaisnavism on the one hand and the heretical sects of Jainism and Buddhism on the other. The bhakti movement spear-headed by the Saiva and Vaisnava Saints curtailed the growth of the heretical sects to a large extent in early medieval times. Not only their compositions like the Tevaram and Divyaprabhandam, but also the later hagiological work Periyapuranam reflect sectarian attitude of the brahmanical sects. Though the entire Tamilnadu was under the grip of religious animosity, some historical centres like Madurai, Tiruvarur, Tiruppatiripuliyur, Tiruvottur and Gingee witnessed religious feuds. This, in course of time, resulted in conversion of some Jaina temples and even the very faith of many of its followers. Being adherents of the path of ahimsa and at the same time numerically a minority, the Jains had neither resorted to violence nor retaliated by causing destruction to Hindu temples. However, in late medieval period, they had also articulated ill-feelings against Hindus in their devotional literature. Literary Evidence Traditions reminiscent of sectarian rancour and persecution of the Jains are preserved in the canonical literature of the Saivites and Vaisnavites. In almost all the decades of Tevaram, the religious principles of the Jains, their customs and practices are condemned and ridiculed. This is magnified to the maximum possible extent in Periyapuranam. Dandiadigal, one of the early Saiva saints, was responsible for the destruction of the Jaina institutions at Tiruvarur, when he had undertaken the task of enlarging the tank of the local Siva temple.2 Sambandar, in his attempts at propagating Saivism, undertook pilgrimage tours all over Tamilnadu, singing in praise of lord Siva 1 R. Champakalakshmi, "Religious conflicts and the date of Tevaram- A reappraisal", Paper presented to the Fourth Epigraphical Congress, 1978, Madras, p.I. 2 Periyapuranam. Dandiadigal Puranam. 15-24

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162 JAIN JOURNAL and rousing religious feelings in the minds of common man. When paid a visit to Madurai, he happened to cure miraculously the acute abdominal disease of the king, Kanpandya, who then professed Jainism. As the Jain monks failed to cure him of his disease, they were put to several hardships and finally about 8000 of them were persecuted at the instance of Sambandar. The King, thenceforth, embraced Saivism. 3 Sambandar is also said to have been responsible for the persecution of Jains at Punatagai near Tiruvottur. According to Periyapur anam, when the Jains came into confrontation with the local Saivites, Sambandar is stated to have defeated and persecuted the Jains by performing the mirracle of transforming a male palmyra tree into a female one. This episode had given rise to carving of miniature sculptures representing impalement of Jains in the same temple. King Mahendra Pallava I of Kanchi was a Jaina in his early life, but later got converted to Saivism by Saint Appar who was himself a Jaica monk for sometime, heading the monsatery at Tiruppa tiripuliyur near Cuddalore. The king. after his change of faith, is believed to have destroyed the same Jaina monastery and out of its ruined materials erected a Siva tempe at Tiruvatigai.5 Mahendra's conversion to Saivism from Jainism is accepted by historians on the basis of his Trichy-inscription mentioning his change of faith from 'hostile conduct' (implies to Jainism) to Saivism. But scholars do not admit the tradi. tion regarding persecution of Jains and destruction of their monastery by the king.? Palayarai near Kumbakonam had a Jaina settlement with which also Appar is connected in a conflict. He is stated to have brought to light a linga hidden by the Jains in their temple and converted the shrine into an edifice of the Saiva pursuation. Even though Jaina vestiges do not find place at Palayalai now, its association with Jainism stands corroborated by a 9th century A.D. epigraph from Kalugumalai, 3 Ibid., Sambandar Puranam, 600-850. 4 Ibid., 975-983 5 Ibid; Tirunavukkarasar Puranam, 145-146. 6 South Indian Inscriptions : (SII), Vol. I, No. 33, p. 29 7 C. Minakshi. Administration and Social life under the Pallavas, p. 206; K. A. Nilakantasastri, A History of South India, p. 424 8 Periyapuranam, Tirupavukkarasar Puranam 294_95 9 SII, vol. 5, No. 320

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APRIL, 1994 The Vardhamanesvara Siva temple at Tiruppugalur is considered to be originally a shrine dedicated to Vardhamana Mahavira Even after its conversion, the temple continues to bear the name Vardhamanisvaram, revealing its Jaina affilication 10 Though the brahmanical literature provide evidence in support of conversion of Jaina shrines into Siva temples, none of the above centres of conflicts contains any epigraphic or architectural evidence of a struggle and displacement of one by the other.11 Manuscripts: The Mackenzie Manuscripts add that the Jaina temples at Koliyanur and Mylapore were destroyed due to religious animosity. Matanga, a local chieftain of Gingee, is supposed to have caused the destruction of one of the three Jaina temples at Koliyanur near Viluppuram.12 In fact, a Jaina temple of the late medieval times existed at Koliyanur and it was reported to have been in ruined condition in the last quarter of the 19th century. But it is doubtful whether its demolition was a sequel to the indifferent attitude of Matanga as this chieftain does not figure in the history of Gingee. 163 When Venkatapati Nayaka, the Vijayanagar agent at Gingee in the 15th century A.D., was denied of a bride from the Jaina community, started annihilating them, which resulted in large scale exodus of the Jains from villages in and around Gingee and Tindivanam. Some of those who remained in their villages became even Hindus while some others secretly professed their religion.13 Mylapore in the heart of Madras city once had a Jaina settlement with a temple dedicated to Neminatha. Tradition has it that the brahmanas of the Cola country converted the local Jains to their faith and established Sivalingas in the place of their worship.14 The existence of a Neminatha temple at Mylapore is attested to by an epigraphical record and the Jaina literary composition, Tirunurantati of Avirotialvar.15 Stone and bronze images of Neminatha belonging 10 Mayilai Seeni Venkatasamy. ainism and Tamil, p. 140 11 R. Champakalakshmi, Op. cit., p. 12 12 Mackenzie Manuscripts, No. 13: 7 13 Ibid., 11:2 14 Ibid., 13:2 15 H. Hosten, Antiquities from santhome and Mylapore, p. 74, Tirunurgantati verses, 4-60

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164 JAIN JOURNAL to this temple had been transferred to Chittamur and Elangalu respectively when the temple got dilapidated.16 However, its destruction at the hands of the Hindu remains uncorroborated. Epigraphical Evidence : Some of the epigraphical records of the Hindus also echo indirectly the enimical attitude of the Saivaites towards the Jains. For instance, those who misappropriate the endowments made to the Tiruvannamalai Siva temple are cursed to be the bearers of the kamandala (kundika) of the Jaina monks.17 Similarly, those who defy the agreement made in favour of the Siva temple at Masavapalayam would incur the sin of killing seven or eight Jains even in their next birth.18 These imprecations, condemning people as bearers of Kundikas and incurring the sin of killing Jaipa adherents, obviously bear testimony to the hatred of Saivaites towards Jains. A solitary example of landboundary dispute between Saivaites and Jains, and its amical solution is hinted at in an epigraph from Tiruvatigai.19 But its details cannot be ascertained as the record is very much mutilated. CONVERTED JAINA TEMPLES Religious conflicts and sectarian rancour in course of time led to conversion of Jaina edifices into Hindu ones. Corroborative archaeological evidence in the form of epigraphs, sculptures and architectural vestiges for such a transformation have been reported from places like Malayatikkusuchchi, Chitaral, Narttamalai, Kalugumalai and Nagercoil. a) Malaiyadikkuschchi rock-cut temple : An early Pandya rock-cut temple of the time of Sendanmasan (645-695 A.D) exists at Malaiyadikkusuchchi in Tirunelveli district. Originally, it was excavated for the Jaina faith, but later metamorphozised into a Savia shrine. The pillars and pilasters have circular medallions with human, animal and bird motifs in the centre. The human depiction are apparently Jaipa figures. Moreover, there are traces of other sculptures representing Jaina deities, wholly or partially erased at the time of its conversion. One of them represents possibly Brahma Yaksha or Kubera Yaksha shown riding on an elephant.20 16 A. Ekambaranathan, History of Chittamur, p. 42, Mukkudai, January 1975. 17 Annual Report on Epigraphy (ARE), 559 | 1902 18 South Indian Temple Inscriptions, Vol. I, No. 322 19 ARE 416 / 1921 20 K. V. Soundararajan, Glimpses of Indian culture, p. 95

