Book Title: Jain Journal 1986 07
Author(s): Jain Bhawan Publication
Publisher: Jain Bhawan Publication
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/520083/1

JAIN EDUCATION INTERNATIONAL FOR PRIVATE AND PERSONAL USE ONLY
Page #1 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ A QUARTERLY ON JAINOLOGY VOL. XXI JULY 1986 No. 1 Jain Journal I tot hool JAIN BHAWAN PUBLICATION Page #2 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ Contents Some References to Human Physiology in Jaina Scriptures 1 Muni Nandighoshavijay Temple-Stone 9 Leona Smith Kremser Nayacandra Suri : A Literary Profile 10 Satyavrata 15 New Light on the Cola Epigraphs from Chittamur A. Ekambaranathan 20 On Five Circular Parts of Jambudvipa Sajjan Singh Lishk Kodungallur Bhagavati 25 V. G. Nair Plate : Presentation Ceremony of Murtidevi Literary Award 1 Page #3 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ Some References to Human Physiology in Jaina Scriptures MUNI NANDIGHOSHA VIJAY In Jaina scriptures we get information of different subjects like Physics, Mathematics, Biology, Geography and Cosmology. Similarly we also get some references to Human Physiology i.e. the physical structure of human body. Jaina scriptures on karma-philosophy such as Karmagrantha of Sri Devendrasuri, Karmapraksti of Upadhyaya Yasovijay and cosmological treatises like Loka-prakāśa and Brhat-samgrahani give us an idea of different types of bone-joints.1 The technical words, used in the Jaina scriptures for bone-joints, is saṁghayana. The names of bonejoints are as follows : (1) vajrarṣabhanārāca, (2) rşabhanārāca, (3) nārāca, (4) ardha-nārāca, (5) kilikā and. (6) sevärta, In the first bone-joint, vajrar şabhanārāca, there are two markatbandhas, one bandage and a bone-pin. Two markaț-bandhas are surrounded by a bandage of bone and a bone-pin passes through the bandage and two bones, which are joined. (Fig. 1) Except a bone-pin, the second bone joint ?şabhanārācá sāmghayana is just like the first bone-joint. (Fig. 2) The Third bone-joint, nārāca, is formed by only two markat-bandhas. (Fig. 3) While in the fourth bone-joint ardhanārāca, there is only one markat-bandha. (Fig. 4) In the fifth bone-joint kilikā, two bones are joined with a bone-pin. (Fig. 5) And in the last i.e. the sixth sevārta saṁghayaņa bones are attached to each other as shown in the Figures 6 (A), (B) and (C). According to the Jaina treatises, at the present time, we all possess the last sevārta samghayana2 and that is why our bones move from their original position with a slight jerk. The first saṁghayana is the strongest 1 samghayanamatthi nicao tam chaddhavajjarisainarayam tai risainarayam narayam addhanarayam kilio chevattham iha risaho patto a kilia vajjam ubhao makkatta bandho narayam ima muralange --Devendra Suri, Karma Grantha, I. verses 38-39. Lokaprakasa (Sri Vinayavijaya), Pt. I, sarga 3; verses 398-408. Brhat Samgrahani (Sri Candrasuri), verses 159-160. Karma-prakrti, Commentary on the first verse by Sri Yasovijaya. 2 sampai khalu auso ! manuyanam chevatthe samghayane vattai – Tandulaveyaliya-payanna, p. 27. Page #4 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JAIN JOURNAL bone-joint, while the last samghayana is the weakest bone-joint. Jaina scriptures describe that the stronger the bone-joint, the better or worse work can be done by the animal or men. So only a possessor of the first type of bone-joint, i.e. he, who has vajrar sabhanārāca saṁghayana, Fig. 1 Vajrarṣabhanārāca Fig. 2 Rşabhanårāca Fig. 3 Nārāca can free himself from the bondage of karma. i.e. he can attain emancipation, and due to the worst actions he goes to even the seventh hell also.8 Similarly all men, with a different types of bone-joints, have not equal bearing power. Kalpa-sutra approves that only Lord Mahavira could endure the great calamity caused by god Sangama, because he had the first type of bone-joint.4 , chevattena u gammai cauro ja kappa kiliaisu causu du du kappa vuddhi padhame nam java siddhi vi do padhama pudhavigamanam chevatthe kiliyai samghayanam ikki kka pudhavi vuddhi... ---Brhat Samgrahani-sutra, verses 162 & 255. Kalpa-sutra Subodhika, Commentary by Sri Vinayavijay, 6th part, Page #5 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1986 Loka-prakāśa (Part III) and Brhat-saṁgrahaṇi mention that the number of ribs of man's (human) skeleton during the first, second and (4) ཙགྱི (B) (4) (B) (C) Fig. 4 Ardhanārāca Fig. 5 Kilikā ま Fig. 6 Sevärta = Z third sub-parts (aras) of the second half of the time-cycle (avasarpiṇī) and the sixth, fifth and fourth sub-parts (aras) of first half of the time-cycle (utsarpiņī) is 256, 128 and 64 each and the height of their 3 Page #6 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JAIN JOURNAL bodies is 3 krošas, 2 krosas and 1 krosa respectively. So we conclude that in avasarpini, the number of ribs decreases as the time passes. And so at the present time we possess only twelve ribs. Tandulaveyāliya-payannā and Pravacana-sāroddhāra give details of human biology of the present time. There are twelve ribs. They arise from the twelve joints of the back-bone of human body and joining to the breast-bone, they form a cage. There are also six half-ribs hanging on each side of the back-bone. Technically they are called katäha. Without any bone, a tongue is seven angulas long and its weight is 4 palas. The weight of each cornea is 2 palas. There are four parts of skull, each is called kapala. The weight of flesh, in the cavity of the chest-cage, perhaps lung, is 3.5 palas, while the heart's weight is 25 palas. There s Commentary on Brhat Samgrahani-sutra, verses 3 & 4. Loka-prakasa, Part III, sarga 29, verses 178, 276, 277, 284. Tandulaveyaliya-payanna, pp. 26A. Kalasaptatika-prakarana, verse 10. 6 auso : anupuvvenam attharassa ya pittha karandaga sandhio barasa pamsaliya karanda chppamsulie kadahe...cau paliya jibbha dupaliyani acchini cau kavalam siram.. sattumgulia jiha addhutthapaliyam hiyayam panavisam palaim kalijjam do anta panca vama pannatta tam jaha thulam te ya 1 tanuyamte ya 2 tatthanam je se thulamte tena uccare parinamai tattha nam je se tanuyam te tenam pasavane parinamai.. auso i imammi sarirae satthi sandhisayam..sattasirasayaim...auso i imammi sarirae satthi sirasayam nabhippabhavanam uddhagamini nam...auso i imammi sarirae satthi sirasayam nabhippabhavanam ahogamini nam...auso ! imammi sarirae satthi sirasayam navipypabhavanam tiriyagamininam..auso i imassa jantussa satthisira sayam nabhippabhavanam ahogamini nam gudapаvitthanam..auso i imassa jantussa panavisam sirao pittadharinio panavisam sirao simvadharinio dasa sirao sukkadharinio satta sira sayaim purisassa tisunaim ithiyae bisunaim pandagassa...-Tandulaveyaliya-payanna, pp. 35-36A. attharasapithikarandayassa sandhiu hunti dehammi barasapamsuliya karandaya iham taha ccha pansulie 68 hoi kadahe sattumgulaim jiha palai puna cauro acchiu do palaim siram tu bhaniyam caukavalam 69 addhuttha palam hiyayam.. kalejjayam tu samae panavisa palaim nidittham 70 antai donni ihayam patteam panca panca vamao satthisayam sandhinam....72 satthisayam tu siranam nabhippahavana siramuvagayanam... sathasayam annana vi sirana 'hogaminina taha.. avarana gudapаvitthana hoi sattham sayam taha siranam .. tiriyagamana siranam satthasayam hoi avaranam 76 ..panavisam simbhadharanio 77 tai pittadharinio panavisam daşa ya sukkadharanio iya satta sirasayaim nabhippabhavaim purisassa 78 tisunaim itthina visahinaim humti samdhassa... ---Pravacana-sarodhara, p. 402. Page #7 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1986 are 160 bone-joints in our body and two intestines, a small one and a large one, each weighing five vāmas. The small intestine is long but thin and the large intestine is short but thick. In the small intestine formation of urine takes place by absorbing useful elements from the digested food and in the large intestine formation of excretion takes place by absorbing urine. Tandulaveyaliya-payanna and Pravacana-säroddhāra mention that generally men, women and impotents possess 700, 670 and 680 veins respectively. Their situation is as follows: 160 veins going upwards from the navel (urdhagāmini) 160 veins going downwards from the navel (adhogāmini) 160 veins going oblique on both sides of the navel (tiryaggāmini) 160 veins going downwards to anus (adhogāmini guda praviştā) 025 veins possessing mucus or cough (ślesmādharini) 025 veins possessing bile (pittadhārini) 010 