Jain Journal 1977 10

Author(s): Jain Bhawan Publication
Publisher: Jain Bhawan Publication
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/520048/1

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VOL. XII
A QUARTERLY
JAINOLOGY
OCTOBER 1977
ON
No. 2
JAIN
Journal
॥ जैन भवन ॥
JAIN BHAWAN PUBLICATION

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Contents :
Obeisance to Moon of Love 43 Stupa in Mexican Art 51
P. C. Das Gupta
Christianity and Jainism as Ecological Models 61
Arvind Sharma
Kharavela and the Music of Orissa 65
Priyambada Jain
Evolution of Jaina Sangha 67
J. C. Sikdar
Book Review 73 Sri Uttaradhyayana Sutram : Ravinder Kumar Jain
D. R. Sharma Sallekhana is not Suicide : T. K. Tukol Sasadhara's Nyayasiddhantadipa : Bimal Krishna Matilal
K. C. Lalwani
Plates : Mallinath 43

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BOOK REVIEW
SRI UTTARADHYAYANA SUTRAM: translated into Punjabi by Ravinder Kumar Jain: edited by Purshottam Das Jain: published by the 25th Mahavir Nirvan Satabdi Sanyoyika Samiti, Punjab, Ludhiana: Pages 414+45 Price Rs. 35.00.
Prakrit language has its own importance in the Indian literature as the mother of so many Indian languages. As it was spoken at that time in different parts scholars have assigned different names such as Pali, Ardha-Magadhi, Sauraseni, etc.
During the British rule, more heed was paid to the oriental study by the European scholars. At that time some important Indian texts were translated here and abroad, and Uttaradhyayana Sutra was one of them. It was translated into English for the first time from Prakrit by the famous German scholar Dr. H. Jacobi in 1894.
For last three or four years, a different type of literature is cropping about the preachings of Mahavira due to the 2500th Nirvana Samaroha of Sramana Bhagavan Mahavira. As is well-known the Punjabi language is not rich in Jaina literature. So the officiating committee has tried to atone for it by publishing five parts of Jaina stories in Punjabi, and the first Punjabi version of the life of Bhagavan Mahavira. The latter book was written by Sri Ravinder Kumar Jain. And now Sri Jain has translated such an important work as Uttaradhyayana Sutra. It is the first version in Punjabi of the Ardha-Magadhi Canon.
The Uttaradhyayana Sutra is held in great reverence as it contains the last sermon of Sramana Bhagavan Mahavira. Its antiquity can be established from commentaries written on it at different dates and its popularity from the parallel verses as quoted in Mahābhārata, Dhammapada, etc.

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Besides the elaborate introduction on Jainism, the book written by Sri Jain can be divided in three parts. Part one contains the translation of the Uttarādhyayana Sūtra. In this section at the beginning of each chapter the translator has provided short introduction, so that the reader unfamiliar with it have easy access to its content. In addition he has given explanatory notes and other anecdotes as required.
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The second part contains description of cities, life of great personalities and comparative study of the Sutra in relation to other literature.
The third part contains the explanation of Navakar Mantra, lives of Sixtythree Salaka Purusas, etc.
Inspite of some press mistakes, the publication is quite good. We congratulate the translator and the editor for this first venture in Punjabi on Jaina Sutras. Its historical preface has been written by Sri Agar Chand Nahata.
SALLEKHANA IS NOT SUICIDE: by T.K. Tukol: published by L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad, 1976: Pages 112: Price Rs. 16.00.
-D. R. SHARMA
Because of the enormous uncertainty enshrouding it, death is a source of terror to every living being, human, sub-human, and superhuman. However wretched and pitiable one's station may be in life, nobody wants to die. Still, death is a certainty. There is no one anywhere in the universe, who has escaped from its jaw. At a certain point in life, it comes inevitable.
Leaving aside those religions which do not believe in rebirth there are others, notably in India, and these include Jainism--which believe in the transmigration of the soul. Viewed in this manner, death is only a change of station, taking the soul to another life, high or low, depending on his past, pleasant or painful, depending on the quality of life immediately preceding. Such is the nature's process.

The Jainas have, however, drawn a distinction between the death of a fool (bāla-maraṇa) and death of the prudent (pandita-marana). The former comes without seeking, the latter has to be sought voluntarily and wilfully and courted very patiently. Many have courted the death of the prudent in the past, as many do even now. This raises a technical

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OCTOBER, 1977
question for the student of jurisprudence if voluntary death is a form of suicide. In this connection, the monograph under review is welcome, coming as it does from one who had himself been a judge and hence the necessary expertise to express an opinion on it. His most considered view is that sallekhana or courting death is not a form of suicide when it serves a spiritual end.
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Originating years back as an essay, Justice Tukol developed it into a complete and comprehensive treatise on the subject, his most immediate source of inspiration being Carnatica Epigraphia, and his 'maiden labour' being delivered later in the form of lectures at the L.D. Institute. The world of Indological scholarship has reason to be grateful to the L.D. Institute for bringing out these lectures under two
covers.
The subject is discussed under eight sections. The first section deals with the philosophical background of sallekhana. The second section gives its modus operandi. According to the author:
"Sallekhanā is facing death (by an ascetic or a householder) voluntarily when he is nearing his end and when normal life according to religion is not possible due to old age, incurable disease, severe famine, etc., after subjugation of all passions and abandonment of all worldly attachments, by observance of austerities, gradually abstaining from food and water, and by simultaneous meditation on the real nature of the self, until the soul parts from the body."
While some senior monks at the time of Mahavira, realising the approach of very hard times when religious practices would be next to impossible courted sallekhana, the reviewer feels that the above definition applies to sallekhanā in its worst possible form, under condtion of duress. This has also the support of a popular practice in which it is administered to a dying person, no matter whether in consciousness or in coma. Rightly interpreted, however, sallekhana should mean that the person concerned courts it voluntarily when he has a feel that he is spiritually mature and that he has no more use with the human body. This is sallekhanā at its best in which the body undergoes a necessary probation through austerest spiritual practices, notably very long, often chain, fasts called pratimās.
The third section cites cases of courting death from the life of monks, nuns and householders of both the sexes. Although for the limitation of his source material the cases cited mostly include personalities from

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the Digambara Sect, it should not create the wrong impression that the practice is restricted to that sect only. It is universal among the Jainas of all denominations.
The fourth section devoted to the account of voluntary deaths describes among other things the practice of ‘satt among women-folks and the institution of 'mahāprasthāna' described in the Mahābhārata. The institution of satī developed under the Muslim rule of India in the. medieval times when women in hundreds courted death to avoid shame and dishonour to their person ; and not because they had conquered attachment either to their body or to the mundane living. Among a section of the Hindus, there is the practice of jumping down into a deep ditch from the top of a hillock near Kedarnath on the Himalayas and thus putting an end to their life. This practice appears to be more akin to committing suicide than being comparable to the Jaina practice which involves a real mortification of the flesh which is made from pudgala atoms and which is the real purpose behind.
The next three sections, fifth through seventh, are devoted to a discussion on suicide, factors inducing a person to put an abrupt end to his life, law relating to it and are more legalistic than spiritual. Suicide, whatever its immediate cause, is the outcome of a long tension and is a crime under the law of any civilised society. Sallekhanā is a wellcalculated thing, and when one is spiritually convinced that he has no use with the body which is his personal property, no one can prevent him from throwing it out. The last section is a recent case study in the South of the Jaina practice that came to the notice of the writer, though this section is liable to expansion to any length by the inclusion of many more cases all over the country in recent years.
Before closing this review, it is necessary to point out that the Western observers are prone to view sallekhanā as a form of suicide because neither in their tradition or background nor in their religious system is there anything which may come near the Jaina practice, still less being akin to it. Thus Mrs. Sinclair Stevenson has declared in her Heart of Jainism, "It is strange that a religious system which begins with the most minute regulations against the taking of the lowest insect life should end by encouraging human suicide."
We may only tell them in their own terminology that sallekhana is not human suicide but an inalienable social, political and spiritual right to discard the body when one is convinced that he has no more use of it.