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APRIL, 1994 K. R. Srinivasan rightly points out that "the conversion (of this temple) was probably the result of the apostasy of Kunpandya from Jainism to Saivism under the influence of the Saiva Saint Sambandar.21", The Jaina rock-cut temple at Chokkampatti, not far off from Malaiyadikkurichchi, is left unfinished due to reasons not definitely known to us. However, it is presumed that its work would have been abandoned in the 7th century A.D, due to religious antagonism and hence remains partially finished.22 b) Chitaral Cave Temple ! Chitaral, otherwise known as Tiruchcharanattumalai in Kanyakumari district, was an ancient Jaina centre having a natural cavern with two rows of sculptures carved on its overhanging rock. The first row consists of twelve miniature figures of Tirthankaras while the second row has images of Adinatha, Parsvanatha, Ambika and Mahavira, interspersed by some low reliefs of Tirthankaras. Moreover, the interior of the natural cave had been converted into shrine chambers accommodating images of Padmavathi, Parsvanatha and Mahavira. Jaina nuns like Muttuvalakuratti and Gunantangi endowed the Yakshi with gold ornaments and other gifts in the 9th century A.D.23 The same goddess was provided with a plaster coating and came to be worshipped as Bhagavati in the 13th century. A.D.24 Since then, her shrine continues to be a place of Hindu worship, but the other Jaina images have not been altered so far. 165 c) Nagaraja Temple : Nagercoil in Kanyakumari district was also a sacred centre of the Jains from about the 8th to the 16th century AD. The Nagaraja temple of this place was once a Jaina shrine as is evidenced by sculptures and epigraphs. The mandapa in front of the central shrine has basreliefs depicting Parsvanatha, Mahavira and Padmavathi. Besides, the two huge sculptures of five hooded serpents having miniature standing figures on their coils, now flanking the main entrance, are believed to be representations of Dharanendre and Padmavathi. The administration of the temple was vested with two 21 A. Ghosh (ed). Jaina art and architecture, Vol. II, p. 208 22 Ibid., p. 208 23 Travancore Archaeological series (TAS), Vol. I, p. 195, Vol. IV, No. 40. 24 Ibid, Vol. I, p. 194

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166 JAIN JOURNAL Jaina Panditas, Kamalavahana and Gunavira, in whose favour palli. chchandam lands were endowed by Travancore Mabatajas in the 16th century A.D.25 This temple got converted into a Hindu shrine, probably in 1588 A.D., with the installation of the images of serpent deities such as Adisesha (Tiruvanantalvar) and his consort (Naga).26 Hindu devotees from Kerala as well as Tamilnadu continue to offer worship to these Naga deities even to the present day. d) Narttamalai Visnu Rock cut Temple : Narttamalai near Pudukkottai has two rock-cut temples, one dedicated to Siva and the other to Visnu. The latter was originally a Jaina foundation, but got transformed into a Visnu temple around 1228 A.D.a? At the time of its conversion, structural additions were made in the temple and the idols of Visou and his copsort were consecrated therein. Thereafter it came to be known as Patinenbhumi Vinnagar temple. 28 e) Kalugumalai Cave Temple : Kalugumalai in Chitambaranar district is one of the celebrated Jaina centres in medieval times. The local hill has a natural cavern containing exquisitely carved sculptures of Tirtbankaras in three rows on its facade. The interweaning space is studded with images of Adinatha, Bahubali, Parsvanatha, Mahavira, Padmavathi and Ambika of excellent early Pandya workmanship. This place of Jaina worship lost its importance after the 11th century A.D. Later on, the local Hindus converted the cave into a temple of Aiyyanar, one of their favourite village deities. The interior of the cave was suitably altered and structural additions were made in front so as to have a rectangular shrine chamber. Except the original cave, the other parts remain unaffected conveying the legacy of Jaina culture of bye-gone days.29 The 7th and 8th centuries A. D., also witnessed occupation of some Jaina hill resorts by Hindus Hindu shrines, particulary rock.cut temples, came to be scooped out in places like Mamandar, Dalavanur, Siyamangalam, Trichy, Adaimalai, Tirupparankuppam, Kunsakkuli 25 Ibid, Vol. IV, Nos. 115-118 26 Ibid, Vol. IV, No. 122 21 Pudukkottai State Inscriptions, No. 281 28 Journal of Oriental Research, Vol. 8, pp 25. 26 29 A. Ekambaranathan. Jaina vestiges of Kalugumalai, pp. 52-54

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APRIL, 1994 etc, which were already throbbing with Jaina activities. The choice of the location of these Hindu temples deserve special mention as they are found in close proximity to the caverns which were once occupied by the wind-clad Jaina ascetics. Thus, their choice was "apparently more prompted by intent and less by chance", and they reflect the 'occupational attitude' of the Jaina centres by the Hindus. The Jaina Approach: The Jaina adherents, true to their faith, had not resorted to any violent means to counteract the antagonistic attitude of brahmanical followers. Instead, they assimilated many elements from brahmanism and accommodated them suitably in their own religion. Changes had been accepted in the mode of worship and iconographic forms of the Sasanadevatas. However, in late medieval times, the Jains had also shown discontent in a milder way against brahamanical sects. Their literary compositions like Tirukkalambakam and Tirunurrantati assert superiority of the Jina over the Hindu gods like Brahma, Visnu and Siva. At time, they are ridiculed in a lighter vein,31 But these had never brought about any adverse effect in the domain of Saivism and Vaisnavism. 167 The Jains resorting to conversion of Hindu temples is unheard in their religious history. The Mackenzie Manuscripts, on the other hand, make a mention of the conversion of a Siva temple into a Jaina shrine at Venjamankudalore in Kongu country. This tradition cannot be accepted as the Siva temple of the village had never been subjected to religious conversion. There are instances to show that the Jains had utilised building materials of defunct Hindu temples and utilised in their constructions. The unfinished Vilappakkam rock-cut temple, abandoned by the Hindus owing to failure of the pillars, making further work unsafe, was occupied by Jains, who at that time carved a bas relief of Tirthankara on the ledge of the temple.38 The Parsvanatha temple at Chittamur has a Kalasasthapana mandapa in the form of a chariot drawn by two elephants. Part of the 30 K. R. Srinivasan Cave temples of the Pallavas, p. 31 31 Tirukkalambakam, verses, 30, 48; Tirunurantati verses. 24, 26, 40 32 Mackenzie Manuscripts, No. 18:15 33 K. R. Srinivasan. Op. cit, pp. 96-97

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168 mandapa along with the elephants had been erected out of the stones dismantled from the Visnu temple at Gingee. The pillars bearing Vaisnava symbols, sankha and chakra, and the depiction of Hanuman in the nearby Malainatha Jain temple were also brought from the same Visnu temple when it got dilapidated and left uncared for.34 JAIN JOURNAL The Kilsattamangalam Jain temple has also sculptural representations of Siva, Parvati, Narasimha, Hanuman and Linga worshipped by a devotee carved on the square part of the pillars. These pillars were taken from the local defunct Siva temple and utilised in the erection of the Jain temple in the early part of the present century35. 34 A. Ekambaranathan, History of Chittamur, pp 32-33 35 A. Ekambaranathan, Jaina Temples of Tondainadu, p. 110