veins possessing semen (sukradhāriņi) The speciality of the yoni (female organ) has been described in the ninth chapter of Pannavanā-suttam? and in the third chapter of Thanānga-Suttam. These are of three types : (1) kūrmonnatā, (2) sankhåvartā and (3) vansipatra. The terms denoting these three types of yoni are descriptive and self-explanatory. The term kūrmonnatā suggests its tortoise like curve, the term saņkhāvartā suggests its conch like coiled shape and the term vansipatrā suggests its shape resembling that of bamboo leaf. The kūrmonnat, yonis give birth to great personalities such as Tirthankaras, Cakravartis and Vasudevas. Striratna (Chief queen of Cakravarti) has invariably the sankhāvarta yoni. Many living beings descend to this yoni but they invariably die before their actual birth. That is, none is born from this yoni. Acarya Malayagiri records an old view that Striratna's embryo gets destroyed on account of execessive heat of her sex passion. (Prajñāpanā-tika, folio 228 A). Generally women have yonis of vansipatrā. We find in Bhagavati-sūtra (sataka 2, uddesaka 5), Pravacanasäroddhāra (p. 296) and Tandulaveyāliya-payannā that due to gaseous trouble or if some devil make the embryo steable, it could live 12 years , Loka-prakasa, Part I, sarga 3, verses 55-60. Pannavana-suttam, p. 192. Brhat Samgrahini, verse 325. Page #8 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ at the most. After that period embryo dies or takes a birth through a vulva.8 On account of sinful actions of previous births one could live as an embryo for a maximum period of 24 years by descending again to the same embryo after the first twelve years. In Jaina treatises, technically it is called kaya-sthiti of embryo. Tandulaveyaliya and Vicara-ratnākara of Sri Kirtivijay Upadhyaya describe the developing process of human embryo during different months of pregnancy.10 In the first week of pregnancy sperms and blood combine to form a liquid solution and in the second week it becomes more solid, in the third week the formation of new tissues takes place and in the fourth week tissues multiply in number. At the end of the first month, the weight of embryo rises to three kärṣās i.e. 48 māṣās or 240 guñjās. During the second month, the embryo looks like a cubic piece of tissues and develops more solid form. In the third month the mother desires a particular thing because of the embryo. During the fourth month of pregnancy, different parts of the mother's body such as breast or mammary glands get nurished. In the fifth month, formation 8 gabbhatthii manussinukkittha hoi barasa parisanam 10 JAIN JOURNAL -Pravacano-saroddhara, p. 401A (4) manussi gabbhe nam bhante manussi gabbhe tti kalao kevacciram hoi ? goyama! jahannenam antomuhuttam ukkosenam varasa samvaccaraim -Bhagavati-sutra, Part I, p. 98. koi puna pavakari varasa sanvaccharaim ukkosam acchai u gabbhavase asuippabhave asuiyam mi -Tandulaveyaliya-payanna, p. 14A. 9 1 (5) kayabhavatthe nam bhante kayabhavatthe tti kalao kevacciram hoi ? goyama jahannenam antomuhuttam ukkosenam cauvisam samvaccharaim -Bhagavati-sutra, Part I, p. 98. gabbhasaya kayathii narana cauvisa varisaim -Pravacana-saroddhara., p. 401A. tu sabdat manusyatirascam kayasthitih caturvimsativarsapramana..tavat sthitiriti -Tandulaveyaliya-payanna, p. 6. imo khalu jivo ammapiu samyoge mauuyam piusukkam tam tadubhaya samsattham kalusam kibbisam tappaddhamae aharam aharitta gabbhattae vakkamai (sutra 1) sattaim kalalam hoi sattaim hoi abbuyam abbuya jae pesi pesio ya dhanam bhave to padhame mase karisunam palam jayai. vie mase pesi sanjayae dhana. taie mase maue dohalam janai cauthe mase maue angaim pinei. pancame mase panca pindiyao panim payam siram ceva nivvattei, cchatthe mase pittasoniyam uvacinei. sattame mase sattasira sayaim (700) pancapesi sayaim (500) navadhamanio navanauim ca romakuvasayasahassaim nivvattei (9900000) binakesamamsuna sahakesam amsuna addhutthao romakuva kodio nivvattei. atthame mase pittikappo havai (sutra 2). -Tandulaveyaliya.-payanna, p. 7. Vicara-ratnakara, p. 171. Page #9 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1986 of two hands, two feet and a head takes place. In the sixth month, blood and bile are formed and during the seventh month 700 veins, 500 functional cavities, 9 main pipes (dhamanis) take their shapes. At the end of the seventh month construction of 99 lakhs of hair-holes and 3.5 crores of hairs take place. During the last month the embryo becomes completely ready for independent life. Tandulaveyāliya and Vicāra-ratnākara show that if the embryo is on the right side in the womb of the mother, its modification takes place as a boy or male and if the embryo is on the left side in the womb, it becomes a girl or female. 11 We find the reproductive period of men and women during life time in Pravacana-säroddhāra and Tandulaveyaliya-payannā. If the longivity is of a hundred years, mostly men and women can reproduce a child from 16 years to 75 years and from 12 years to 55 years respectively.1: The developing time for human embryo is 277 days approximately and Kalpa-Sutra also approves of this fact by giving the developing period of Tirthankaras' embryo in their mothers' womb.13 Fertilization of an egg with a sperm i.e. descending of soul to a woman's womb takes place within 12 muhurtas i.e. 9 hours and 36 minutes u dahinakucchi purisassa hoi vama u itthiyae ya --Tandulaveyaliya-payanna, p. 6. Vicara-ratnakara, p. 171. 12 panapannae parenam joni pamilayae mahiliyanam panaittarie parao hoi abiyao naro payam -Pravacana-saroddhara, p. 402A. pannapannaya parenam joni pamilayae mahiliyanam panasattarii parao paena pumam bhave'bio -Tandulaveyalia-payanna, p. 4. tatha coktam sthananga tikayammasi masi rajah strinamajasram sravatitryaham vatsarat dvadasaduddhavam yati pancasatah ksayam ---Ibid., p. 5A la dunni aho rattasae simpunne sattasattarim ceva gabbhammi vasai jivo addhamahorattamannam ca 4 -Tandulaveyaliya-payanna, p. 3A. Kalpa-sutra Subodhika, commentary on the last sutra of Part IV. Page #10 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ TEMPLE-STONE LEONA SMITH KREMSER Temple to old dusts blown, Here and there a shard alone, And on one shard, a script was shown, And thus disclosed this temple-stone : Path abandoned, on objection To its third harmony of naked privation, ...Script faded into an oblivion, Then resumed ... Soul liberation, Without that penance like to a red scorpion. Yet heed a noble Lord of that religion. Yea, the Lord Aristanemi, Thread of gold in the ages' tapestry, To wailing food-animals He gave liberty, Then He departed His wedding festivity. ...Script here fell into an obscurity, Then resumed with a ringing clarity ... Exult, O universe, in His heart of mercy, Enlightened Lord of non-injury. Be this stone testimonial To tolerance in all things spiritual. ... Script here faded into an interval, Then resumed ... Reality be in the avowal Of truth in varied voices, perhaps none final, Yet be the law of non-injury eternal. ... Script again crumbled into a silence, Then resumed as of a holy, soaring presence ... Of food-animals, we two be of one conscience, My disciples, hail the Jaina Lord with reverence ! Alas, the shard was cleft by an upheaval unknown And thus no more disclosed this Buddha-stone. Page #11 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ Nayacandra Suri—A Literary Profile SATYAVRATA Though not a challenging match to stalwarts like Magha and Sriharsa, Nayacandra Suri, the celebrated author of Hammira-mahākāvya (HM)' emerges as one of the robust and colourful personalities in the vast domain of profane literature. Best known as a poet and historiographer of considerable merit, he represents an interesting amalgam of a political scientist, poetician, grammarian, erotist and Vedist all rolled to result in an integrated entity that gives him a place of pride on the Jainistic tradition. The HM illustrates his multiple capabilities in ample measure and thereby serves to bring into relief the various facets of his literary achievements. Nayacandra was well-grounded in the art and science of statecraft. However, unlike Magha his perception of politics does not degenerate into the oretic or academic pedantry. He doubtless refers to such stock terminology as three powers (taktis) that form the summum bonum of regal glory, four expedients (upāyas) and six means (gunas) ;? politics as visualised and formulated by him, is intended to