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OCTOBER, 1977
Sasadhara's NYAYASIDDHANTADIPA with Commentary by Gunaratna Suri edited by Bimal Krishna Matilal: L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad, 1976: Pages 232: Price Rs. 45.00.
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The publication under review is a medieval production on Logic. The text has been prepared on the basis of two mss at the L.D. Institute, a photo copy of a mss from the India Office Library, London and a mss printed in a journal in 1924 published from Varanasi. According to the editor, the three mss used represent three different 'families' of mss. The synthesis must have been a difficult job with the editor and it has not been indicated how he arrived at a conciliation to produce a single text and how he claims it to be the most authentic.
Logic is as much a part of any philosophy as it is now of mathematics, though there may be a basic difference between the two. In the Indian, in the sense of traditional Hindu Philosophy, Nyaya is a distinct school which is more than a mere tool. This school has its own philosophy of salvation based on 16 factors and traces its origin to Gautama and Kanada in the age of Upanisads. In the medieval period, when other schools of Hindu philosophy became somewhat indistinct, the Nyaya school gained a new lease of life and the traditional orthodoxy took shelter behind it. Jainism as a system is one and it does not have a separate Nyaya school as Hinduism has.
The Hindu Nyaya school underwent a drastic reformation in the 14th century in the hands of one Nyaya scholar Gangesa by name. He produced what came to be known as Navya or neo-Nyaya school which was simpler in content but stricter in rigidity to suit the needs of the time. The discovery of Sasadhara's Nyāyasiddhāntadīpa is, therefore, sensational, the more so since this work too has been classified as Navya-Nyaya. If this view be accepted, then Sasadhara, not Gangesa, becomes the Martin Luther of the new school. It is, however, likely that since Sasadhara was a Jaina monk, the Hindu orthodoxy must have bypassed him to find their own hero in Gangesa. If this be so, then it is time that the mistake is rectified and Sasadhara is given the pride of place as the father of Navya-Nyaya. Whatever that may be, the fact remains that against the rising onslaught of the Muslim rulers, not only Hindusim but also Jainism took shelter behind Nyaya to save their skin and turned more and more orthodox. In this connection, it is interesting to note that the earliest mss on Sasadhara's work dated 1561 A.D. in the handwriting of one Hira who has been identified as Acarya Hiravijaya who copied it for his own reading. This testifies to its popularity.

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The publication of this important work thus raises more questions than it solves. Now that a completely edited text is in their hands, it would be possible for appropriate expertise to solve some of the questions raised above and many others that may come up.
There appears to be a controversy about the commentator Gunaratna because there have been at least three authors with the same name. The editor is of opinion that the commentator of Sasadhara's work must have been a monk belonging to Tapagaccha who is attributed with a deep knowledge of Tarkasastra or Navya Nyaya and the reviewer feels that there is no reason to refute this claim. Gunaratna wrote commentary on four chapteșs of Nyāyasiddhāntadīpa and not on the whole of it. Gunaratna is the celebrated author of Tarka-Tarangint in which with the catholicity of the Jaina monks, he noticed not only the leaders of Nyaya from the West Coast which was his own region, but also of those from Mithila and Bengal.
The monograph is undoubtedly a valuable addition to the available literature on Navya-Nyaya.
-K. C. Lalwani

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Obeisance to Moon of Love
[ Namo Premacandrimaya ]
an operette on a jaina legend in Bengali
I by GANESH LALWANI
translated in English free verse
by K. B. JINDAL
Scene 1
(Enter two wayfarers followed by a third a little distant behind)
3rd Wayfarer : Where goest thou, my comrade ? Ist Wayfarer : By the bank of the river.
Having lit the sacred fire, There be an ascetic In deep contemplation. Verily to meet him
Proceed we thither. 2nd Wayfarer : Have piled heavy load of wood. Ist Wayfarer : Have dug the spacious fire-place. 2nd Wayfarer : And in the fire will burn camphor and incense. Ist Wayfarer : To be reduced to a heap of ashes. 2nd Wayfarer : There are chunks of butter. Ist Wayfarer : Say nothing of the multitude. 3rd Wayfarer : Who be that ascetic ? 1st Wayfarer : Kamatha be his name. 2nd Wayfarer : A great saint,
Master of many charms. 1st Wayfarer : If you wish to join2nd Wayfarer : You are welcome. 1st Wayfarer : Time is short. 2nd Wayfarer : And the sun is high. 1st Wayfarer : Post haste we go. 3rd Wayfarer : And I follow.

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Parsva :
(River-bank. Kamatha engrossed in meditation amidst five fires. Huge congregation of people. Parsva in one corner)
Parsva :
Parsva :
Attendant :
Scene 2

What delusion is this! What indiscretion!
Darkness rules supreme.
This is no religion.
It is self-deception,
A compromise with conscience! How can animal sacrifice
Be religion and piety?
(Voice from within)
Non-violence is the highest religion; Self-discipline the highest penance. Religion teaches man
To destroy fear in others.
Whose voice is this?
Where from flows this music ?
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(Music)
Victory be to you,
O, Superman!
Rise O. Super-Soul!
Take away fear from this earth. Let non-violence reign supreme. Victory be to you!
Fill this world with mellow sweetness, Free people from their bondage, Show them the path of salvation. Victory be to you!
What change, what metamorphosis! Remains no barrier
Between the inner and the outer self!
(Parsva approaches Kamatha)
Where goest thou, O Prince ?

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Parsva :
Kamatha :
Parsva :
Kamatha :
Parsva :
Parsva :
There rises a voice within That tells me not to tarry.
What inhumanity
Is being perpetrated in the name of religion! Those greedy tongues of burning fire
Make millions so miserable.
I hear the wail
Of those that burn in fire.
He who despises life
Is no saint but a hypocrite.
He who commits sin in the name of religion,
Fie on him.

Religion never teaches violence.
He who commits violence
Shall find refuge nowhere.
What sacrilege!
How dare you decry The five sacred fires?
O Saint, this is no sacrilege; Call this no rivalry.
Truth, non-violence, temperance and austerity Alone constitute true religion.
Religion teaches love and mercy,
It bestows fearlessness to self and others.
To take life, can never be religion, Rather it is a mockery of religion.
Prove thou-I kill.
I take out one wood. You break in twain. Betwixt you find Two serpents roasted.
(Parsva takes out a firewood. Kamatha breaks it in Half-baked serpents fall to the ground. Parsva chants incantations to the reptile-pair)
two.
Unto Arhats the perfect souls embodied, Unto Siddhas-the perfect souls in Nirvana, Unto Sadhus--the ascetics devoted,
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Serpents :
Unto the Path they have shown, I seek refuge.
Meghamali :
(After recovery) We have new life,
Troubles and travails are over.
The quality of mercy is not straining,
It dropeth as the gentle rain from heaven.
(Music from four Corners)
Stop the old game, Reconstruct the world again. The deaf, the dumb and the weak Seek salvation here and there.
Brighten the corner,
Fill new hopes and new desires. Blith and joy
Replace wretched melancholy.
Scene 3
(Years rolled by. Kamatha was reborn as Meghamali, a spirit of lower order. The two serpents were reborn as king-cobra Dharanendra and his consort Padmavati. Parsva joined the order. His mission was to remove the fear complex in people and to show them the path of love)
(A lonely forest. Parsva in deep meditation)
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(Inside) Ha! Ha! Ha! (On the stage)
Kamatha has not forgotten the old insult. He has yet to settle accounts with you. None will save you in this lonely forest. Think of the mischief you played with me. Think of the insults you showered on me.
(Meghamali dances in wild orgy to invoke the winds)
(Sings)
Blow ye wind, blow I say, Blow this man away, Tear him to pieces, Scatter his limbs away.