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Sacred Literature of the Jains Albrecht Friedrich Weber ( from the previous issue ] though in a very obscure fashion. We have already seen (p. 351) that anga 12, according to the account of anga 4 and Nandi, devoted considerable attention to these schisms. Finally, the theravali of the Kalpasutra (36) contains several statements in reference to the Terasiya saha and its founder Chalue Rohagutte Kosiyagotte. The latter it calls the scholar of Mabagiri, who, as in the theravali of the Nandi, is called the ninth successor of Vira. But this is not in harmony with the above-mentioned date (544 after Vira), since it is equivalent to an allotment of 60 years to each patriarchate. There is then here, as in the case of the pame of the founder of the fourth schism-see 351", 381-a considerable discrepancy in the accounts. The seventh schism, the Abaddhia (vv. 88-91), under Gotinamahila in Dasa pura is referred to the year 584 and brought into connection with Ayya Rakkhia, Pasamitta and with the ninth purva ( p 356). The first of these statements harmonizes with the other information concerning Rakkhia which we possess. See p. 63, Klatt p. 247*. The name Pasamitta is frequently met with. According to Merutunga's Vicarasreni (see Buhler, ante, 2, 362 and Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 7), there reigned a Pusamitta, successor of the Maurya (the Pusyamitra of the Mahabhasya, etc!) in the years 323-353 after Vira. Neither can he be the one referred to here, nor the Pusamitta who was the founder of the Pusamittijjam kulam of Caranagana in $ 7 of the theravalt of the Kalpas., which emanated from Sirigutta, the pupil of the tenth [67] patriarch Suhattbi. The name Pusamitta occurs here too in chap. 17(16), 190 (see p. 74",) as that of a contemporary of king Mudimbaga and of Ayya Pussabhui. Abhayadeva on up. 1 mentions him as the founder of the fourth schism See p. 65". In addition to these seven schisms there was an eighth (vv. 92-95), that of the Bodia, Pautika, according to Haribh, under Sivabhui in Rahavirapura (Rathao) in the year 609. According to the account in Dharmaghosa's scholiast on his Kupaksakaus., the Digambaras are referred to; see Kup. p. 6 (796) where I have attempted to show that the name Bodia has the same meaning (naked) at digambara. The animosity against the Botikas is as keen as can possibly be imagined. In the 22nd chapter of the Vicaramstasamgraha, the remaining 7 nihnavas are said, according to Malayagiri's commentary on the Avasy., to be desavisamvadino dravyalimgena 'bhedino, but the Botika : sarvavis. arvadino dravyalingato 'pi bhinnas. Similarly Haribh. on v. 92 (desavio and prabhutavio); sce also Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 15". In the kalasattari,

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170 JAIN JOURNAL v. 40, they appear as khamana pasamdiya; also in Kup. 1, 37, 7, 2, 3; ibid. 1, s. or as khayanaya, i.e. ksapanaka. See below, p. 75. In contradistinction to these heterodox opinions (micchaditthi) we have the praises of the samaiam sung in v. 102 fg. We find it called. 1096 (v. 108) an "ajjhayanan" as opposed to the "remaining (five) ajjhayanas;" and the two verses closing with the refrain ii kevalibhasiam [68] are cited in reference to it. These verses recur in the Anuyogadvarasutra (see above pp. 37, 38) as I have shewn on Bhagav, 2, 186. After the conclusion of the upodghataniryukti we find in the scholiast (see above p. 55) the following statement : atra sutrasparsikaniryukty (see p. 38) -avasarah, sa ca praptavasara 'pi no 'cyate, yasmad asati sutre kasya 'sdv iti; to which is joined an elaborate deduction in reference to sutta and niryukti. 9. namukkaranijjutti, 139 (P., 144B) vv. Towards the end we find the verse eso parcao (132), glorifying the pamcanamukkara, a verse we have already met with in upanga 4; see p. 393. In the last pada we have here the reading havai mangalam; see Kup. p. 21 (811) fg,, where this form of the verse is referred directly back to Sri Vajrasvamin. See p. 38".3 op v. 66. A detached copy is found in Peterson, Palm-leaf No. 77o. 10. samdianijjutti, 100 (s, 111 P, 112 B) vv. Begins : namdi-anuogan daram vihivad uvagghaiar ca kaunamkauna parcamamgala-m arambho hoi suttassa // 1 ||. The knowledge of the nardi and of the anuogad 1029 is here regarded as a preliminary condition for the understanding of the sutra. This citation is both per se of interest (see p. 3), and also because from it we can prove that the avasyaka texts quoted in these two works are to be distinguished from our ay. nijj.-- though this was tolerably self-evident after the remarks on p. 53 ff. The text continues : ahaya. (!) : kayaparcanamukkaro kareisamaiam ti so bhihio / samaiamgam eva ya jam so sesam ao bucchar [69] //2/1 sutram (atra 'mtare sutram vacyar B). On this Har. (see between 8 and 9): atra ratare sutrasparsaniryuktir ucyate svasthanatvad, aha ca niryuktikarah : 1028 ajjhayanan pi a tivihan | sutte atthe tad-ubhde ceva / sesesu vi ajjhayanesu (caturvinsar istavadi su) hoi ese 'va nijjutti (uddesanirdesadika niruktipar yava sana), 1029 namdis ca anuyogadyar ani ca Haribh.

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APRIL, 1994 akkhaliya (v. 3) tti, 1030 gaha. We have here then a very incomplete quotation of the text, see above p. 55-In vv. 30-38 there are special statements in reference to the 11 karanas, the fourth of which is here called thiviloyanam. See p. 414. In v. 40 we find a division of the suam into baddham and abaddham. The former is explained by duvalasamgam and called nisiham and anisiham (see pp. 452, 553); the nistham is explained as pacchannam, and the following added in illustration :- nisrham nama jaha 'jjhayanam (v. 41). In verse 42 we find a citation from purva 2-see above p. 354 - in immediate conjunction with the foregoing. 11. Cauvisatthai, 62 (61 BP) vv., second ajjhayanam in Haribh. Stands alone in Peterson's Palm-leaf 77deg. 171 12. Vamdananijjutti, 191 (189 p B, 190 P) vv., equivalent to the third ajjh. of Har. Stands alone in Peterson's Palm-leaf No. 77d. From v. 36 on there is a dialogue between guru and codeg codaka, see above p. 34. After v 176 we read in the text atra sutram, and Har. quotes a text which begins with the words icchami khamasamane vamdium. 13. padikkamananijjutti, 54 (52 PB, 51m) vv. Chap. 13-18, which correspond to the fourth ajjh. of Haribh., presuppose a [70] pratikramanasutram1031 given by him in full in sections. These chapters form a species of running commentary to each of the sections of the pratik. Chap. 14, 15 take up one section each, chap. 17 two, chap. 13, 16 contain the explanation of several sections. The sections explained in chap. 13 read :- padikkamami egavihe asamjame... p. dohim bamdhanehim, p. tihim damdehim, p. cauhim jjhanehim. The entire following chapter is an explanation of the latter sentence. In a dhammajjhanam of 69 vv. precedes these sections commented upon in chapter 13. 14. jhanasayam, dhyanasatakam, 106vv. The last is omitted by Haribhadra, mentions only 105 vv,, 1030 akkhaliasambiai vakkhanacaukkae dar is iammi suttapphasianijjuttivitthara ttho imo hoi schol. tatra 'skhalitapadoccar anam samhita, athava parah samnikarsah samhita ( a fine Brahminical reminiscence /).. padam, samhita padartha, padavigraha, calana, pratyavasthanam (see above p. 38) are here referred to. verse (106) which and states that 1031 It begins icchami padikkamium; it is in prose and different from the fraddha-or sravaka-pratikramanasutra, whose 50 gathas, divided into 5 adhikaras, were commented in Samvat 1496 (A.D. 1440) by Ratnasekhara from the Tapagaccha (No. 52 in Klatt). In Peterson's Palm-leaf MSS. there are two other similar texts, a pratikramanasutram. 86e 83c (where it is called aticarapratdeg) and a pratikramanam 154a (see p. 125b), which is different from the first.