serve as an unfailing guide to the new ruler in the frustrating task of governance. As a man of ethos, Nayacandra views politics as an emanation of the moral aptitude of the ruler. While nobility of conduct evokes spontaneous respect, its debasement spells doom. Nayacandra cautions the young ruler against excessive addiction to carnal pleasures. Woman whether attached or detached, is invariably a serious distraction that tends to sap the reservoir of royal power. In obedience to the tradition he advocates the use of expedients but is at pains to emphasize their employment with uncanny circumspection. Danda, he wisely opines is to be resorted to after all other expedients are successively exhausted.3 Nayacandra appears to uphold imperialistic tendencies in projecting ‘ekachatra rajya' as his ideal. To him a hostile chieftain, antagonistic to the royal power is not different from a poison-tree that has to be struck down to escape its baneful consequences. Valour is the most potent weapon in the armoury of the king. But, as a practical thinker 1 Ed by Muni Jinavijaya, Jodhpur, 1968. * HM, I.103, II. 1, 10, IX. 10. • Ibid., VIII. 73-78. Page #12 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1986 Nayacandra views distraction to be the better part of valour. If, what is sought to be achieved by prowess can be had through expedience or stratagem, the former should be shunned. His moral overtones are again prominent in holding the futility of digvijaya without subduing the inner foes that are more intractable than the most hostile enemies.5 Nayacandra is acutely conscious of the worth of political parleys, as a means to formulate policies and resolve tricky problems. To him prudence lies in conferring with one minister and in maintaining the secrecy of confabulations. The king should seek advice of the minister after carefully forming his views on the issue. In case of concurrence he should act accordingly. If, however, he sees merit in the advice tendered to him, he should ungrudgingly effect changes in his views. Once the policies are adopted, it is the responsibility of the ministers and other functionaries to implement them in the best interest of the state to ensure which Nayacandra advocates the appointment of trusted and faithful persons to the various posts. Restoration of a dismissed or sentenced officer to his original post tantamounts to signing one's death warrant. He continues to nurture enmity to the king thereafter and strikes with deadly strength at the earliest available opportunity. Nayachandra is unsparing in pouring abhorrence on the state functionaries. He advises the ruler to exercise strict control on them and to extirpate forthwith such of them as thrive through illegal methods like bribary, to the neglect of state and its people. In his political ethos the king plays mother to the people while the officers compare with Co-wives to her. It is suicidal to hand over the baby to the step-mother. Ambitous functionaries, unless weeded out are a permanent hazard to the security of the state and its ruler.? Taxation, in Nayacandra's view, forms the basis of economic stability and prosperity of the state. Taxation to be successful has to be fair and undiscriminatory. The people should be taxed in a manner that does not bruise them physically or mentally.8 It is as heinous to swell the state's belly with harshly extorted money as to feed oneself • Ibid., VIII. 79-83, XI. 21. 5 Ibid., VIII. 39. 6 Ibid., VII. 96-102. 7 Ibid., VIII. 92-95. 8 Ibid., VII. 87. Page #13 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JAIN JOURNAL on one's own flesh.: A fair policy of taxation, on the other hand, ensures fiscal security without impairing the happiness of the subjects.10 Hostility of one's kinsmen is as harmful as excessive oppression of the people to which unwise taxation invariably leads. To Nayacandra, the two are like the opposite grinding stones which reduce the state to dust.11 Politics as envisaged and formulated by Nayacandra is summed up in the following verse : parābhavan dvisaccakram prabhavan nyayayrddhaye saukhyam cānubhavan sphitam sa prajāpatisuramanvasat12 Besides, being a political scientist Nayacandra was a gifted historian. In obedience to the tradition he has undoubtedly presented history with attractive poetic trappings but his narrative, for the most part is authentic, well-connected and devoid of supernatural elements that besmirch poems of this genre and thereby serve to frustrate attempts at separating chaff from the grain. Like a true historian, Nayacandra seems to have undertaken his task after subjecting the available sources to searching scrutiny, dropping in the process what turned out to be untrustworthy. The earlier part of the poem that serves as a prologue to the main narrative doubtless suffers from certain egregious errors. However, Nayacandra's account of Hammira and his encounters with the Khalji hordes including the final battle, stands on firm historical footing and is happily upheld by contemporary Muslim historians.13 Not a poetician, Nayacandra has en passent expressed his views on certain retorical precepts as well. He seems to have been a stout champion of the rasa-school of poetry to the extent that to him rasa is but another name of kāvya. True poetry aims at imparting undiluted pleasure (mud). Only lesser poets seek to conceal their lack of feelings by having recourse to verbal jugglary.14 Nayacandra has religiously translated the Ibid., IX. 170. 10 Ibid., IV.1. 11 Ibid., VIII. 91. Ibid., IV. 31. 11 For a detailed evaluation of the historical narrative of HM, see my paper 'Hammira Mahakavya : A Unique Source of the History of Ranthambour', Avagahana (Sirdarsahar), II. 1, p. 41-46. 14 HM, XIV. 35. Page #14 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1986 13 ideal in the body of his poem which in his own estimation is intended to lend priti to the cultured reader.15 Though somewhat ambiguous on the issue he seems to espouse śrngāra as the principal sentiment in poetry which he unhesitatingly elevates to a status higher than the bliss accruing from the realisation of Brahman.16 Alternatively, he recommends the heroic sentiment as the dominant rasa. However, whatever the main sentiment, śrngära invariably lends it a coveted flavour as does salt to food.17 The epithet śrngāravīrodbhūta applied to his poem is perhaps indicative of his preference for the erotic sentiment. He also talks of experience as not being the sole cause of poetry.18 Casual blemishes in language unless they militate against sentiment do not detract from the worth of poetry.19 Visvanatha was also constrained to admit this simple truth even after subjecting the epithet adoşau in Mammata's definition of poetry to grusome criticism.20 Like Magha, Nayacandra was well-versed in the art of eroticssmarakalāvidura. The amourettes detailed in the middle of his poem, may be out of joint with the tragic denouement, they, however, testify to his proficiency in kāmaśāstra. In emulation of Magha herein Nayacandra has sought to illustrate different types of nâyikā and their varied expressions and actions like bibboka kuțţamita, kilakiñcita. As a matter of fact he has gone a step further in expressly describing inverted cohabitation, ejaculation and such other situations which in themselves smack of unabashed obscinities.21 If the erotist in Magha ever met discomfiture it was at the hands of the Jaina monks. As a grammarian Nayacandra may not be a comparison to Bhatti or Magha, but his learning in grammar commands attention. According to him scholarship in grammar is achieved by close study of the Aştādhyāyi and its Vrtti (perhaps Kāśikā) along with its commentaries.22 15 sarasajanamanahpritaye kavyametat, HM, XIV. 34. 16 ratirasamparamatmarasadhikam, HM, VII. 104. 17 HM, XIV. 36. 18 Ibid., XIV. 29-32. 19 Ibid., XIV. 39. See my paper.Nayacandra Sur-ke Sahityik Adars', Mahavir Smarika, Jaipur, 1974, Pt. II, p. 63-66. 21 HM, VII. 83, 90, 101, 103, 112, 116, 121 etc. 22 Ibid., VIII. 105. Page #15 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 14 Nayacandra himself appears to have mastered both which accounts for the plethora of learned usages that abound in his poem, 23 The reference to the Vedic hymns, performance of sacrifices, recitation of the mantras, gifts and fasts seems to indicate that Nayacandra was no mean student of Veda and Dharmasastra. As a poet Nayacandra favours lucidity of meaning (nirmalārtha) and upholds it as the basis of fame. 24 He has adhered to the precept in composing his poem. But while espousing artha he has not ignored sabda or form. Indeed he is conscious of the poetic worth of his poem. Lucidity and ornateness (vakrimă) combine to accord it a high place.25 33 JAIN JOURNAL cikirsayatmaninasya sasmara paramatmanah, (IV 78), pacelimaphalodaya bhidelimatamayati (IV. 87), saukhyanadimdhamah (IV 115), urahpuram durvalavam (XVIII. 