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(Dances) The earth is shaking, The peaks are breaking, And the trees are torn away. The lion is roaring, The lamb is bleating, And chaos has its sway.
(Call of the nymphs) O, ye gods of heaven and earth! Save us from utter misery. The earth is in turmoil, The sky is in commotion, Where else shall we seek refuge !
(The storm abates)
Meghamali :
What, the winds have stopped ? Another defeat and insult to me. What a shame! Nay! Nay! Nay! I shall not yield so easily. I shall call the waves, flood the gate, And there shall be deluge all round.
(Meghamali's invocation to water) Fall waters from heaven, Rise waves from the sea, Roll on, roll on, submerge the earth, Spare nobody, let there be deluge.
(Dances again) Wonderful, there is water all around, There is thunder in the sky, And rain on the earth. The streams are full, and the rivers overflow, The trees are uprooted, the owl is screeching, The sun is shrouded, and darkness supreme.
(Call of the nymphs) O gods, this cyclone is death incarnate, The earth is submerged, Save us from the deluge.

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Scene 4
(The court of Dharanendra in heaven. Seated on throne Dharanendra and Padmavati. Dance of beautiful damsels of the nether region)
(Song) Sing songs of joy, All troubles are over. Joy reigns supreme over earth and water. Joy that is akin to heaven Gushes forth from our hearts. Now, none is alien to the other Unite together and sing in joy.
(Cry from within : Save ! Save !)
Padmavati :
Stop this music, There is call of distress.
(Dance and music stops)
Dharanendra :
What storm, what cyclone! Earth is drowned in deluge ! Who has opened these gates of hell ? Who has shrouded the world in darkness ? Thick clouds have covered The stars, planets and the moon. Death and destruction Ride rough shod Over the entire universe.
Padmavati :
My lord, what do I behold ! I see our Saviour ! Dark clouds come rolling on Him, And the sea has crossed its limits. My heart bleeds, my heart laments ! The thunder above, portends ruin below And waves of water carry life away.
(Voice Invisible) Who be that hunter who rejoices On the shorn wings of a bird ? Who be that demon that delights On the fall of peaks and pinnacles ?

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Padmavati :
I tremble, I shiver ! Water spreads all over Him, From ankle to knee, From knee to waist, From waist to neck, Anon it will drown the Saint. Run, run to his rescue.
Dharanendra :
My love, lose not thy composure! Where resides infinite power There abides ultimate victory. The Tirthankara is self protected, Kamatha can do him no harm. Still shall we go there To offer our humble tribute.
Scene 5
(Lonely forest. Parsva in deep meditation. Dharanendra holds his hood above the Lord. Rain subsides)
Meghamali :
I failed! I failed ! All my effforts are in vain ! He continues to be in meditation. What shame, what insult, what defeat ! I flee from here post-haste. No more! No more !
(Kamatha flees. No irace of water. Bright sunshine)
(Chorus) To that great Sun of Knowledge, To that great Moon of Love, To that great Abode of Mercy, To that great Arhat Parsva, We make oui obeisance humble.
(Dance of Celestial nymphs)
(Song) Hail, this new dawn ! Behold, the rays from the east ! All doubts are dispelled,

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And there is grace #bounding. Nature blossoms, heaven smiles. There is no fear, there is no sisery Peace be on Earth And all well with thán.
(Parsva attains ontniscience. Gods rain flower from above)
(Chorus) Thou shartnom Killing printing Killing toilette Dispel all douboud tear; Do goodstarto others Learn to live and love. Ferry thy way with a smile.

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Quetzalcoatl seated in padmasana and touching the ground. According to Donald A. Mackenzie the desciples of the god were like Buddhist missionaries or the Indian Brahmanas. They disapproved war and violence and 'instead of sacrificing animals made offerings of flowers, jewels, &c. to their deities'.
Trocadero Museum, Paris.
Stupa in Mexican Art

With its symbolic meaning and dimension stūpa as a shrine or memorial has the message of eternity in the Jaina and Buddhist faith especially in respect of the attainment of knowledge in its perfection. Besides the element of perspective of such monuments which ranges from the dawn of civilization and epochs when Vedic practices were valued for their symbolic purport the stupas establish a communion between the devotee and the Truth that transcends the universe. In the light of the Vedic tradition and the religious texts of the Jainas and the Buddhists the stūpas should have a direct perspective in the cult of the caityas. As discussed by U. P. Shah the caitya was originally associated with Vedic yajña and it continued in the age of the Mahabharata. He has shown that the Great Epic "refers to the region made sacred by hundreds of caitya-yupa-caitya and yupa (or caitya-yupa, sacrificial posts) were in one and the same place; but in another context the epic refers in glowing terms to the country full of caityas and yupas, where caityas are supposed to refer to places of sacred yajñas but may refer to shrines and stupas." (Studies in Jaina Art, p.45). In the Vedic literature, as it has been revealed, the word caitya refers to fire-alters (yajñasthāna). The same
P. C. DAS GUPTA

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meaning was also evidently conveyed by citya or citi the original word as it appears being the Vedic cayana. After studying the brilliant works of V. R. Ramachandra Dikshitar and Pandit Hamsaraja Shastri it will be felt that, though caitya originally signified a fire-altar or agnicitya gradually acquired a greater meaning. Thus, it also referred to sacred trees (caitya-druma) memorial structures, relics, shrines or edifices containing the bimba of Yaksas or Devatas, sacred symbols or objects and stūpas. The wider meaning of the word caitya is often revealed in literature. While discussing about festivals in honour of ceiyas as mentioned in the Acaränga sutra U. P. Shah recalls, that at another place of the same text "we find the use of the word where ceiya is used in the sense of a structure or edifice (a piled-up thing) erected and offered for residence to the Jaina monks." (Ibid, p. 49). In the context of the Vedic tradition and the elucidation of cults in various texts, Brahmanical, Jaina and Buddhist it will be evident that the stupas of distinctive ideology and design achieved an immense popularity in ancient India and beyond and, thereby, at times found a grand expression in architecture. The stupa represented by a hemispherical body, or an elongated dome or a cluster of stupis arranged on terraces transmute through a symbolic dimension the doctrine for the liberation of soul symbolising as it were the nirvana of the Buddha or the Jina. The main components of a Buddhist stupa are the vedika (railing), the medhi (terrace), the sopāna (stairs) the anda (literally 'egg' i.e. the spherical part), the harmikā (balustrade) the chatra (umbrella), the yaşți (pole or mast) and vase (varṣasthala). The two famous Jaina Āyāgapaṭas from Mathura, the one dedicated by Sivayasa and another by Vasu, daughter of Lonasobhika visualise comparable stūpas in accordance to the sculptural idiom of 1st-2nd century A.D. The ideal of the stupa with its processional paths found a different expression in the plans and designs of the samavasaraṇa and what may be described as the jaruka or eḍuka. On the basis of arguments produced by V. S. Agrawal and U.P. Shah there remains little doubt that the latter were counterparts of the Sumerian Ziggurats some of which still stood during the ascendancy of Babylon under Nebuchadnezzar and Nabonidus. Actually, the jaruka was a terraced structure like the Ziggurat of Ur-Nammu. It is held that, the legend of mount Aṣṭāpada has the "underlying conception of the first Jaina shrine being an eight terraced mountain, an eight-terraced Ziggurat, or an eight-terraced stūpa". (U. P. Shah, Ibid, p. 128). According to the legend, Bharata carved eight terraces on the Kailasa also known as Haradri and Sphatikadri from foot to the crest to commemorate the attainment of nirvāṇa on this mount by his father Rsabhanatha, the first Tirthankara. On various grounds it is evident that, there is an underlying resemblance between the Ziggurat, the stupa and samavasarana in their inspiring glory