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172 Jinabhadda is the author of this cento1032: pamcuttarena, gaha-saena jjhanasayagam samuddittham / Jinabhaddakhamasamanehi kammasohikaram jaino || 106 ||. It had originally, as at present (see Peterson's Palmleaf 77a 161"), a quite independent position and was later on inserted here. This is clear from the fact that the beginning contains a special salutation, which is usual only in the case of independent texts :Viram sukkajjhanag-gidaddhakammimdhanam panamiunam/jotsaram sarannam, jhanajjhayanam pavakkhami //1// Haribh, cites this dhyanasatakam just as he usually cites his [71] kathanaka: ayam dhyanasamasarthah, vyasarthas tu dhyanasatakad avaseyah, tac cedam dhyanasatakam asya maharthatvad vastunah sastramtaratvat (!) this is plain; we should have expected tvac ca) prarambha eva vighnavinayakopasamtaye mamgalartham istadevatanamaskaram aha: Viram... The explanation concludes (omitting verse 106) with the words: samaptam dhyanasatakam, and the commentator proceeds with his explanation of the pratikramanasutram padikkamami pamcahim kiriyahim, again having recourse thereby to the paritthavaniyaniyyutti. JAIN JOURNAL 15. paritthavania, 151 (152 P, 153 B vv. Begins: paritthavaniavihim bucchami dhirapurisapannattam | jam nauna suvihid pavayanasaram uvalahamti // 1 // This chapter, too, gives me the impression of having originally enjoyed a separate existence. Nevertheless it is closely connected with chapter 18, since they both share this form of introduction. It is also noticeable that the same verse recurs with tolerable similarity in 20, 9; from which we may conclude that chapters 16, 18, 20 were composed by one author. Haribh. in this chapter omits or leaves a large number of verses unexplained; and beginning with v. 79. His commentary is partially composed in Prakrit, probably taken from the old bhasya (see p. 52). After the conclusion :paristhapanika samapta, he proceeds to cite and explain the sutram: padikkamami chahim jivanikaehim In there is an additional chapter lesao, with 13 vv., inserted between the conclusion and explanation. 1033 16 padikkamanasamghayani, pratikramanasamgrahani 133 (80 PTB) vv. The verses, which are not found in [72]B,1 are cited in full by Haribh, as a part of his commentary1os4. The verses which A B have 1032 He appears in Ratnasekhara as the author of a visesavasyaka. See preceding note. 1033 Pl also presumably do not contain the verses: A 18-30, 32-43. 50-64, 68-80. 1034 On one occasion he calls these verses (vv, 50-64) niryuktigathas of the sutrakni(!), by which the sutrakgt (!) is said to explain the two preceding verses (48, 49) of the samgrahanikara ! See above p. 54n3.

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APRIL, 1994 173 in common, are cited by him here, not as verses of the niryukrikst, but as a part of the samgrahanikara. In these chapters we find explanations and enumerations of the contents of sections 6-31 of the pratikramarasutram. Each group of verses is explained under its proper section. Chapters 14 and 15, however, belong to but one section. The following is treated of : 6 jivanikaa, 7 bhayatshana (v. 14), 8 mayatthana (v.14%), 9 barbhaceragutti (v, 15), the 10-fold samanadhamma (v. 16), 11 uvasagapadima (v. 17), 12 bhikkhupadima (v. 31), 13 kiriyathana (v. 44), 14 bhuyagama (v. 45), 15 paramahammia (vv. 48, 49), 16 gdhasolasa (vv. 65, 66), the 17-fold samjama (v. 67), the 18-fold abambha (v. 81), 19 nayaijhayana (vv. 82. 83), 20 asamahitrana (vv. 84-86), 21 sabala (sabala v. 87),1085 22 parisaha (v. 100), 23 suttagadajjhayana (v. 102). 24 deva (v. 103), 25 bhavana (v. 104), 26 dasa-kappavavaharana uddesanakala (v 109), the 27-fold anagaracaritta (v. 110), the 28-fold ayarapakappa (v. 112), 29 pavasutapasarga (v, 115), 30 mohaniyyat[hana (v. 117) and 31 siddhaiguna (v. 132). We find herein enumerations of the 23 chapters of anga 2 (in two groups, one of 16, the other of 7; [73] see above p. 260), of the 19 chapters of the first part of anga 6, of the 26 chapters of the three chedasutras 3-5, and of the 28 chapters of anga 1. 17. Jogasargaha-asayana, 'asatana; 64 vv.: in A counted continuously in conjunction with chapter 16, i.e. as vv, 134.197. In P-B, however, it is divided into two chapters : jogasamgaha of 60, and asayana of 5 (4 7) vv. It contains the vouchers for and examples (udaharanagaha of the 32 jogasamgahas (to v. 193) and 33 asayanas, 1046 a' satanas (v. 194-197), which are mentioned in the last two sections of the pratikramanasutram. The pratikramanasamgrahani (proni samapta) ended here according to Haribh. But with the words sampratar sutrokta eva trayastrinsad vyakhyayarinte ... Haribh, comes back to the explanation of v. 197. These verses contains principally matters of legendary and historical purport, and consist chiefly of proper names and of some catch-words. Haribhadra cites very detailed kathanakas on them composed in Prakrit, from which the meaning of the verses is to extracted (svabuddhya 'vaseyah); but he does not enter upon the explanation of 1035 On vv, 87-96 we read here : asam vyakhya ... ayam ca samasarthah, vyasarthas tu dasakhyad grathartarad avaseya evam (eva), asammoharthan dasanusarena sabalasvarupar abhihitan saingrahanikaras tu evam aha : varisan (v. 97). The fourth chedasutram (or its second book, see p. 468) is meant by the dasakhya grantha mentioned here. 1036 Explained by ayah (1) samyagdarsanadyavaptilaksanas, tasya satanak khamdara asatanas...; as if the word was dyasayana (or aya) ivate & Personal Use Only www.jaimellibrary.org