222), avardhista (TV. 39), upakramsta (XIII. 147). 24 HM, VIII. 9. 25 For an exhaustive critique on Nayacandra Suri and his poem, see my forthcoming book Jaina Samskrta Mahakavya. Page #16 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ New Light on the Cola Epigraphs from Chittamur A. EKAMBARANATHAN Chittamur, situated 20 kilometres north-west of Tindivanam and 10 kilometres east of Gingee in the South Arcot district, is a reputed Jaina centre of the Digambara sect in Tamilnadu. There are two Jaina temples in the village, one known as Malainatha temple enshrining an oblong panel representing Neminatha, Adinatha, Parsvanatha and Bahubali carved on a boulder, and the other, a huge structural edifice dedicated to Parsvanatha, the twenty-third Tirthankara. Chittamur has been the head-quarters of the Digambara Jaina community with a mațha presided over by a succession of pontiffs, catering to the spiritual aspirations of the people, from the time of its inception down to modern times. There are three important Cola inscriptions from the Malainatha temple, one of a Rajakesarivarman, the second of Kadavarkonpavai and the third of Rajadhiraja II. When these records were published, the history of the Colas had not crystallised and hence the importance of these documents was not focussed in the proper perspective. Besides, two of the epigraphs contain instead of personal names only titles of the rulers and thereby remained unascribed to any particular king of the dynasty. An attempt is made hereunder to reassess these lithic records and bring new light on the history of this region-political and religious. Rajakesari's Inscriptions : The earliest among the three epigraphs at Chittamur is that of a Rajakesarivarman, engraved on a stone slab which had been lost at the time of renovating the temple. It reads that in the 17th regnal year of king Rajakesari, one Matiyan Arintigai of Puttambur in Tenkaraikulamangalanadu, a sub-division of Colanadu, endowed a grant for burning a perpetual lamp in the Otturaikkummandapa of the Kattampalli at Chittamur, situated on the eastern way of Singapuranadu. The gift was entrusted with one Arambanandi of the temple, Padamulattar of the village and the members of the village assembly (ürār).2 1 SII., Vol. VII, Nos. 828, 829, 830 ; ARE., 201, 202 & 203/1902. 2 SII., Vol. VII, No. 828 ; ARE., 201/1902. Page #17 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 16 It is evident from this record that the Malainatha temple was previously called Kattampalli and the mandapa in the same complex as Otturaikkummandapa, wherefrom Jaina principles had been preached to the laity. Arambanandi should have been the Jaina preceptor who tought Jaina philosophy to the people. The epithet 'nandi' suffixed to his name indicates that he belonged to the Nandigana. Singapuranadu is an administrative division, comprising more or less the present Gingee taluk, as is attested to by several other inscriptions.3 JAIN JOURNAL Provision had been made by the donor to burn a perpetual lamp in the mandapa, but the nature of the gift is not known to us, as the last part of the inscription is mutilated. The donor hailed from Puttambur in Tenkaraikulamangalanadu, a sub-division of Colanadu. Puttambur is a hamlet in the Arantangi taluk of Pudukkottai district. It is reported that a Jaina image found in Puttambur had been worshipped by the local people as a village deity without knowing its affiliation to the Jaina sect. The sub-division Tenkaraikulamangalanadu is also in the Arantangai taluk but divided into South Kulamangalam and North Kulamangalam by a rivulet known as Villuni aru,5 and probably the inscription refers to the southern part. Regarding the identification of the king, the epigraphist could not attribute specifically to any Cola king as it contains only the title, Rajakesarivarman. The titles Rajakesarivarman and Parakesarivarman were borne by rulers of the Cola dynasty alternatively along with their coronation name. Inscriptions prior to Rajaraja I generally bear only the titles of the kings. In the present record, besides the title Rajakesari, his regnal year 17 is also mentioned. The only Rajakesarivarman who ruled for over seventeen years before Rajaraja I was Aditya I (A.D. 871-907), in which case the date of the epigraph falls in the year 888 A.D. Kadavarkonpavai's Inscription: The inscription engraved on the base of the sculptured panel in the Malainatha temple records that Kadavarkonpavai, queen of a Cola king, revived and perpetuated some endowment in the Jaina temple 3 ARE., 360/1909, 221 & 231/1904, 241/1927-28, 520/1937-38, 83/1934-35. 4 Mailai Seeni Venkatasamy, Samanamum Tamilum (in Tamil), p. 136. 5 R. Ponnusamy, Tananmainattuvaralaru (in Tamil), p. 7ff. However, while chronologically arranging the inscriptions, the epigraphist had placed this record before Rajaraja I. See, SII, VII, Appendix A. Page #18 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1986 at Chittamur." This would mean that an earlier endowment made to the temple was discontinued for reasons unknown to us and hence the queen had to restore it. Though the epigraph does not specify the nature of the grant, it may in all probability refer to the gift made for burning a perpetual lamp in the 17th regnal year of Aditya I. This will be made clear once the identity of Kadavarkonpavai is resolved. No doubt, she was the queen of a Cola king whose name is also not mentioned in the present record. Even the epithet Kadavarkonpavai is not the personal name of the queen, and literarily it means 'the daughter of the Kadavar king'. Kadavar or Kaduvetti is an epithet attributed to the Pallava kings, and obviously, the queen referred to was the daughter of a Pallava monarch. Instances of Cola kings marrying Pallava princesses are definitely known to history, and rulers like Aditya I, Kulottunga I etc., had marrital relations with the Pallavas. Here, in this case, the Cola king who married Kadavarkonpavai was Aditya I, whose inscription is also found in Chittamur. 17 This identification is further strengthened by some of Aditya's inscriptions from different places. Two of his records from Tirupalanam and Tirusatturai respectively reveal that his queen Tribhuvanamahadevi was the daughter of the queen Kaduvettigal Tamarmettiyar of the Pallava lineage. Besides, two more inscriptions of the same king from Niyamam refer to some endowments made by Marampavai, one of the queens of Nandivarman III of the Pallava dynasty.10 Evidently, Kaduvettigal Tamarmettiyar and Marampavai were the queens of Nandivarman III and the daughter born through the former was Tribhuvanamahadevi, married to Aditya I. The same princess Tribhuvanamahadevi is therefore referred to as Kadavarkonpavai, i.e., the daughter of the Pallava king, in the present epigraph. It was in the 17th regnal year of Aditya I (888 A.D.) an endowment was made to burn a perpetual lamp in the Chittamur temple, which would not have been taken care of properly and hence his queen would have revived it. The exact year of restoring the endowment and the measures undertaken for the same could not be ascertained from the inscription. However, it would have been well within the period of her husband's reign, sometime between 888 A.D. and 907 A.D. " SII., Vol. VII, No. 830; ARE., 203/1902. 8 K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, The Colas, pp. 114, 333. 9 SII., Vol. XII, Nos. 58 & 304. 