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and symbolic form. It appears that, from early times the ideals of stūpa or eduka migrated to the east, as far as distant shores of the sea. Apart from the aspect of the dissemination of Buddhism in South-East Asia, China, Korea and Japan one may wonder whether in antiquity the stūpa architecture had been introduced in the New World. Either the ascending height of the great edifice of Borobudor and the decorative constructuion of Sali Vihar in Java or the elegant pagodas of Shantung, Honan, Jehol, Manchuria and Hopei in China will illustrate how the ideal of stūpa radiated to the East. While the pagoda of T'ien-ning-ssu, Peking will highlight the usual emphasis on the umbrellas i.e. the chatrāvali in China, the northern pagoda on mount Tang in Hopei has defined the stūpa as an elongated super-structure on a storied shrine. Apart from the vast repertoire of stūpa forms scattered in Asia covering Japan, Korea, Tibet, the Gobi desert, Afganistan, Sri Lanka and other regions the diffusion of the ideal of the samavasarana or eduka as ascending structuras also deserves an appropriate study. The symbolism of the samavasaraṇa has inspired among others the monuments of Paharpur (Bengal) and Borobudor (Java). The stepped pyramidal shrines, whatever may be their origin, can be traced as far as distant Mexico. The great 'Pyramid of the Sun' at Teotihuacan as also the monuments of 'Olmec' or Maya styles as to be seen in Guatemala or Honduras are a number of monuments to be referred to in this respect. Besides the question of their origin which obviously requires a wide survey and comparative study a Toltec painting envisages the stūpa to an extent recalling the early style which developed in India in the context of the wide acceptance of the tenets of Mahavira and the Buddha. This is a unique fresco published by B. C. Vaillant in his famous book The Aztecs of Mexico (Penguin Books Ltd., reprinted 1951). The offering scene reproduced in Plate 24 depicts fire-altars and domical constructions crowned with box-like members. According to Vaillant the domical forms are symbolic of the water-goddess. The painting has been described by the noted expert on Mexican archaeology as follows:
“The figures at either side suggest the Water Goddess. Flames shoot up from the altars in front of them, while tribesmen and longrobed priests bring their offerings of feathers, food, jade, shell and a bird.” The author has drawn our attention to "Speech Scrolls” in this Toltec painting. The pair of domical constructions with decorative bands, garlands and crowning members appear to be no other than stūpas, either Buddhist or Jaina. Though partially hindered by the flames of the corresponding pair of altars before them the motifs visualise the formalised dome (anda) and the balustrade (harmikā) of the stūpa. Since the upper part of the painting has disappeared it is not possible to

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More than a thousand years old fresco visualising lofty structures with components of the stupa. The spectacle of flames on altars in the foreground recalls the symbolic idea of the skambha which in antiquity appeared comparable with the cult of Jyotirlinga and led to the concept of pillars cherished by Jaina and Buddhist traditions.
Toltec art of Teotihuaean, Mexico.
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guess whether there were chatravali on the top of the crowning members comparable with the harmika of a stupa. In this connection it may be recalled that the shape of the harmika is usually square. As it has been observed, "in Nepal, mounted on every stupa is a square box-like construction. On the four sides are enormous pairs of eyes-the all-seeing eyes of the supreme Buddha." (Buddha The Face of Tranquility, Hamlyn, 1970, p. 24). While the elevations in front of the Toltec motifs may represent symbolic terraces, the fire altars show ascending steps. The association of fire-altars (agni-caitya) with a memorial drum or a stūpa may not be surprising in the context of the ancient cult of caitya worship in India. The reliefs of Amaravati depict the Buddha "as a fiery pillar”. (U.P. Shah Ibid, p.61). Ananda Coomaraswamy who has drawn our attention to this aspect felt that this worship of fire i.e. Agni as skambha (or a sthuna) gradually led to the practice of erecting pillars as dhvajastambhas in honour of different deities. These pillars could be surmounted by the vahanas of divinities or by symbols like the dharmacakra. (Elements of Buddhist Iconography). Here U.P. Shah has questioned, "But what is this skambha originally? Is it Agni flaming high up and

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reaching the skies or an adoption and transformation by Vedic Aryans of the phallus worship, the phallus being originally simply understood as the creator and later also as supporter of the Universe ?” (Ibid, p.62). He recalls in this connection the following opinion of Coomaraswamy:
"The axis of the Universe is coincident also with the fiery Siva-Lingam set up, according to the Devadaruvana legend, in the foundations of the Earth and extending upwards to Heavens." (Elements of Buddhist Iconography, p.66). As it will appear, the concept of a flaming pillar or the Jyotirlinga is true to the background of an ancient symbolism as defined by the Vedic literature and later texts.
A miniature turreted temple carved in jadeite. The central pavilion with openings on four sides recalls the symbolic plan of the Jaina gandhakuti or the caumukh. The region of Mezcala river in Guerrero, Mexico.
While discussing about the fresco noted above any possibility of diffusion
Reproduced from Natural History, Vol. LXXVI No. 7, August-September, 1967.
of Indian thought and culture in ancient Central America may have to be considered. Indeed there are a number of works which have essayed to prove such diffusions in America in the unknown past. Donald A. Mackenzie in his Myths of Pre-Columbian America has drawn our attention to various aspects of art and culture in the New World which have parallels in Indian civilization ranging in date from a distant past. While exploring the ruins of the Maya civilization John L. Stephens and Catherwood discovered the figures of elephant carved on a pillar at Copan. There is little doubt that these stylised motifs of the elephant represent the Indian elephant (Elephas Indicus). Thus,

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Mackenzic points out, “The view of Dr. W. Stempell that the Copan and other elephants of America represent the early Pleistocene Elephas Colombi has not met with acceptance. This elephant has not the peculiar characteristics of the Indian elephant as shown in the Copan stone, and it became extinct before the earliest representatives of modern man reached the New World.” (Myths of Pre-Columbian America, p.32). Scholars have already shown certain resemblances between the divinities of India and America. The Maya and Aztec divinities sometimes reveal surprising affinities with Hindu gods. Besides there are parallel motifs and religious myths which have developed on both sides of the Pacific. On due grounds Mackenzie has opined,
"As Chinese ethnological data prove, the cultural influence of India extended over wide areas as a result of Brahmanic and Buddhist missionary enterprises, just as Babylonian and Iranian influence flowed into India itself. Sir Edward Tylor has shown that the pre-Columbian Mexicans acquired the Hindu game called Pachisi, and that in their picture writing (Vatican Codex) there is a series of scenes taken from Japanese Buddhist temple scrolls.” The eminent scholar has discussed various Mexican myths and has often found them as having Vedic and Puranic parallels, the significant instances being the comparison of Aztec Tlaloc with god Indra, the bird and serpent myth, the legends recalling the idea of the Maruts and Ganesa, the mystery of the cult of Quetzalcoatl, the comparable aspects of Krsna, Siva, Kuvera and Tezcatlipoca, the legends of the Sea of Milk and the Pot of Plenty and others. Among other instances highly illuminating in this respect may be mentioned the concept of the elephant headed deity or the depiction of the Churning of the Ocean in Codex Cortes. (Mackenzie : lbid, Plate facing page 240, figs 5 & 6). With regards to early contacts between Asia and America certain old annals may be recovered from the haze of history. Charles Berlitz in his Mysteries From Forgotten Worlds (Suffolk 1976) recalls the experience of the Chinese with regards to America:
"Chinese expeditions may have visited North America from the West. The Hai King (circa 2250 B.C.) describes a crossing of the 'Great East Ocean' and a long southward trip from their landing place, including an inland excursion to a 'Great luminous rock wall valleypresumed to be the Grand Canyon. Another more southern transPacific voyage on a large ocean-going junk was recorded by a Chinese Buddhist priest, Hwui Shin, in the fifth century A.D. during the period of Chinese history referred to as Six Dynasties. He called the lands he visited Fusang, Chinese for ‘aloe tree', and his contempora. neous descriptions of them seem to describe Mexico (which has aloe