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174 the text of each of the verses, or even of the kathanakas cited by him. It is very interesting that Thulabhadda is here brought into connection with the (ninth, Haribh) Nanda, and with Sagadala and Vararuci (v. 144, cf. the statements in Hemac's parisistaparvan 8,, fg). The same may be said of the mention of Salavavahana in Paitthana (v. 164; Vikramaditya is, however, not noticed), and of the identification, in all essentials, of all these and similar [74] names1037 with the names of king Dummuha of Pamcala, of Nami of Videha, Naggai of Gamdhara (v. 172), and with the Pamdavavamsa (v. 161) ! As far as the legends admit of being comprehended (which is no easy matter, if we take into consideration the enigmatical character of the text and the corrupt condition of the MS. of the commentary), they are in only partial agreement with our information in respect to these persons obtained from Brahminical sources. The information they convey, is quite independent of any other source, and is probably the result of their arbitrary desire for change. It is of interest that the gatha (v. 188), cited pp. 158, 159, which is quite in keeping with the character of the verses of Hala, is here inserted in the legend of two prostitutes (Magahasumdari and Magahasiri). JAIN JOURNAL tu 18. asajjhaiyanijjutti, asvadhyayika, 111 (Pl, 110B) vv. Begins1038: asajjhaianijjuttim bucchami dhirapurisapannattam | jam nauna suvihia pavayanasaram uvalabhamti || || asajjhaiam tu duviham ayasamuttham ca parasamuttham ca | jam tattha parasamuttham tam pamcaviham nayavvam || 2 || Closes: asajjhaianijjutti kahia bhe dhirapurisapannatta | samjama-tavaddhaganam | niggamthanam maharisinam || 10 // This chapter, too, appears to have originally existed by itself (see above p. 71, on chapter 15). It refers to certain faults in the study and recitation of the srutam, which are enumerated at the conclusion of the 33 asayanas: but special reference is made to the cases in which akale kao sajjhao, etc. The pratikramanasutram consequently is joined on in Haribh. as follows: nama cauvisae titthayaranam Usabhai Mahavirapayyavasananam,... inam eva niggamtham pavayanam savvam anuttaram ity adi.. neauam (naiyayikam) [75] ti samsuddham ti, sallakattanam ti, siddhimaggam muttimaggam nejjamaggam nevvanamaggam ti, icchami padikkamium goyaracariyae ity-adi, 19. kaussagganijj., 172 vv., fifth ajjh. in Har. 1037 As for example Vijaa in Bharuaccha v.189, Mudimbaga, Ajja Pussabhul, Pusamitta in Sambavaddhana v. 190, 1038 Verse 1 is omitted by Haribh.

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APRIL, 1994 175 20. paccakkhananijjutti corresponds to the sixth ajjah. in Haribh., and consist of three parts :-1, A metrical section in 22 (26 B) vv.. with an enumeration of the 5 mulagunas, 1089 2. A prose portion treating of the 12 yratas (5 anuvr. 3 gunavr, 4 siksapadyr.) Haribhadra calls its sections sutram ; this is doubtless to be regarded as a bit of the sutram, which is presupposed in the other chapters, but not directly admitted into the text of the Nijj. 3. A metrical conclusion of 74(70B) vv., which closes with the same two verses as apter 10 There are 194 vv. verses in all given in P, but in x only 90. It stands alone in Peterson's Palm-leaf 77 (without statement as to the number of verses) and 86g (94vv.), - The prose part (nominative in e!) is directed with great vigour against the annautthiyas (anyatirthika) and against the parapasamdapasamsas, or the parapasandasam According to Haribhadra, the Brahminical sects1040 Bhautika and Votika (Digambara, see above p. 67) are treated of under annauo. The 363 doctrines attacked in anga 2 are referred to under parapasanda. See p. 259.1041 According to H. there is no mention bere of the seven schisms. [76] He mentions also a legend (in Prakrit) of Canakka and Camdagutta in Padaliputta. Cf. Hemac, paris, chap. 8 and 9). 1039 panivaha musavae adatta mehuna pariggahe ceva 1/8/| savayadhammassa vihin bucchami dhirapurisapannattam / jam cariuna suvihia ginino visuhain pavanti 1/911 On this vers see p. 71 on chap. 15. 1040 anyatirthikaparigrhitani va saityani arhatpratimalaksanani, yatha Bhautapari gyhitani Virabhadra-Maha kaladini, Votika, parigrhitani va. 1041 Dr. Leumann called my attention to the fact that a letter of Schiefner to me dated Dec. 1857--se Ind. Stud. 4,335 - contains the following statement extracted from the introduction of a Thibetan work edited by Wassiljew : "there are 363 different schisms in the religion of India," Since I found nothing of the kind in the introduction of Taranatha, which was doubtless referred to here. I had recourse to Wassiljew himself. On the 8th of October, 1883, I received from bim the following kind reply :-'I cannot inform you definitely in which of my works 3 13 Indian schools are mentioned, if at all; but it is certain that this number is frequently mentioned in Thibetan works. In Djandja Vatuktu's Siddhanta, which I have at present before me, I find the following ; "In the sutras are mentioned 96 darsana papantika (?), 141 dijakyta muluni(?) 62 injurious darsana, 28 which do pot permit salvation, and 20 which are ruinous." In Bhapia's work Tarkadjvala all the darsanas are enumerated in .110 species, 'viz'... According to my hasty count there are more than 120 names, probably because the same school is mentioned twice, i.e. in Sanskrit and Thibetan. And at the end, after mention of all 110 ( 120 ) species, we read :- in all 363 darsanas. As regards the names of those darsanas, it is too difficult for me to translate them into Russian and a fortiori into German, though, should you desire it, I will attempt it as best I may be able". I did not consider it necessary to have recourse again to Wassiljew's kindness, since, for the purpose in view, his communication was amply sufficient. It is clear from the above compared with p. 259, that it will be difficult to expect complete "agreement in detail; nevertheless the fact that the number of 363 dar fanas is common to the Jainas with the Thibetan Buddhists, is of great value.

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176 JAIN JOURNAL Besides the Nijjutti I possess a fragment of a second metrical treatment of the avasyaka, which is, however, confined to vamdana and paccakkana. The former is divided into two sections, caityavamdana and guru. The text is only partially based upon the Nijjutti. There is an avacuri (degcurni) to it from the commentary of a Somasumdara (from the Candragaccha). This avacuri can be traced back to a Jnanasagara. [77] XLV. The third mulasutram, dasavealiasuakkhamdha, dasavaikalika, or merely dasaalia,1042 dasakalika. It consists of ten ajjhayanas, which are composed in slokas, with the exception of a few prose sections. There are furthermore two chapters called cula (and hence secondary1043) of similar contents. These are in gathas. After them follow four gathas, in which Sijjambhava, according to the old theravali (Nandi, Kalpas) the fourth patriarch after Mahavira, is stated to be the author;1044 but his son Ajja-Managa and his pupil Jasabhadda1045 are mentioned in connection with him. a claim of great antiquity for the author. This is indeed The contents refers to the vinaya, and is clothed in a very ancient dress. That this is the case is proved by the close of a chapter : ti bemi (also in the case of the two culas !) and by the introduction : suam me ausam in the prose sections (with the exception of that in cula 1), The dasavealiam (see p. 11) is mentioned in the Nandi as being in the forefront of the ukkaliya group of the anamgapavittha texts; its position here, however. almost at the end, does not agree with the prominent place ascribed to it by N. It appears elsewhere as the last or smallest of the agama (if I understand the words correctly; the preceding leaf is wanting in the Berlin MS see p. 214) in Hemac. [78] in the parisistap 9, 99, and in the commentary on Nemicandra's pravacanasara, v. 1445, where Duhprasaha, the last of the 2004 suris which Nemic. accepts, is designated as dasavaikalikamatrasutradharo 'pi caturdasapurvadhara iva sakrapujyah. The author of the Avasy, nijj. asserts (2,5) that he composed a nijjuti on it. A MS. of a nijjutti which recognizes the culiya is found in Peterson's Palm-leaf 1042 Thus in Av. nijj. 2, 5 and in the Vidhiprapa. 1043 This is evident from the title dasakaliam itself. At the time that the four gathas were added at the end, these two culas had not yet been affixed, since the text in v. 1 is called, as one might expect from its title, merely dasajjhayanam. 1044 According to v. 37 of the kalasattari it was composed in the year 98 Vira. 1045 These three names recur in the same connection in the therav. of the Kalpas. Jasabhadda is also in the Nandi the fifth successor of Vira.