10 ARE., 13 & 16/1899. Page #19 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JAIN JOURNAL Rājādhiraja's Inscription : The inscription dated in the 10th regnal year of Rajadhiraja II (1173 A.D.) records grant of four mā of land along with some house sites (nattam) at Chittamur as Pallicchandam to the Jaina Palli of the same village, by one Sengeni Mummalaraya, who is credited with the conquest of the Pandya country.11 The donor of this grant was none other than the Sambhuvaraya chieftain Sengeni Ammaiappan alias Annan Pallavarayan who accepted the sovereignty of Rajadhiraja II. The Sambhuvarayas were feudatories of the Colas, ruling over an area comprising the modern districts of Chittoor, North Arcot, South Arcot and Chingleput. During the reign of Rajadhiraja II, a civil war broke out in the Pandya country and the timely intervention of Sengeni Ammaippan on the orders of the Cola emperor, restored Kulasekhara on the Pandya throne. Later on, Kulasekhara with the support of the Ceylon king Parakramabahu, rose in revolt against the Colas, hence Rajadhiraja sent a powerful army under the same Sambhuvaraya chief and captured the Pandyan territory.12 It was this victory over the Pandya earned the chieftain the title “Pandyanadukondan'. The inscription from Chittamur echoes the same political episode wherein he is styled as Pandyanadukondan Sengeni Mummalaraya. The epigraphic records from Chittamur throw some new light on the religious history of this region and supplement to our knowledge of the Cola conquest of the Pandyan territory. Hitherto, it was believed that Jainism had its origin at Chittamur only in the late medieval period, 13 but the foregoing study would push back the antiquity of Jainism to the 9th century A.D. The magnificient sculptures of Neminatha, Adinatha, Parsvanatha and Bahubali, carved on the boulder in the Malainatha temple, exhibiting typical early Cola style of art of the 9th century A.D. corraborates the date arrived at from the epigraphs. The patronage extended by the Colas and their feudatories, partilarly the Sambhuvarayas, to the Jaina sect is obvious from these records. Inspite of their adherence to Saivism, liberal grants had been made to Jaina institutions, and the Chittamur temple received its due 11 SII., Vol. VII, No. 829 ; ARE., 202/1902. 12 K. A Nilakanta Sastri, op. cit., pp. 367-373. 18 Jain Shrines of Tamilnadu, p. 17. Page #20 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1986 19 share from them. The queen of Aditya had taken special interest to revive an endowment which was discontinued for reasons unknown. Cola queens making rich endowments to Jaina temples was an important feature that was continued even in the later period. Chittamur had attracted devotees even from far off places like Puttambur in Pudukkottai as early as the 9th century A.D. Matiyan Arintigai of Puttambur, a place nearly 300 kilometres south-east of Chittamur, had made provision for burning a perpetual lamp in the Malainatha temple. Incidentally, this reveals the active intercourse between Chittamur and other Jaina centres. Lithic records of Rajadhiraja II are also found in places like Viranamur14 and Melsevur15 in the Gingee taluk itself. But it is the one from Chittamur that echoes the political episode of the Colas conquerring the Pandya country under the leadership of Sengeni Sambuvaraya. The same chieftain had endowed some lands to the Chittamur temple. Thus, the epigraphs from Chittamur attract special attention as they throw significant light on the religious and political history of this region. 14 ARE, 326/1937-38. 18 Ibid, 222/1904. Page #21 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ On Five Circular Parts of Jambudvipa Third prabhṛt of Sürya-prajñapti1 deals with the dimensions of the region upon which the Sun shines, illumines and provides heat and light. Several opinions came into vogue among different unknown schools of thought before the compilation of the Surya-prajñapti. However the view held in esteem by the author of the Surya-prajñapti was unique and it was based upon the principle of division of Jambudvipa into five circular parts. It is conjectured that the ratio 3:2 of the maximum and minimum lengths of the daylight2 had rendered a vehement role in the development of such a concept of the simplest division of Jambudvipa into five circular parts. SAJJAN SINGH LISHK As regards the description of the dimensions of the region upon which the Sun shines, illumines and provides heat and light, there had come into vogue several opinions among different unknown schools of thought at the time when the Surya-prajñapti was compiled. The diversity of the opinions is evidently stated in the third prabhṛt of the Surya-prajñapti as given below: 1. Some say that the Moon and the Sun shine, illumine and provide heat and light upon only one island and one ocean. 2. Some say that the Moon and the Sun shine, illumine and provide heat and light upon three islands and three oceans. 1 3. Others say that the Moon and the Sun shine, illumine and provide heat and light upon three and a half islands and oceans each. Surya-prajnapti, Skt. Commentary by Malaya Giri. Besides, for more details, see mathematical commentaries on Surya-prajnapti in Sanskrit and English (in progress) under the principal investigation of Dr. S.D. Sharma, Department of Physics, Punjabi University, Patiala. The Surya-prajnapti is the seventh Upanga of Jaina canon the present recension of which is generally ascribed to the council of Valabhi under the presidency of Devardhi Gani which met in 5th or 6th century A. D. For more details, see Lishk, S. S. and Sharma, S. D. (1977), 'Sources of Jaina Astronomy', The Jain Antiquary, Vol. 29, Nos. 1-2, pp 19-32. 2 For more details, see Sharma, S. D. and Lishk, S. S. (1978), 'Length of the Day in Jaina Astronomy', Centaurus (Denmark), Vol. 22, No. 3, pp. 165-176. Page #22 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1986 4. Some say that the Moon and the Sun shine, illumine and provide heat and light upon seven islands and seven oceans. 5. Others say that the Moon and the Sun shine, illumine and provide heat and light upon ten islands and ten oceans. 6. Others say that the Moon and the Sun shine, illumine and provide heat and light upon twelve islands and twelve oceans. 7. Some say that the Moon and the Sun shine, illumine and provide heat and light upon fortytwo islands and fortytwo oceans. 8. Others say that the moon and the Sun shine, illumine and provide heat and light upon seventytwo islands and seventy two oceans. 9. Some say that the Moon and the Sun shine, illumine and provide heat and light upon one hundred and fortytwo islands and oceans each. 10. Some say that the Moon and the Sun shine, illumine and provide heat and light upon one hundred and seventytwo islands and oceans each. 11. Others say that the Moon and the Sun shine, illumine and provide heat and light upon 1042 islands and oceans each. 12. Some others say that the Moon and the Sun shine, illumine and provide heat and light upon 1072 islands and oceans each. But in the opinion of the author of the Sürya-prajñapti, Jambudvipa is situated at the centre of the seven islands alternatively surrounded by ocean rings. Jambudvipa is surrounded by jagati. This jagati is of eight yojanas height as described in Jambūdvipa-praiñapti.4 There are five circular parts of Jambud vipa. When the two Suns having reached the innermost mandala (sarvabhyantara mandala) tread upon the same. they shine, illumine and provide heat and light upon three out of the five circular parts. One Sun shines, illumines and provides heat and light upon one and a half parts and the other Sun shines, illumines and provides heat and light upon one and a half parts. Then at the extremity, there is the maximum day of 18 muhurtas and the minimum night of 12 9 Lishk, S.S., Concept of Height of Jagati round the Jambudvipa. (in the press). See Jambudvipa-prajnapti, Hindi tr. by Amolak Risi (2445 Vira Samvat). The Jambudvipa-prajnapti is the fifth Upanga of the Jaina canon. For more details, see ref. No. 1. Page #23 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 22 muhurtas. When these two Suns having reached the outermost maṇḍala (sarvabahya maṇḍala) tread upon the same, they shine, illumine and provide heat and light upon two parts out of five parts. One Sun shines, illumines and provides heat and light upon one part (out of five parts) and the other Sun shines, illumines and provides heat and light upon one part. Then at the extremity there is maximum night of 18 muhurtas and minimum day of 12 muhurtas. The theory of five circular parts can be very easily explained as below: Let total area of Jambudvipa Region illuminated etc. Length of an ahoratra (day and night) Length of the day light Maximum length of the daylight Minimum length of the daylight RJL: 30 LJ 30 = Lm 18 muhūrtas, 18 J 30 = Lm =12 muhurtas, 12 J 30 .. R So when L RM and when L Now according to Jaina cosmographical notions there are two Suns which remaining diagonally opposite to each other revolve round the mount Meru placed at the centre of Jambudvipa. They cover the whole region of Jambudvipa in an ahoratra each describing one half. Therefore the region illuminated is proportional to the total area of Jambudvipa as the length of the day is to the length of an ahoratra, is, Rm = = 2 5 43 5 - J J LM Lm JAIN JOURNAL == ..