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trees) and Central America. Voyages from the Orient such as that of Hwui Shin or earlier ones may account for the marked 'dragon' influence in ancient Mexican art as well as representations of the lotus, the svastika (which the Chinese called 'Heart of Buddha'...) and other Oriental motifs.” (pp. 141-42).
Here it may be noted that, Kautilya's Arthasāstra (Book II, Ch.XI) tells about aguru (aloe)of Suvarnabhumi. This aloe obviously refers to the aloes wood which is different from the Mexican aloe well-known for its juice and fibre. The fragrant alocs wood on the other hand was in antiquity more precious than gold as told by Herodotus. This is supposed to be mentioned as aloes or lignaloes in the Bible. Though native to the "tropical parts of Eastern Asia and the Malay Archipelago" (The New Funk & Wagnalls Encyclopaedia, vol.1) its fame once traversed continents. The Buddhist text Milindapañho states as follows:
“As a ship-owner, who has become wealthy by constantly levying freight in some sea-port town, will be able to traverse the high seas and go to Takkola or Cina...or Suvarnabhumi or any other place where ships do congregate.”
The reference of Suvarnabhumi along with Cina i.e. China in the passage also suggests of a long sea-route. R.C. Majumdar has drawn our attention to the Mahākarma-Vibhanga which “illustrates dešāntaravipāka (calamities of foreign travel) by reference to merchants who sailed to Suvarnabhumi from Mahakosali and Tamralipti."
Since in the past the Indian mariners were familiar with the eastern Pacific covering routes to China, the Philippines, Borneo and other islands it is possible that there were more courageous adventures. In this connection as a perspective of the aspect may be recalled the wellknown resemblance between the ancient scripts of the Easter Island and the Indus valley. As opined by Charles Berlitz,
"The existence of a script isolated on an island thousands of miles from any land in the world's largest ocean, halfway around the world from a similar script of protohistoric West India implies not only a common origin, but a diffusion of culture, and is a fairly concrete indication of unrecorded early sea-voyages of a range and scope previously considered impossible.” (Ibid, p.130). It will be interesting to mention here the fortified citadels at Mohenjo-daro and Harappa which have been compared with the Sumerian Ziggurats by K.N. Shastri. (New Light on the Indus Civilization). With these may be remembered the kāyotsarga form

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in the art of statuary of the Indus Valley. A group of Olmec terracottas from Mexico will also indicate a similar inspiration. The doctrine of peace and non-violence preached by some of the early culture-heroes in America has the absorbing sublimity of the teachings of any Jaina or Buddhist missionary. Sometime it was like the preachings of a saint like Arhat Mahinda and his association with the rock of Mihintale in Sri Lanka. Donald A. Mackenzie recalls among others the legend of a saintly personage "called Wixepecocha by the Zapotecs who arrived by sea from the south-west”. (Ibid, pp.266-67). He was a celibate and "called for repentance and expiation.” As the legend goes, being
a
The so-called 'Young-Huastecan' from San Luis Potosi, Mexico, appears as a saint in divine communion. So far seen from the photograph this naked body is covered with motifs representing flowers, gems, a stylised animal etc.
Reproduced from Indumentaria Mexicana, No. 77/78 Ano XIII, 1966, Plate 76.

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persecuted he took shelter and disappeared on the peak of Mount Cempoaltec "leaving only the print of his feet upon the rock”. Mackenzie discovers a Buddhist trait ("quite a Buddhist touch !”) in this story of leaving foot-print upon the mountain. (Ibid, p.267). Besides others the scholar mentions Viracocha of Peru. "Viracocha was supposed to have come from the west and to have returned westward, disappearing in the ocean.” (Ibid). According to Mackenzie,
"It is remarkable that these legends of white, bearded men, wearing long robes, should be so widespread and persistent over wide areas in America. In all cases they are sea-farers, teachers, and preachers, like the Buddhist missionaries who for centuries visited distant lands and left the impress of their teachings and the memory of their activities in the religious traditions of many different and widelyseparated peoples.” (Ibid, p.270).
SES
**
-
Olmec figures recalling the dedication of the kayotsarga. Besides the coarsegrained one which is of terracotta the others are of jade and serpentine. Jade axes are seen behind.
62
La Venta, Veracruz, Mexico. Reproduced from Natural History, Vol. LXXVI No. 7, August-September 1967

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Though one may yet search for an exact reference of the western hemisphere in ancient Indian literature there are accounts which deserve to be examined in this respect. The lure of gold attracted in the past Indian mariners to the idyllic lands in South-East Asia and the islands of the East Indies. The names like Suvarnabhumi and Suvarnadvipa gave a reality to the dream and experience of early voyagers. Could this land of gold i.e. Suvarnabhumi even call the more determined missionaries and sea-captains to sail beyond the eternal waves of the Pacific? It is the same gold which inspired the Spaniards after Columbus. On linguistic grounds Schmidt has opined as follows:
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"In the same way as I have presented here the results of my investigations on movements of peoples who starting from India towards the east, at first spread themselves over the whole length of Indo-Chinese peninsula, and then over all the islands of the Pacific Ocean upto its eastern extremity,..." (R. C. Majumdar : Suvarṇadvipa, pp.15-16). In this perspective may be recalled that Suvarnabhumi was essentially a legendary country like Eldorado. R. C. Majumdar views at it from the sources critically surveyed by him,
"It seems to be quite clear, therefore, that Suvarnabhumi was used primarily as a vague general designation of an extensive region, but, in course of time, different parts of it come to be designated by the additional epithets of islands, peninsula or city". (Suvarnadvipa, p.46). By referring to territories called Chryse (gold) beyond the Ganges as the last part of the inhabited world the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, a Greek log-book of the 1st century A.D., seemingly recalls a myth of earlier times. Though This or China is located to the north of Suvarnabhumi the descriptions tend to hid a tradition by a golden haze.