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APRIL, 1994 177 167. Is it the work referred to ? The word vealiam is said here to mean about the same as vaikalikam, "belonging to the evening" (vikale 'parahne).1046 1. dumapupphia drumapuspika, 5 vv. Comparison of the dhamma with a flowering tree. Cf. anga 2, 2, 1, uttarajjh. chap. 10. 2. samannapuvva, srumanyapurvika, 11 w. Of firmness, dhsti. 3. khuddidyara, ksullikacara, 15 vv; su dhitir acare vidheya. 4. cajjivaniyajjh 1047 sao jivanikhadhy., i.e. doubtless onikayajjh.; see above, pp. 71, 72. In two chapters, the first of which, in prose, begins suam me.. and treats of the 6 grades of the four elements (earth water, light, air), plants (vanasai) and insects (tasa); and of the 5 mahavvayas to be observed in reference to them. To these five a sixth, the raibhoanau veramanam (command against eating at night), is added. Chapter 2, in 29 vv., treats of the six forms of activity (walking, standing, sitting, lying, eating, speaking) necessary for these 6 mahavv. 5. pisdesana, in 2 uddesakas, with 100 and 50 vv., bhiksasodhih, of the collection of the necessities of life and of rules for eating; see anga 1, 2, 1. To this is joined, [79] according to the Vidhi prapa, the pindanijjutti (mulas. 4); ittho piotti oyarai (oinna v. 7 of the jogavihana). . 6. dharmarthakamajjhayanam, also mahacarakathakhyam; in 69 vv. -This trivarga (tivaggo also in the Abhidhanappadipika) which plays so important a role in epic literature (MBhar., Ramay. Manu) is pot known to the Veda. Among the Jains and Buddhists, by whom dharma and artha are often brought into connection, though in quite a different signification (artha sense, explanation), the trivarga does not claim any place whatsoever. It is probable that we must connect it with the three gunas : saltva, rajas and tamas. But in that case artha would respond to rajas, kama to tamas, though kama suits rajas much better. Has the Platonic trinity kadov, obedelov, nav which is Cicero's honestum, utile, dulce, wandered to India ? 7. vakkasuddhi, vakyasuddhi, 57 vv. 8. ayarapanihi, acarapranidni, 64 vv. 1046 In anga 2 the word means vaidarikam; in painna 5 the meaning is not clear. 1047 dhammapannatti va, in the Vidhiprapa.

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178 JAIN JOURNAL 9. vinayasamahi, "samadhi, in 4 uddesakas, of which the first three in metre, in 17, 23 and 15 vv., treat of the correct vinaya, especially in reference to the guru. The fourth is in prose with the introduction suar me ... and establishes four fixed categories of the correct vinaya. 10. sa bhikkhu-ajjhayanam, in 21 vv. All the verses end, as in Uttarajjh, chap. 15, with the refrain sa bhikkhu, and consequently enumerate the requirements made of a correct bh., who desires to live in accordance with the regulations contained in the preceding 9 chapters. 11. raivakka cula pad hama, rativakya, in two sections. The first in prose, without the introduction suam [80] me ... enumerates 18 thanas which the bhikkhu must take and fulfil in order gradually to acquire mukkha. The second, in 18 vv., partly with the refrain : sa paccha paritappai, emphasizes especially the obstacles to this quest and serves sidateh sthirikaranaya. 12. cula 2 without any special title (also in the Vidhiprapa merely culiya) in 16 vv., describes the correct course of action of the man of firmness. The conclusion is formed by the 4 gathas in reference to Sijjambhava, which have already been referred to. These gathas are probably of later date. The work is called in v. 1 dasakaliam (as in Ay, nijj. 2,5, and in the Vidhiprapa) and also dasajjhayanam; so that verse 1 at least dates from a period in which the two culas had not been added (see p. 77"). The text is frequently doubtful in the two Berlin MSS. The commentary calls itself an avacuri of the vrhadvrtti of Haribhadrasari.1068 Another avacuri, in bhasa, is the work of a Rajahansopadhyaya. A laghuvstti too is ascribed to Haribhadra. See p. 458. XLVI. Fourth mulasutram, pindanir yukti. There is no text of this name in Berlin. We find MSS. of it mentioned in Kielborn (Report 1881) pp. 9, 26-29, 95, and Peterson's Palm-leaf 1661049. According 1048 Ratnasekhara (on Pratikramanarutra) cites this vtti frequently; likewise the Vicaramatasangraha quotes e.g. the following verse from it (or from the nijj?): titthayaratthanath khalu attho, sutta tu ganaharatthanam (see p. 60) atthena ya vamjijjai suttam tamha ya so balavarh. // 1049 It begins according to Peterson as follows ;- pimda uggaman uppayanesana samjoganappamane yan, and concludes nijjaraphala ajjhattha visohijuttassa. www.jaineli

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APRIL, 1994 179 to what I have cited on page 79 from the Vidhiprapa, [81] the pindan, is connected with the fifth chapter of the third mulasutra. It is surprising that a niryukti text should appear as a part of the Si (see above p. 41). It deserves to be noticed that the pindan, is not mentioned in the anangapavitsha list of the Nandi (see p. 11 ff). In the list of Raj. L. Mitra and Kabinath Kunte pindanir yukti appears as the name of their fourth chedasutra; Kasinath says that its contents is "on the cause of hunger and the nature and kind of food to be taken." A pindaniryuktivstti is ascribed to the old Haribhadra (see p. 458"). Kielhorn, 1.c., cites a vytti of Viragana, (see above pp. 44, 51). According to his account its extent is 61 leaves, four or five lines on a page, each line 50 aks and in all about 900 slokas. It remains for us to give a brief account of those texts quoted as parts of the Siddhanta in the Ratnasa gara, and by Rajendra Lala Mitra. and Kasinath Kunte-see pp. 226, 227 - which do not appear in Bubler's list. In the first place in reference to the jitakalpa1050 cited in the Ratnasa gara as the sixth chedasutra and in reference to the gacchayara called ibid, the eighth painnam. Cf. pages 478 and 445.1051 [82] The third variation in the Ratnasagara from Buhler's list which we find there has reference to the fourth mulasutram wbose place is taken by the oghaniryukti105% and in fact as No, 3. We have already seen (p. 61) from Av. Nijj, 6, 88, that a text of this name ought strictly to be cited there as a constituent part of the text of the Av. Nijj. in P. a it is actually cited as such and from the scholia on it and on Uttarajih. 26. above p. 48, that tradition regards it as an excerpt made by Bhadrababusvamin from purva 9,3,20. This is confirmed by the introduction of the avacuri to the oghan. We have also 1050 Fifth "kalpasutra" in Raj. L. M. and Kas. 1051 I add that a Jitakalpasutram is mentioned by Kielhorn, 1 c. p. 51 and a jitakalpacurni on p. 17; also in Petersons Palm-leaf 101, where the beginning and the conclusion are given, the total contents being 202 (102?) gathas. It begins siddhi sahayaramayavanibhavadavamayanapadibhadana kamo | kiran sira niran viram namiun mahaviram || 1 || vocchan pancagaparihanipagara nan, ---closes : ganesu // jitakalpasutram samaptam. 1052 Fifth chedasutra in the list of Raj, L. M. and Kas, who says that the contents is "on the duties of Sadhus."