(1) J R 30 muhurtas L 18 muhurtas 12 muhurtas When RM and Rm denote maximum and minimum regions illuminated respectively, evidently we have RM and Rm in the ratio of 3:2. It appears that for this convenience sake Jambudvipa was simply divided into five parts. These five parts would be circular as the Sun moves in circle round the mount Meru placed at the centre of Jambudvipa. This scheme can be easily shown as in the following figure: Page #24 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1986 23 E JAMBUDVIPA SENCE OF CIRCUMFER Besides, using equation No. 1, region R illuminated on any day of the year can be easily found out if we know the length of the daylight for that day. Or in other words, in the concept of the area R of Jambudvipa being illumined the concept of length of the daylight L was implied, i.e. the length of the daylight L compared with the total length of an ahorätra has been expressed in the parameters of area R being illumined etc. compared with the total area of Jambudvipa. Now a serious problem arises before us as regards the latitude of the observer in so far as the measurement of the length of daylight in the parameters of the area is concerned. The ratio of maximum area and minimum area of Jambudvipa being illumined etc. comes out to be 3 : 2 which is also the ratio of maximum and minimum lengths of the daylight as found in all the Jaina canonical literature. This ratio belongs to 35 latitude, the latitude of Babylon as well as the latitude of Gandhara in ancient India (presently in Afghanistan). This has led the western scholar like Dr. D. Pingrees to believe that the whole astronomical knowledge was transported to India from Mesopotamia. But Lishk and Sharma have argued that the time in ancient India was measured through the help of a water clepsydra and Origin of Ancient Indian Mathematical 5 Pingree, D. (1973), "Mesopotamian Astronomy', JHA, Vol. 4, pp. 1-12. Page #25 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 24 the rate of flow of water trickling down does not remain uniform. Thus applying correction for Bernouli's theorem, Torricelli's theorem in particular, the ratio 3:2 of maximum and minimum quantities of water corresponding to the maximum and minimum lengths of daylight respectively actually works out to be 1.22 in the parameters of time. This ratio 1.22 belongs to 19°6 which is the latitude of Ujjaini, a renowned seat of learning in ancient India. JAIN JOURNAL But when we come to consider the ratio 3:2 of maximum and minimum lengths of daylight transferred in the ratio of areal parameters the atitude of the observer comes out to be 35° North if the corresponding areas of Jambudvipa were actually measured on the maximum and minimum lengths of daylight respectively. But it does not seem plausible to conceive that like measurement of quantities of water flowing through the water clepsydra they might have actually measured the area being illumined etc. by the Sun treading upon the innermost mandala (Summer solstice day) and the outermost mandala (Winter solstice day) respectively. But it seems convincing that the ratio 3:2 of maximum and minimum lengths of daylights was established through the use of water clepsydra and this ratio 3:2 was perpetuated through the use of areal parameters by applying simple arithmatic. This led to the growth of the simplest concept of dividing the total area of Jambudvipa in five circular parts. Acknowledgement Thanks are due to Prof. S. D. Sharma for helpful discussion and to Prof. L. C. Jain for encouraging comments. Page #26 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ Kodungallur Bhagavati V. G. NAIR This article is divided into two parts, one dealing with the history of Jainism in ancient and modern Kerala, and the other on Kodungallur Bhagavati, the Jaina goddess Kannaki worshipped in Kerala by all classes of Hindus for the past eighteen hundred years to this day. I According to Tamil classical literature, Jainism was a flourishing religion among a large section of the people in Kerala, in the early centuries of the Christian era. There were numerous Jaina temples, monasteries and educational institutions in various parts of the country. Education was imparted by Jaina Acaryas and their disciples on all branches of learning irrespective of caste, community and religion. The number of temples was more than two hundred, according to rough estimate. The strength of ascetics based on an early Kerala inscription was fortyeight thousand in the 2nd century A.D. They were adherents of the central monastery at Kodungallur, the capital of the Cera kingdom. The temples consisted of rock-cut cave temples and those on land and hillocks. Most of these temples had inscriptions. The rock-cut cave temples contained artistically shaped Tirthankara images and also some of the Jaina deities. The cave temples with their images have escaped desecration down through the centuries and remain intact to this day. Almost all the hill and ground temples have vanished together with most of their inscriptions either by vandalism or ravages of time. The few remaining temples which have escaped from destruction have been taken possession by Devaswam Board of the Government. The original names of some of the deities were changed to Hindu gods and goddesses. The change might have been made after the decline of Jainism in Kerala beginning from the 7th-10th and finally in the 15th centuries A.D. An ancient temple was found in a dilapidated condition in the midst of forests on the border of Kerala and Tamilnadu two years ago. A number of broken stone-pieces of inscriptions were picked up from the site of the temple. This temple is called Kannaki and Mangaladevi Kottam. It was taken possession by the Kerala Government. Page #27 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JAIN JOURNAL In the 9th century A.D., Kerala was ruled by Ceraman Perumal. He conquered the Pandya and Cola kingdoms besides the independent Jaina Ayi chieftain of Kanyakumari. After his conquest, Perumal was crowned Emperor of all the Tamil kingdoms of South India. Ceraman Perumal was a Saivaite Hindu and the foremost lay disciple of Sundaramurti Nayanar, the last amongst the four leaders of the Saivaite revivalist movement in Tamilnadu. The movement was started by Saint Jnanasambandhar in the 7th century A.D. The Emperor brought a large number of Brahmins from Coladesa for performing pūjā ceremonies in the Saivaite temples of Kerala. He built several Siva temples and opened free feeding houses for Brahmins in different parts of the country. All those Jainas converted to Saivism were freely fed throughout the year. The Perumal and Sundaramurti undertook a pilgrimage to all the Siva temples in Kerala and Tamilnadu accompanied by hundreds of Saivaites singing devotional songs including instrumental music glorifying Lord Siva. They took processions, danced in ecstasy singing kirtans in praise of Siva. During this spectacular pilgrimage, Sundaramurti converted thousands of Jainas to Saivism. The Nayanar struck the final blow to uproot Jainism from Kerala and Tamilnadu but it continues to live in Tamilnadu upto this day. In Kerala, Jainism lingered until the 16th century A.D. and disappeared totally leaving behind a few temples and several relics including a few Tirthankara images, the living monuments of non-violence, brotherhood and peace. In modern Kerala, there is not a single lineal descendant of the early Jainas except a few hundreds of Karnataka Jainas who have settled in Wynad. They are planters and traders. They have built a few temples besides educational and charitable institutions in Wynad. In the early centuries, Wynad was a notable centre of Jainism in Kerala. A few images and inscriptions were discovered in Wynad. Among the early Cera kings, Senkuttuvan ruled Kerala in the middle of the 2nd century A.D. He was a benevolent ruler. Senkuttuvan and his family members professed their traditional religion of Jainism. A Tamil Academy of Literature patronised