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Christianity and Jainism as Ecological Models
ARVIND SHARMA
I
The manner in which one treats the world one lives in is influenced, it would appear, to a certain extent at least, by the theology of one's religion1. A striking example of this is provided by the differing attitudes towards abortion within the Christian Church.
In the nature of the relation with one's environment, the degree of its ensoulment envisaged in a theological system seems to be of significance. On the standard Christian view, for example, matter has no soul and although the animals may be seen as possessing some kind of a "psyche", it is at the level of man alone that the question of the possession of soul arises. Here again Christian theology is not quite uniform. Under the influence of Greek thought the dichotomy between body and soul tends to be recognised. But under the influence of Hebraic thought, body and soul tend to be looked upon as constituting a single entity. Thus whilst under the former view the immortality of the soul will be the key soteriological issue, a concern with resurrection will be the dominating concern on the second view.
Under the influence of such a theology one evolves, consciously or unconsciously, a world-view in which matter and animals are subordinate to man who in turn is, of course, subordinate to God. Thus what we have here may be, in general, called a subordinative ecological model. The fact that it is a subordinative ecological model does not necessarily make it an exploitative one. For the rest of the world may be subordinate to man but man is subordinate to God and functions under his direction. It is true that the directive in Genesis 1.28 does seem to a fiat for Man to rule over Nature but the Bible is not entirely wanting in checks and balances on this account?.

1 See, for instance, Bruce Allsopp, Ecological Morality (London: Frederick Muller Ltd., 1972) passim.
2 See Joyce Blackburn, The Earth is the Lord's? (Waco, Texas: World Books 1972) passim.

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With this Christian model may now be contrasted a Jain one. What we need to fundamentally bear in mind here in contrast to Christianity is that,
Not only are gods, human beings, demons, animals and insects believed to be inhabited by souls, but also plants of all species, earth and stones and everything derived from the earth, rivers, ponds, seas and rain-drops, flames and all fires, grass and winds of every kind. Thus the whole universe is full of lifes.
This, of course, does not mean that there is no matter in Jainism, only that its ensoulment is far more complete and comprehensive than it is in Christianity. Thus as opposed to the ordinate ecological model in Christianity one finds here a coordinative ecological model in Jainism. The fact that it is a coordinative ecological model need not in itself be a cause of celebration as the ensoulment of matter may as well be looked upon as the entombment of soul by matter. Indeed salvation in Jainism is visualised as the freedom of the soul from the bonds of matter. It might also foster a spirit of laissez faire at the ecological level, not distinguishing between the plant and the weed.
JII
The consequences of these models become particularly instructive in their extreme manifestations. The industrialization of the environment which is visualized as free of any divine immanence and as ruled over by a Niebutarian transcendant God can be seen as having led to a polluted environment.
One merely sees in the city in exaggerated degree a problem common to all modern life, namely, contamination of the general environment. The smog in Los Angeles is the sign in the skies of what is impending for cities elsewhere. Really clear days in New York, Paris or Tokyo are almost completely a thing of the past.
Mark Twain said, “Man is the only species that feels shame-or needs to". Certainly man is the only animal who has managed
3
A. L. Basham, "Jainism" in R. C. Zaehner ed., The Concise Encyclopaedia of Living Faiths (Boston : Beacon Press, 1959) p. 262.

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to pollute the atmosphere itself. The climate of the world changes as a result of what the Industrial Revolution has done to the concentration of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere. Some scientists believe that the irreversible accumulation of lead in the air we breathe will soon become a problem everywhere...... Even noise pollutes the city
On the other hand Jainism pays extreme reverence to the principle of life. As is well known, ahimsā is more thoroughly a part of Jainism than it is of either Hinduism or Buddhism. The extreme concern with not taking life, on account of the ensoulment of the universe implies that even for a Jain layman the
means of livelihood are circumscribed. Thus he should not be a farmer, for ploughing the earth involves much injury to animal life... Even most crafts involve injury to living beings for, as we have seen, the metal on the anvil of the blacksmith suffers excruciating tortures. Thus the safest profession for the Jain is trade, and from the earliest days the faith of Jainism has recruited most of its members from the trading communities of India5.
At the same time it must be recognised that excessive reverence of life, or abhorrence of certain kinds of work etc. could at one level, serve as values which, even if laudable in themselves, retard the economic progress of society or at least so it can be argued.
IV
In the modern world it is obvious that the extremes of both the subordinative and the coordinative ecological models will spell disaster. Each must be envisaged as a check on the other and both the models need to be held in tension and balance. But perhaps one can be more precise. It is one of the standard observations in economic history that the ratio of the primary sector (represented mainly by agriculture) and the secondary sector (represented mainly by industry) declines in
4 Paul A. Samuelson, Economics (New York: McGraw Hill Book Co., 1973)
p. 816. 5 A. L. Basham, op. cit., p. 264. 6 See K. W. Kapp, Hindu Culture, Economic Development and Economic Planning
in India (New Delhi : Asia Publishing House, 1963) ; Gunnar Myrdal, The Asian Drama (New York : The Twentieth Century Fund, 1968) etc.

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relation to the tertiary sector (represented mainly by trade and commerce) as the economy progresses?. Does this indicate that the traditional affiliation of the Jains with trade and commerce will, in due course, if it continues to hold true, provide a healthy check to excessive economic progress ? One does not wish to end on either an apocalyptic or an eschatological note but perhaps it is in order to end on an optimistic one—that the various ecotheological models supplied by various religions will rub off the rough edges of one others.
I C. P. Kindleberger, Economic Development (New York: McGraw Hill Book Co.
1965) Chapter 10. . See Robley Edward Whitson, The Coming Convergence of World Religions (New
York : Newman Press, 1971) passim.

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Kharavela and the Music of Orissa
PRIYAMBADA JAIN
In the religious history of Jainism ancient Kalinga played a very important part. It is a known fact that the last two Tirthankaras visited this land for the propagation of this religion. Rsabhadeva was the national deity of Kalinga even as early as the 6th century B.C. Before the invasion of Asoka Jainism was the national religion of Kalinga. Excavations of Sisupalgadh in the year 1948 also bears testimony to this. It suffered a setback and was partly eclipsed by Asoka's invasion of Kalinga and his propagation of Buddhism. But Jainism saw its zenith in the century immediately preceding the Christian era when Kalinga under King Kharavela threw away the yoke of Mauryan Empire and rose against the rising power of the Satavahanas in the Deccan, and the weak rulers of Magadha. The reign of Kharavela is a illuminating phase in the history of Jainism as in the history of Orissa.
The source of the history of this period is only the rock inscription of Hathigumpha on the hillock of Udayagiri some 3 miles away from Bhuvaneswara, the present capital of Orissa. This inscription was first brought to the notice of scholars in 1825 and ever since scholars have been working on it. Little is known about the Cedi dynasty before Kharavela and a pall of darkness decends again to the history of Orissa after his reign. Again the period when Kharavela flourished is unfortunately a highly controversial matter. The only hint 'tibarsasata' has been variously interpreted. Prof. Amarchand is in favour of placing him in the last quarter of the first century B.C. which synchronises with other dates fixed up by other scholars like R. D. Banerjee, Dr. M.N. Das, Dr. N.K. Sahu and Dr. V.N. Sahu.
A close study of Hathigumpha inscription reveals that music, dance and dramatics were practised at that period as Kharavela had to learn various fine arts like painting, dancing, instrument playing, dramatics, drafting, counting, etc. So it can safely be guessed that he must have developed taste for these amongst his subjeets also. Besides he was a great builder and it was due to his sole efforts Jaina temples and caves of Udayagiri and Khandagiri were constructed. Here one can see the visual representations of the dance poses as practised at

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that period and the various types of musical instruments used. This tradition continued as the inscription of Magheshwar temple (1193-95 A.D.) corroborate the high proficiency attained by the Orissa dancers and musicians.
The inscription at the Ananta Vasudeva Temple dated 1278 A.D. informs us about the extraordinary dancing skill of Candra Devi, daughter of Ananga Deva. This gives us a glimpse of high esteem with which music and dance were being treated in the then Orissan Royal courts.
Krisnadasa wrote the Gitaprakasa (1559-68 A.D.), a manuscript of which is preserved in the Manuscript library of Orissan State Museum, Bhuvaneswara. In this manuscript the name of Kharavela has been mentioned in the 3rd and the 7th or the last chapter. The last chapter has been wholly devoted to dance. Haladhara Mishra (1623-30 A.D.) has also quoted the name of Kharavela in Sangīt Kalpalatā.
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The oldest instruments that were used to accompany songs at that time were called Marana Hastaka and Ravana Hastaka. As is evidenced from the friezes of Udyaigiri caves instruments having one string was in use. The Vina was not popular. The writer of Sangit Nārāyaṇa has clearly stated that the playing of Vina should be learnt from the musicians of the South. Only Pakhwaj and Mrdang were used as
văditra.
References
1
Epigraphia Indica, Jan. 1930, page 71; Journal of the Bihar and Orrisa Research Society, 1918 (4) 364, 1927 (13) 221, 1928 (14) 150.
2 Udisame Sangit Sthiti by K. K. Pattanayak.
$ Madras Music Academy Journal, part IV, 1958.