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180 seen (p. 357) that this composition cannot be referred to the old Bhadrababu (+170 Vira ), since in the introductory verse cited in the Av. 6,89 the dasapuvvi, dasapurvin are honoured besides the arihamta and the cauddasapuvvis. It is quite surprising that this verse also refers especially to the ikkarasamgasuttadharae; a fact diametrically opposed to the tradition just mentioned that regards a part of anga 12 as the source of the agh. Further on in our present ogh, we find a direct reference in v. 14 to anga 12: samayari ohe | nayajjhayanaim (anga 6?) ditthivao a | loiyakappasai anukkama karaga cauro || It is, however, sub judice whether or no this verse belonged to the original text. That this was quite a different text from that which the present ogh. as an independent work presents, is proved by the fact that the two Avasyaka-MSS. Pr, which [83] cite it as integral part of the Avasy. nijj, and allot to it but 58 (P) or 79(#) verses (cf. above p. 62). The oghanijj. which exists in detached form embraces, according to its last verse, 1,160 gathas 1053 ikkarasehi saehi satthiahiehi samgahiya.1054 The contents is stated in vv. 4,5 to be as follows: JAIN JOURNAL vaya(vrata) 5 samannadhamma 10 samjama 17 veyavaccam 10 ca bambhaguttio 9 | nanaitiyam 3 tava 12 kohaniggahai 4 caranam eyam /14/1. pimdavisohi1055 4 samit 5 bhavana 12 padima 12 ya imdiyaniroho 5 | padilehana 25 guttio 3 abhiggaha 4 ceva karanam tu ||5|| The contents consequently refers to a right name of living; caranakaranatmika is the designation of the oghaniryukti in the introduction of the avacuri on it, and it calls itself at the end (vv. 1156-57) samayari (see above p. 48). The beginning of the avacuril056 contains several accounts in reference to the connection of the text with the Avasyaka, and 1053 The MS. shews but 1, 158 and the text belonging to the avacuri has but 1, 132 vv. 1054 In the palm-leaf MS. 165 of Peterson these words run: ekkarasahim saehim athahim (!) ahiehim samgahiya; the number of verses is stated to the 1,156(!), 1055 A text of this name by Jinavallabhagani appears in the account of Kielhorn, p. 30 (with commentary) 95 and in the list of Peterson's Palm-leaf 86m. 104c. 177d. 1056 Composed by Jnanasagara samvat 1439, and belonging to the vitti of Dronacarya,

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APRIL, 1994 samayikadhyayana 1067 These accounts are very obscure because we do not possess any of the immediate sources whence they are taken. [84] A propos of v. 1 several interesting statements are made concerning the relations of the dasapurvin to the caturdasapurvin (trayodasapurvinah are said to have never existed) The dusap. are said to be upakarakah, upangadi (dinam C) samgrahanyuparacanena (nena hetuna C). 18 1 I have found no other trace of the devavijjiya, see p. 431 cited in the Ratnasagara as the sixth painnam The jyotiskarandam which is the ninth painnam in the Ratnasagara is at least mentioned in the painna list in Avi., see p. 427. As regards the texts enumerated by Rajendra Lala Mitra and Kasinath Kunte, I refer to pages 392 and 11 for the mahapannavana mentioned by K. K. as the sixth upangam. In both the above authorities we find the second mulasutram called visesavasyakasutra; and a text of this name exists according to Kielhorn's Report, pp. 36 to 38. In the beginning of Ratnasekhara's commentary on the sraddhapratikramanasutra it is cited as a work of a Jinabhadra (see above p 70): yad ahuh sri Jinabhadraganiksamasramanapadah sri visesavasyake (then two gathas in Prakrit). According to Klatt, 2476 and Kielhorn p 37 Jinabhadra is merely author of a commentary on this work. A tika by Kotyacarya is cited by Kielhorn, the MS, dating samvat 1138 (A.D. 1082). According to Klatt Kotyacarya is another appellation of Silanka, whose commentary on anga 1, see p. 250 dates A.D. 876. Kielhorn mentions [85] an anonymous commentary on the text itself, which bears the much sought for name sisyahita (see pp. 44, 51, 81). This MS., too, is very old samvat 119(?) i.e. dates at least from A.D. 1134. The visesavasyakam is often cited in the Vicaramrtasamgraha. According to Kasinath Kunte it contains "a detailed explanation of what is written in the Avasyakasutra." The fourth mulasutram in the list of Rajendra Lala Mitra, by name, paksikasutram, contains (with some independent additions) the same 1057 prakramto 'yam avasyakanuyogas, tatra samayikadhyayanam anuvartate, tasya catvary anuyogadvarani (cf. p. 24); upakramo niksepo 'nugamo nayah: adyau dvav uktau, anugamo dvidha: niryuktyanugamo sutranugamas ca; adyas tridha : niksepo-podghata-sutrasparsiniryuktyanugamabhedat (see pp, 36, 38), sutrasparsiniryuktyanugamo 'nugato vaksyamanas ca, upodghataniryuktyanugamas tv abhyam dvaragathabhyam anugamtavyah: uddese niddese (see p. 67n1) ity-adi ..

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182 JAIN JOURNAL enumeration of the angabahira texts, etc., which is found in the Nandi. See p. 10 ff. According to an introduction 1058 consisting of 4 gathas it deals in prose especially with the 5 mahavvayas to which as the sixth the raibhoyana veramanam is joined. See p. 78. Then follows a metrical discussion of the same subject in 41 (13,7 and 23) arya. Thereupon (esa khalu mahavvaya-uccurana kaya, icchamo suttakittanam1069 kaum) reverential salutations (nama) for the khamasamana by which partly imam vaiyam chavviham avassayari bhagavamtan, partly imam vaiyar amgabahiram kaliyam, orukkaliyam, bhagavartar. and partly; imam vaivam duvalasamgam ganipidagam According to Kasinath Kunte the work gives "an account of all what is to be done by the Sadhus in every fortnight." Perhaps the name is derived from the fact that it is to be recited every fortnight. [86] The work stated to be the third member in the group of Kalpasutras and which has the specific title Kalpasutram is, according to the statements in Kas, the text which claims this title kar' etoxny. It appears as the dasao section of the fourth chedasutra. The first three members of the group of "Chedasutras" in Raj. L.M. cf. p. 227 :- the bihat, laghu and madhyama-vacana of the mahani sitha, are stated by Kasinath to "treat of the penances to be performed by the Sadhus in a detailed, abridged and middling manner respectively." I have not found any other mention of this work. The sixth member of the same group paryusanakalpa, contains, according to Kasinath : "directions as to the manner of observing fasts and hearing the Kalpasutra from the twelfth day of Bhadon (Bhadrapada) Badi (dark fortnight)1060 to the 4th or 5th day of Bhadon Sudi (lunar, i.e. light, fortnight)." Is this the paryusanakalpanijjutti in 66 arya belonging to the third part of "Kalpasutra" (Jacobi, pp. 8695)? This paryus, was commented on (see p. 476) by Jinaprabha at the end of his samdehavi sausadhi. See p. 82 on aughaniryukti and pp. 427, 429 on maranasamadhi. 1058 The first verse : titthaskare atitthe at itthasiddhe ya titthasiddhe ya vandami 1/1// glorifies strangely enough the atirtha, or atirthasiddha too... According to an avacuri on it this refers to the dharmavyavaccheda "Suvidhiprabhytinam tirthakytam saptasy antaresu," see p. 211 fg. 242. 348, 1059 frutotkirtanam in the avacuri, perhaps sutaki." 1060 badi, bahuladina, as sudi, instead of fudifuddhadina (or sukladina). See my treatise on the Kysnajanmastami p. 350n.