by the Pandyan king functioned at Madurai, the capital of Pandyan kingdom. Senkuttuvan was a generous patron of the Academy. The Cera kings were great patrons of Tamil and its literature. They gave handsome gifts to poets and scholars who were authors of beneficial literary works promoting Tamil and enriching its literature. The court and the spoken language of the people was Tamil. It was only five hundred years ago, Thunchath Ramanuja Acarya, a gifted poet and an accomplished scholar in Tamil and Sanskrit made the Malayalam scripts, purified the then existing spoken and written language and wrote three monumental poetical compositions in Malayalam in Manipravalam Kilipathu style consisting of Sanskrit and Malayalam, Page #28 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1986 namely, Srimad Bhāgavatham, the Mahābhāratham and the Rāmāyaṇam besides a few other minor works on ethics and philosophy. Thunchath Acarya was a Nayar (the term Nair is the Anglicised form of Nayar) and this celebrated poet is considered in great veneration as the father of Malayalam language and its literature by the people of Kerala. The Acarya has paid his homage to the Jaina ascetics in the Rāmāyaṇa composed by him. King Senkuttuvan ruled Kerala from Kodungallur, the international port city noted for its overseas trade. Scriptural evidence states that foreign sea-fairing vessels brought cargoes to Kodungallur and imported commodities and that these vessels could be seen anchored at the port of the Kodungallur. A cosmopolitan city Kodungallur was populated by different nationalities and religionists. Numerous Jainas from all parts of India lived in the port city engaged on export and import business, trade and industry. There were also Hindu, Buddhist and Roman traders. A Roman colony and a temple dedicated to Apollo, the Greek God existed at Kodungallur. Roman ladies were exceedingly fond of pearls that they paid fabulous prices to them especially to the pearls of Kanyakumari. Ptolemy, the Greek historian of the 2nd Century B.C., has described Kodungallur in the name of Muziris. Excavations carried out at the city have unearthed valuable relics including a number of coins of the early Emperors of Rome. There were several Jaina temples, monasteries and a large number of ascetics at Kodungallur. Scriptures have referred to temple towers rising to the skies. These towers were mostly those of Jaina temples. Kodungallur was a noted centre for Jaina scriptural studies and also for other branches of learning. Senkuttuvan had a younger brother, who was the Crown-prince of the Cera kingdom. The young prince was an accomplished scholar in Tamil literature. A man of sterling humanitarian character he took keen interest in all affairs which promoted public welfare. He was an uncompromising advocate of religious toleration, inter-religious cultural understanding and co-operation, brotherhood and peaceful co-existence among people professing different religions. The prince was a great humanitarian, the protector of animals, birds and all sentient life. He propagated the transcendental philosophy of universalism, according to Jaina doctrines that all life is one although they differed in their senses and physical forms and every living being has liberty and are entitled to live their full span of life. He was also a protector of the weak, the low, the lowest of the low, the poverty-stricken and those who suffered from Page #29 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 28 sickness. The Cera kingdom strengthened cordial relations with the Pandya and the Cola kingdoms, under the guidance of the Crown-prince. Prosperity, unity and peace reigned supreme in the country. The Prince rose to the high estimation of the people and everyone loved and respected him for his benevolent activities to promote their welfare. JAIN JOURNAL A soothsayer had predicted that the Crown-prince would ascend a ruler's seat years earlier which aroused apprehensions in king Senkuttuvan's mind. But as a matter of fact what the prediction meant was the ruler's seat of a hermit and not that of a king. An age-old custom also prevailed in the king's family that a member, male or female should take Holy Orders. This ancient custom continues among the Jainas even today. Whatever it might have been whether the prediction or family tradition, the Crown-prince after deep consideration determined to maintain the family custom and accordingly he renounced his home life to the homeless life of a hermit and retired to a monastery. During the early years of his monastic life, the ascetic observed penance and austerities prescribed in the holy scriptures of Jainism. He travelled on foot to villages and towns besides distant localities delivering sermons before Jainas and non-Jainas on the tenets of Arhat dharma or Jainism. Being an advanced scholar himself the ascetic devoted a part of his time to literature like the ascetic scholars of ancient and modern times and he completed a monumental literary work, a poetical composition called Silappadikaram which is acclaimed by eminent Tamil scholars as the greatest and the best literary work in Tamil classical literature. The Silappadikaram is not a fiction like a modern novel but a marvellous historical narrative, a biography entirely based on real events and episodes which had actually happened in the life of Jaina couple called Kannaki and Kovalan of Poompukar in the capital city of the early Cola kingdom of Tamilnad. In view of the fact that an anklet of Kannaki was the cause of Kovalan's tragic death, Silappadikaram is also called the Story of the Anklet. The author must have devoted at least four years to collect authentic materials from various quarters and persons both far and near Kodungallur to compile and complete the epic poem. The preface which is also a poetical composition is written by the renowned Buddhist poet and scholar Chathanar hailing from Chertalai modern Shertalai in Travancore, Kerala. The poet is popularly known as Chertalai Chathanar among the people. In the Preface, Chathanar has stated that the author of Silappadikaram is Ilamko Adikal, the young prince-hermit who had taken Holy Orders years earlier in Kunavayinkottam, a monastery situated on the eastern gate of Kodungallur. In the preface, Chathanar has not revealed the real family name of Ilamko Adikal probably because Page #30 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1986 renunciation of a Jaina from his home life to a home-less life of an ascetic also included the renunciation of his family name. Scholars made a search in Tamil classical literature to discover the real name of Ilamko Adikal but all their attempts were proved fruitless. This traditional custom of refraining to reveal the family name is prevalent among the Jainas even to-day when a person took to Holy Orders. 29 The Kunavayirkottam consisted of a temple besides the monastery built within an enclosure of a high stone wall. The name of the deity installed in the temple is not mentioned in the epic-poem but in view of the fact that its author has described several sacred names of Adi Bhagavan Rsabhadeva, the first Tirthankara and founder of Jainism, it can be taken for granted that the image installed in the temple was that of Rsabha, the founder of Indian culture and civilisation. The names of Rsabha described in Silappadikaram were meant as the author's adorations to Adinatha. Poet Chathanar was a Harijan of the modern day born in the Cheruma community of ancient Kerala. The term Chathan is a popular name among the Cherumas of Kerala even today. Chathan is derived from the term Sastha, one of the names of the Buddha, according to Amara-koşa, the lexicon composed by Amar Singh. This proves that the ancestors of the modern Cherumas were Buddhists. Shertalai is situated near Sasthamkottam and Sasthamangalam in Travancore. They were noted areas of Buddhism in the early centuries of the Christian era. Buddhism was introduced in Kerala by Mahendra and Sanghamitra, son and daughter of Emperor Asoka, in the 3rd century B.C. on their way to Srilanka from Magadha. Excavations carried out at Sasthamangalam Sasthakottam and the surrounding localities have unearthed a number of relics including a few imposing Buddha images. They are worshipped by the Hindus and visited by tourists especially from Buddhist countries. The Buddhist poet was a flourishing rice merchant at Madurai. He was