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Evolution of Jaina Sangha
J. C. SIKDAR
[from Vol. XI No. 3]
PART JI
The Living Evidences for Evolution of Jaina Sangha :
The fact that the characteristics of living Jaina Sanghas are such that they can be fitted into a hierarchical scheme of categories, such as, ganas, gacchas, kulas, sakhas, etc. can best be interpreted as indicating evolutionary relationship. If the categories or divisions of Jaina Sanghas, ganas or the classes of Jaina monks were not related by evolutionary descent, their monastic characters would be presented in a confused, random pattern and no such hierarchy of monastic forms could be established.
The basis of Jaina monastic unit is gana? or gaccha”, a community of closely similar individual monks who are alike in their ascetic life and monastic organic characters.
A community of Jaina monks spread over a wide territory may show local or regional difference which may be called sub-branches of Jaina Sangha. Many instances are known in which a gaccha is subdivided into a chain of sub-branches each of which has difference slightly from its neighbouring gacchas, but intercources with it, e.g. eleven
1 Since the antique past gana appears to be the first and foremost largest monastic
administrative unit of Jaina Sangha. See Samavayanga, p. 146 (Samanavacanakriya sadhusamudaya) and Sthananga comm. p. 516 a (Kulasamudaya) for the views of the commentators. Jaina Silalekha Samgraha, pt. III, Insc. No. 524, p. 371. It is found later on that the place of gana has gradually been taken by gaccha with the evolution of Jaina Sangha. Gaccha became more prominent than gana in the period of the Niryuktis (See Ogha-Niryukti, comm., p. 211a). According to the commentator gana was equated with gaccha in later days. (See Sthananga Sutra, comm., pp. 2415, 3316, etc.)

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sub-branches of Kharatara gacchas and many sub-branches of Tapagaccha", each of which has differences slightly from its neighbours but intercourses with it. The groups of the two ends of the chain of relation of Jaina Sanghas, however, may be so different that they cannot unite with each other, e.g. the different sub-branches of Kharatara gaccha or Tapagaccha cannot unite with each other.
The classification of the present day Jaina monastic orders into welldefined groups is possible only because most of the intermediate forms have become extinct.
Evidences of Evolution of Jaina Sangha from Geographical Distribution :
Not all Jaina Sanghas, ganas, gacchas, etc., are found in all parts of India ; they are not even found everywhere that they could survive, as one would expect if the social climate and topography of the mission territory were the only factors determining their distribution. Inner India (Madhya Pradesh) and South India and also Jaipur, Kota, Bundi, etc. in Rajasthan, for example, have the Digambara Sanghas, while Western realm of India including some parts of Rajasthan having a similar social climate and other environmental conditions has a few of the Digambara sects, while the Svetambara monastic orders are there in largre number. The range of a given Sangha or gana or gaccha, etc., that is the portion of the mission territory in which it is found, may be only a few square miles. In general closely related Sanghas do not have indentical ranges nor are their ranges far apart. They are usually adjacent, but separated by a monastic barrier of some sort or geographical barriers?, but they
* Eleven sub-branches of Kharataragaccha are : 1. Madhukara-kharatara-gaccha,
2. Rudrapalliya-gaccha, 3.Laghu-kharatara-gaccha, 4. Vegada-sakha, 5.Pippalakakharatara-gaccha, 6. Acarya-gaccha, 7. Bhavaharsiya-kharatara-gaccha, 8. Laghu-acarya-kharatara-gaccha, 9. Rangavijaya-kharatara-sakha, 10. Sariyakharatara-gaccha and 11. Brhat-kharatara-gaccha. See Kharataragaccha Pattavali, I. II. III. Many sub-branches of Tapa-gaccha are mentioned such as, Nagapuriya-tapagaccha, Sagara-gaccha, Vijayananda-sakha, Vimala-gaccha, Vijaya-sakha, Devasuri-gaccha, Samvegin-gaccha, Vrddhaposalika, Laghuposalika, etc.
See Tapagaccha Pattavali, p. I. etc. 5 It is evidenced by the fact of the distribution of the population of Digambararas
who support their own sects. • It is clear from the distribution of the population of the Svetambaras and the
existence of the Svetambara sects in this region. For example, different branches of Kharataragaccha or Tapagaccha have different ranges, but not far apart.

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move from place to place for pajjuşana and vihārayātra within their regions. Jaina monastic community from the neighbouring missionterritories sometimes moved to the other mission-territory for religious tour, and subsequently evolved into new monastic orders. Jaina Sanghas found in those mission-territories are only those that could survive the trip.
69
There are many facts about the present distribution of Jaina community and its monastic orders which can be explained only by the evolutionary history of each, Jaina Sangha or gana, or gaccha, etc. The Digambara Jaina Sanghas or ganas are found more only in South India (at present in Maharastra and Karnataka) and in Inner India (MadhyaPradesh and some parts of Rajasthan) and in some parts of Uttar Pradesh in considerable number, while the Svetambara ganas or gacchas are largely distributed in Western India (Gujarat and some parts of Rajasthan).
It is well known that early in the eras of the last two Tirthankaras— Parsvanatha and Mahavira, North India was much better field for Jainadharma and its mission than it is now and North India was connected with East India by a land link at the border of Bihar and possibly with Bengal (Vanga) and Kalinga. The climate of this region was perhaps much warmer than at present and the archaeological evidence shows that Jaina Sanghas, ganas, kulas and sakhas were distributed over the entire region. Late in the post-Mahaviran period the Western part of Northern India became the sphere of Jaina missionary activity1o. And probably colder and dry climate and unfavourable social and political conditions of North India might have caused some of Jaina Sanghas, ganas, kulas, and sakhas, etc. to be extinct there. Then probably some of them moving from North India possibly met the mountain region and desert of Rajasthan and other obstacles in Western and Northern Rajathan, eliminating any obstacles on their way for survival. Jaina sanghas, ganas, gacchas, etc. survived in Southern India11 and Western India12
• For example, Nirgranthagaccha evolved into Kotika-gaccha, Candra-gaccha Vanavasi-gaccha, Vata-gaccha, and Tapa-gaccha in course of its evolution in a straight line. See Pattavali Samuccaya, Pt. 1, pp. 45-57.
⚫ See Early Mathura Inscriptions and Kalpasutra, Sthaviravali, for Godasa gana, Tamraliptike Sakha, etc. which were distributed in Bengal in the post-Mahavira period.
10 Ibid.
11
See Digambara Pattavalis, Darsanasara, Jaina Siddhanta Bhaskara, Bhattarakasampradaya, Jaina Silalekha Sangraha, Vol. I. II. III. IV.
11 See Pattavali Samuccaya, Pt. I, Pt. II. etc.; Jaina Silalekha Sangraha I-IV.