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APRIL, 1994 I give in conclusion a list of the texts which are either found in the Siddhanta itself (1-29), or are mentioned elsewhere (30 fg.) as belonging to the Siddh. but which at present are no longer extant, at least as independent texts. 183 [87] 1. divasagarapannatti, anga 3, 3, 1, 4, 1, see pp. 268, 389, also in the painna list in Avi. see pp. 427, 429 (where there is but one samgahani on it). 2. kammavivagadasau,1o 1061 ten ajjhayanas, anga 3, 101062, see p. 270; cf. Nos. 7, 10. 3. bamdhadasau, ten ajjh., arga 3, 10, see p. 273. 4. dogiddhidasau. ten ajjh., ibid. 5. dihadasau, ten ajjh., ibid. (cf. up. 8-12). 6. samkheviyadasau, ibid, ten ajjh. viz. :- 1. khuddiya vimanapavibhatti, 2. mahalliya vim., 3. amgaculiya, 4. vaggaculiya, 5. vivahaculiya, 6. Arunovavae, 7. Varanovavae (Dhadeg), 8. Garulovavae, 9. Velamdharovavae, 10. Vesamanovavae. All these titles recur in essentially the same order in the Nandi among the anamgapavittha text, group kaliya; see pp. 13,14. In the karikas quoted on pp. 223, 224 we find the statement that 1-5 belong to the fifth, and 6-10 to the twelfth year of study, 7. kammavivagajjhayana, anga 4, 43, see p. 280; cf. Nos, 2,10. 8. isibhasiya devalogacuyabhasiya, 44 ajjh., anga 4, 44; the isibhasiyaim also in the Nandi in the list of anamgapavittha texts; see pp. 280, 259, 272, 402, 419, 432, 442, above pp. 13, 57, 58; on rsibhasita see also p. 446" 8. 9. devalogacuyabhasiya, see just above and also p. 280. [88] 10. pavaphalavivagaim, 55 ajjh., Kalpas, Jinac. SS 147,1063 see p. 474; cf. Nos. 2, 7. 1061 We possess several texts on kammavivaga; thus 167 Prakrt-gathas by Jinavallabha in Peterson's Palm-leaf 42f.; also 168 ditto by Garga ibid. Nos. 52, 81b,-and, without the name of the authors, Nos. 88h, 106, 161d. There is a balavabodha on it by Maticandra, see Kielhorn p. 93. 1062 The ayaradasau mentioned there are identical with chedasutra 4. 1063 The aputthavagaranaim in 36 ajjh, mentioned ibid. are doubtless identical with mulasutra 1, see p, 43.

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184 JAIN JOURNAL 11, mahakappam, Avasy. 8, 55, as first cheasuttam, see p. 446, 449; in the Nandi among the anamgapavitha texts, see p. 11 (mahakappasuan). 12. kappiyakappiam, N among the anangap., p. 11. 13. cullakappasuam, ib., p. 11. 14. mahapannavana, ib., pp. 11, 84; see p. 392. 15. pamayappamayam, ib., p. 11. 16. porisimamdalam, ib., p. 12. 17. mamlalappaveso, ib. 18. vijjacaranavinicchao, ib. 19 jhanavibhatti, ib. and in the Vidhiprapa among the painna, see p. 428. 20. maranavibhatti, in N among the anamgap., p. 12. 21. ayavisohi, ib. 22. viyarayasuam, ib. 23. samlehanasuam, ib. 24. viharakappo, ib. 25, caranavihi, ib. 26. devindovavae in N among the anamgap., p. 14. 27. utthanasuam, ib; utthanasuyaiya cauro in the karikas quoted p. 224 as the subject of the study of the thirteenth year. 28. samutthanasue, p, 14. 29. nagapariyavaliyao, ib. 30. asivisabhavanao in the Paksikasutra and the three samacari texts, ib, in the karikas cited p. 214 as designed for the fourteenth year. [89] 31. ditthivisabhavanao, ib.. for the 15th year. 32. caranabhavanao, (caranasamanabho), ib., 16th year. 33, mahasuvina (sumina) bhavanao, ib., 17th year. 34. teagani sagga, ib., 18th year. According to Vidhiprapa title of the 15th book in anga 5, see p. 301. 35. maranavischi, in Vidhiprapa among the anamgap., see p. 12. 36. rahanapadaga, in the painna list in Avi., see p. 427. 37. argavijja, ib. 38. joisakaramdan, ib., and in the painna list of the Ratnasagara, see p. 431; cf p. 84.

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APRIL, 1994 183 lih. 39. maranasamahi, in the painna list in Avi., and in Raj. L. M., see p. 427; p. 86. 40. titthogali, in the painna list in Avi., see p. 4271066. 41. narayavibhatti, ib. 42. devavijjiya, in the painna list of the Ratnasagara, see p. 431, cf. p. 84. Corresponding to the number of the 46 agamas which exist or are recognized as parts of the Siddhanta, we have 42 texts which are at present not extant. If we add pancakalpa-066 and the two special vucanas of the mahanistha and if we count singly the ten titles comprised in No. 6 (as is always the case in anga 3 and elsewhere) - then the number of the texts no longer extent [90] is eight greater than the number of those in existence. It must, however, be confessed that the ten pieces collected in No. 6 are very brief in compass, since they are each counted as one ajjhayanam; and the same may be the case as regards others of the texts now no longer extant, Nevertheless in the Siddhanta there are short texts and among the angas there is one and that is not small (anga 4) which has but a single ajjh. If we take into consideration the conclusions which we were obliged to adopt in regard to the loss of the maha parinna chapter in anga 1, in regard to the changes which angas 5. 7-11, ups. 8-12 are proved to have undergone, and in regard to the total loss of anga 12 etc. etc. -- it is at once evident that great uncertainty reigns in this department of Indian literature, despite its seemingly firm articulation. The beginning of our knowledge is here contemporary with the beginning of our doubts. One fact is of cardinal importance :-- Nos. 6, 27, 30-34 of the above list existed at the date of thc karikas cited on p. 224, and formed an integral part of the sacred study. The portion of the extant Siddhanta that is mentioned in p. 224 besides these is but trifling in comparison. The ultimate significance of this last assertion cannot, however, be seen at the present day. Cf. p. 225. In conclusion, I desire to extend my most hearty thanks to Dr. E. Leumann for the generous assistance he has rendered in reading the proof of this treatise. This assistance comprises very numerous corrections made on the basis of MSS. and printed matter which were not accessible to me. I have also used to great advantage Kielhorn's Report and especially Peterson's Detailed Report. 1064 The siddhapahudapainnam ib. belongs to anga 12. seo pp. 355, 356. 1065 In Kielhorn's report p. 94 there is mention made of a pancakalpasutracurri by Amradevacarya. See p, 477.

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The Chanting Stones Leona Smith Kremser This place is called Old Stone Cliff, In the living stone is carved an age-old cave, And herein, in holy silence, sits Jina in image. Wilted marigolds, ashes of lavender incense, So falls into dissolution the bright, rustling day, By now blues and ambers deepen at the lotus seat Where is kneeling the one, the solitary pilgrim, Who begins to hear, oddly, these mites of harmony. Waking, softly giving voice to a praiseful chant : Homage to Jina, all-knowing Jina, Knowing of souls in living stones, Knowing of souls in all living things, ... Homage to Jina, way-showing Jina, Showing the way of non-injury to all living things, Showing the way to the highest religion. Slowly the pilgrim begins to trace the source : From the old stone walls that shelter the image Mites of stones, ones by twos, are tumbling down, And within the silvery privacy of His holy silence, Their humble, moss-grown voices are praising Him. Sweetly, in a flowing unity with all living things, The pilgrim joins voice with the souls in the stones, Together abiding in faith in the Jina of non-injury. All-embracing, O Jina in image at Old Stone Cliff. April 8, 1994

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