widely respected by people for his vast learning and also for his spiritual wisdom. Although Chathanar was a Buddhist, he was a devoted worshipper in the temple of the Universal Spirit and the oneness of all religions. The poet was a trusted friend of the Crown-prince and later the prince turned Ilamko Adikal. He is the author of a Tamil Buddhist literary work called Manimekhalai, after the name of Manimekhalai, the daughter of Kovalan from his second wife Madhavi. The Buddhist poet was also one of the successive Presidents of the Tamil Sangham at Madurai. Page #31 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JAIN JOURNAL Excavations were carried out at the site of Kunavayirkottam by the scholar-archaeologist Induchudan of Kerala and a number of relics including slabs of hard stones utilised for the construction of the wall around the monastery and temple were discovered from the ruins. This discovery has proved that the location of Kunavayirkottam described by poet Chathanar in his preface is irrefutably correct and true. Further excavations will throw more light on the 2nd century monastery and temple, the hermitage of Ilamko Adikal. But unfortunately at the end of the 15th century A.D. the Adinath temple was completely destroyed by the Portuguese during their hostilities with the Maharaja of Cochin and they used the stones and other materials for the construction of barracks, and forts according to historians. There are substantial evidences to prove that Kunavayirkottam was a Jaina monastery, according to the 12th century commentary of Silappadikaram written by the Jaina poet Adiyarkunallar of Kongunadu, the modern Coimbatore district of Tamilnadu. The name of the poet indicates that he was a Jaina ascetic. In his commentary, the poet has stated that Kunavayirkottam is a Jaina monastery. Being a Jaina himself Adiyarkunallar would have visited the monastery and had gained its personal knowledge. Therefore his statement should be taken as most authentic and true. The poet is also the author of a literary work called Nannul on ethics and philosophy. He lived near the Vijayamangalam Jaina Temple in Erode, Tamilnadu. Archaeologists have found a Brahmi inscription on a hillock not far from the temple which is believed to have been set up in the 3rd century B.C. by a group of ascetics who migrated from Magadha to Sravana Belgola near Mysore headed by Srutakevali Bhadrabahu together with ten thousand ascetics including Emperor Candragupta Maurya. The Emperor is believed to have committed samlekhanā. Candragupta might have reached extreme old age or suffered from serious disease at the time. We have more literary evidences on Kunavayirkottam in the 14th Century poem Unniyachi and the 15th century Manipravala-kavyam Kokasandesam composed by unidentified Nambudiri Brahmin. The Kokasandesam has further stated that Kunavayirkottam which is described in the term of Matilakam monastery and temple were guarded by two Nayar families and that Brahmins were prohibited from entering the temple. This statement is absolutely true. A section of Nambudiri Brahmins of modern Kerala have the prefix of Somayajis to their proper names which prove that their ancestors performed Somayajnas or animal sacrifices to propitiate the Vedic gods. But in these days they do not perform such sacrifices slaughtering cows or goats. They are strict Page #32 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1986 vegetarians and observe non-violence in their life. In the Vedic period, the Arya Brahmins performed several sacrifices like slaughtering cows, horses, goats and even human beings. There are substantial evidences in the Vedas and Purānas to prove the fact. The Kerala Brahmins are the lineal descendants of the Aryans. Prof. Max Muller in his Vedic India has stated that a Somayajna with the slaughter of a cow was performed at Benaras by Brahmins about a few decades ago. A Somayajna was conducted in Kerala by a group of one hundred Vedic Nambudiri Brahmins without animal slaughter for propitiating the Vedic god Indra, the rain god, to shower abundant rains in Kerala for saving the people from droughts and even acute scarcity of water. But Indra was not pleased to shower his blessings on the people of Kerala ! E.M.S. Nambudiripad, a scion of a Vedic Nambudiri family and himself a Vedic scholar, a former chief Minister of Kerala and the supreme Communist Marxist leader of India has described the Nambudiris who had performed the Somayajna for rains in terms of superstitious persons. It is that a group of Kerala Brahmins of the 15th century A.D. were Somyajis or those who performed sacrifices with animal slaughter. This may be the reason for prohibiting those Brahmins from entering the Matilakam temple. Jainism is a religion of ahimsā and it has restrained the people from causing any injury, pain, sufferings and also slaughtering of any sentient life. Jainism has not condemned the Vedic Brahmanic religion but it has totally disagreed with animal sacrifices sanctioned by the Vedas. Brahmin Pandits have branded Jainism as an atheistic religion and they have coined a verse năstiko veda nindaka“ atheists are those who condemned the Vedas. But as a matter of fact, Jainism is a theistic faith based on non-violence, compassion and mercy. The Jainas worshipped the omniscient Tirthankaras and other deities. It is a mistaken notion of the Brahmins that Jainism is a năstika religion. Mahavira's chief disciple was the Brahmin Gautama, an eminent Vedic scholar of Magadha. Gautama and his five hundred disciples after hearing Bhagavan Mahavira's doctrines expounded to them by Mahavira himself prostrated at his feet and accepted the great Sramana Bhagavan Mahavira as their revered Guru. Gautama was the foremost exponent of Jaina doctrines. He can rightly be called the Paul or Peter of Christianity. The image of Gautama is installed in some of the Jaina temples and worshipped by the Jainas even today. The term Matilakam indicates Kunavayirkottam monastery and temple. It is a Malayalam word. It meant a building or buildings within the enclosure of a wall. Prof. Nilkanta Shastri, the noted historian has stated that according to literary and epigraphical evidences, the Nayar of Kerala were also employed as guards of Jaina temples in the past centuries. The Nayars also guarded the frontiers of Kerala and enforced law and order in the country in the Page #33 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 124 32 early centuries after Christ. They also guarded the residences of wealthy persons and formed the fighting forces of the Cera kings. They were employed as escorts and guards to Jaina ascetics who travelled on foot to distant places crossing formidable rivers, hills and forests haunted by wild animals covering long distances to reach their destinations for preaching the religion of ahimsa and for humanitarian activities. The Cera kings were also Nayars like the fighting forces of the army. According to the ancient history of Karnataka, the Nayars, Chettys, Wodeyars and many other sub-castes of the modern Hindu community are lineal descendants of Yadavas of Dvaraka who migrated to different parts of India after the demise of Srikrsna and the destruction of Dvaraka by tidal waves of the sea. Srikrsna and the ancestors of these Hindu sub-castes were nonAryans and were Jainas but in later centuries their descendants were converted to Saivism.1 There are Hindus in Kerala, Bihar, Maharastra and many other States in India holding the prefix of Yadava to their proper Hindu names. Some historians have even suggested that the origin of Nayar could be directly or indirectly attributed to the Naya or Nata subclan of the Licchavis of Magadha to which Mahavira belonged. Mahavira is often referred to as Nayaputta or Nataputta in the Jaina and Buddhist scriptures. Further scriptural researches may prove this view. [To be cotinued] 1 Vide writer's article on Sri Krsna, Jain Journal, October, 1984. JAIN JOURNAL Our Contributors MUNI NANDIGHOSHA VIJAY, A Jain ascetic. LEONA SMITH KREMSER, Leads a dedicated life for Aristanemi and Jainism. SATYAVRATA, Deptt. of P. G. Studies in Sanskrit, Govt. College, Sri Ganganagar, Rajasthan. A. EKAMBARANATHAN, Deptt. of Ancient History & Archaeology, University of Madras, Madras. SAJJAN SINGH LISHK, Govt. In-service Training Centre, Patiala, Punjab. V. G. NAIR, Author and writer. 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