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which were not much disturbed by the social, economic and political turmoils for a long time13.
As the Svetambara Jaina monastic orders of West India and the Digambara Jaina monastic orders of South India have been separated by some sort of social conditions for several hundred years, so they have followed separate evolutionary pathways of ascetic life, which are slightly different, but they are still closely related monastic orders of the same ancestral or parental Jaina Tirtha. The facts about the distribution of Jaina Sanghas etc. constitute the science of Jaina Sangha-geography one of the basic tenets of which is that each Jaina Sangha originated only once. The particular place where this occurred is known as its centre of origin 14. The centre of origin is not a single point but the range of population of Sravakas when the new Jaina Sanghas was formed. From its headquarters each Sangha spread out for pilgrimage until halted by a barrier of some kind-physical, climatic, geographical, biologic, the absence of food and drink or subhikṣa or the presence of rival monastic orders which competed with it for spiritual supremacy, subhikṣā, honour, etc. and the opposition of other religious sects, etc.
Jaina Mission-Realms:
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Careful studies of the distribution of Jaina Sanghas, ganas, gacchas, etc., over India have revealed the existence of six major monastic realms, each of which is characterized by certain unique monastic constitutions. Although the divisions were originally based on ecclesiastical distribution, they have since then been found valid for many other sects of Jaina Sangha. The areas of any division are often widely separated with great variations of climate and topography and social conditions, but it has been possible, during most pre-Agamic and post-Agamic ages for the Jaina monastic orders to pass more or less freely from one part of the realm to another for missionary activities. In contrast the areas are separated from each other by major physical barriers, usages, etc. Northern region comprised the United Punjab, Uttar Pradesh and
13
In Rajasthan and Gujarat the Hindu kings were the patrons of Jainadharma and protected it from any kind of onslaught on it by giving proper honour and security to it. Similarly, in Southern India, particularly Karnataka and other regions, the people and the kings welcomed this religion and gave full protection to it in the early stage of Jaina mission by donating land, etc. for Jaina monasteries, See Jaina Silalekha Sangraha I-IV; Jainism in South India, Desai, p. 13.
14 For example, Tapagaccha originated from Chittorgarh which is the center of its rise.

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Bihar. Some of the local sanghas15 were flourishing there in the postMahavira period. A few ganas of these forms are also found in other areas16
Eastern area of Jaina Sangha included Bengal17, while SouthEastern realm comprised Kalinga 18. Besides many of the same forms of Sangha characteristic of Northern area, Eastern area supported ganas of various monks19. The land bridge connecting Northern India and Bengal at the eastern frontier of Bihar in Mahavira's time and postMahaviran period also was used by many migrating missionary Jaina Sanghas 20. Actually speaking, Jaina Sanghas of Northern and Eastern areas are similar in many respects as evidenced by both the literary and archaeological records 21. And the two were sometimes combined as North-Eastern area of Jaina Sangha. Southern area of Jaina Sangha consisted of Maharastra, Karnataka, Andhradesha, Tamil Nadu and Kerala far up to Kanyakumari and Ceylon 22. Its distinctive monastic order included Svetapata (Svetambara) Mahasramana Sangha and Nirgrantha (Digambara) Mahasramana Sangha 23, Mulasangha24, Yapaniya Sangha 25, Kurcaka Sangha26, Dravida Sangha 27, Kastha
15 E.g., Uttara-Balissahah gana and its four sakhas, viz., Kausambika, Sultivattiya Kautambari and Candranagari; Uddehagana and its four sakhas and six kulas Carana gana and its branches, Kautikagana and its branches, Vesapatika gana and its branches, Sravastika, etc. See Kalpasutra Sthaviravali.
16 E. g. Madhyamika sakha flourished in Rajasthan and Saurastrika issued from Kautikagana and Manavagana flourished in Rajasthan and Gujarat as their names indicate.
17 See Kalpasutra Sthaviravali for different ganas, kulas, and sakhas-Godasagana, Tamraliptika sakha etc.
18 See the Hathigumpta Inscription of King Kharavela, Kalinga formed a part of Jaina Mission realms as evidenced by the archaeological and epigraphic records. 1 North-eastward orthodox Jaina Sangha embraced Dinajpur in North Bengal and spread out to South-West Bengal (Tamralipta) in the post-Mahavira period as is evidenced by the fact of mention of Godasagana and its branches Tamraliptika, Kotivarsika, Pundravarddhanika and Dasikharabatika respectively in the Sthaviravali of the Kalpasutra.
71
20 Ibid.
21 See the Kalpasutra Sthaviravali and Early Mathura Inscriptions.
22 See 'the Missions of Jaina Sangha' by Dr. J. C. Sikdar, Jain Journal, Calcutta, July, 1975, January, 1976.
28 Jaina Silalekha Saamgraha, Pt. III, Ins. No. 9, pp. 69-71.
24 Ibid, p. 56, No. 90, etc.
25 Ibid., No. 100, p. 75, etc.
2
20 Ibid., No. 99, p. 73, etc. Darsanasara, p. 26.
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sangha 28, Mathura Sangha 29, etc. and Devagana30, Senagana31, Nandigana32, Desiyagana33, Balatkaragana34, etc.
The part of Rajasthan plus Gujarat upto Bombay makes up Western area of Jaina Sangha. The different gacchas, such as, Upakesagaccha35. Kahratagaccha36, Tapagaccha37, Lonkagaccha 38, Sthanakavasin39, Terapanthin etc., live mainly in this region.
Inner region of Jaina Sangha included some southern parts of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesha, the Vindhyas and some parts of Northern Maharastra. Outstanding features of Jaina Sangha peculiar to it are the existence of both the Svetambara and Digambara sects with a sort of sectarian antagonism.
The sixth and last area of Jaina Sangha called North-Western area included some parts of Marudesa and ancient Sindhu-Sauvira. The imaginary dividing line between Western region and North-Western area of Jaina Sangha which separates Rajasthan's Sirohi district goes through Mount Abu and then passes east of Kesaria or Ranakpur.
JAIN JOURNAL
Local Sanghas to North-Western area are Upakesagaccha, Kharataragaccha, etc. The question why certain Jaina Sanghas, ganas, gacchas, etc. are present in one region but are excluded from another in which they are well adapted to survive and in which they flourish when introduced by the Jainacaryas can be explained only by their evolutionary history.
28 Ibid., p. 14, JSS., Pt. III, No. 756, p. 579.
29 JSS., Pt. IV, No. 265, p. 115, etc.
30
JSS, Pt. II, No. 114, p. 104, etc.
31
Silalekha, Somasena, Lekhanka, 21, Vide Bhattaraka Sampradaya, p. 10.
32 Jaina Silalekha Sangraha, Pt. I. No. 32, p. 34, etc.
36
33
JSS.,Pt. I. No. 55, p. 121, etc.
34
Uttarapurana Tippana, No. L. 87, Vide Bhattaraka Sampradaya, p. 39. 35 Pattavali Samuccaya, Pt. I, pp. 185-88.
Kharataragaccha Pattavali, Pts. I. II. II.
37
Tapagaccha Pattavali.
38 See Pattavali Samuccaya, Pt. I. pp. 66-71, 156-7, 172.
See Notes on Sthanakavasina, Kesharichand Bhandari, Indore, 1911.
Jaina Sramana Sangha-ka Itihas, p. 108.
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