Jain Journal 1975 07

Author(s): Jain Bhawan Publication
Publisher: Jain Bhawan Publication
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/520039/1

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VOL. X
JULY 1975
A QUARTERLY
JAINOLOGY

ON
JAIN Journal
No. 1
॥ जैन भवन ॥
JAIN BHAWAN PUBLICATION

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Contents:
Obeisance to ye, Lord Nemi 1 Leona Smith Kremser
Outstanding Contribution of Jainism to Kannada Language and Literature 3 B. K. Khadabadi
The Missions of Jaina Sangha 6 J. C. Sikdar
Asamkhayam 19 R. P. Poddar
The Jina Images of Khajuraho with Special Reference to Ajitanatha 22
Maruti Nandan Prasad Tiwari
A Note on the Exhibition of Jain Art in Calcutta 26
P. C. Dasgupta

Book Review 28
Mahavir (Amar Citra Katha) ed by Anant Pai P. C. Dasgupta
Sainarin Tamil Elakkana Nankodai, Indira-Kaliyam, Amuthasakaram, Tholkappiya Oppiyal ed by K. P. Aravanan; Nariviruttam ed by Vidwan V. Arumugan Servai
Books on Jainology 30
Plates:
A Rare Sculpture of Upadhyay Paramesthi, Devgarh 1 Jina Images in the Open Air Museum at Khajuraho 24

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BOOK REVIEW
MAHAVIR Amar Citra Katha No. 82 Editor : Anant Pai Text in Hindi written by Rishabhdas Ranka Illustrated by Pratap Mullick Published by IBH Education Trust, Bombay
The need of imparting to readers the essence or traits of the past achievements of man in the field of civilization and thoughts may well be felt particularly in the present days when the lives of apostles and saints remain as glowing as ever despite progress in utilitarian science dramatised by success and display. If these themes are conveyed with such illustrations which are convincing in style, mood and situations they will inevitably enliven the subject not only in its half-forgotten or idyllic setup, but also in the perspective of appropriate environment and cultural atmosphere where an ideal sometimes confronted with another either to succumb or to win. Recalling, as it were, the presentation of tales by the Illustrated Classics issued from the Fifth Avenue of New York the publication entitled 'Mahāvīr' has communicated some of the important moments and episodes connected with the life of the 24th Tirthankara. With its illustrations often warm with colour and sensitivity the exposition has attained a height as expected from its kind when dealing with the greatness of Vardhamana, the historical founder of the religion of the Nirgrantha. Beginning with the dream of Trisala, the wife of prince Siddhartha of Kundagrama to the Nirvana of Mahavira at Pawapuri the annals have been illuminated with deep sincerity which is more commendable as an attempt than as a faithful version simulating details from ancient monuments and sculptures which abound at places like Bharhut, Mathura and Udaygiri (Orissa). Here one will agree that the queenly grace of Trisala and the glory of the Jinas made a deeper impression in ancient art at times distinguished by a plastic depth and a harmony of colour fascinatingly confirming, as it appears, a linear achievement. One may yearn for the ancient mood and environments if it is not possible to return to established formalisations of past epochs.
---P. C. Das Gupta

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JULY, 1975
29
Jain Youth Forum Publications on the occasion of the 2500th Nirvana Anniversary of Bhagavan Mahavira :
1. SAINARIN TAMIL ELAKKANA NANKODAI: K.P. Aravanan : Madras, 1974 : xvi+482 : Price Rs. 25.00.
2. INDIRAKALIYAM : ed. by K. P. Aravanan : Madras, 1974 : Pages viii+viji +-24 : Price Rs. 2.00.
3. AMUTHASAKARAM : ed by K. P. Aravanan : Madras, 1974 : Pages ix +80 : Price Rs. 4.00.
4. NARIVIRUTTAM : Vidwan V. Arumugan Servai : Madras, 1975 : Pages xiïi+67 : Price Rs. 2.50.
5. THOLKAPPIYA OPPIYAL : K. P. Aravanan : Madras, 1975 : Pages 236 : Price Rs. 10.00.
1. Sainarin Tamil Elakkana Nankodai or Jaina Contribution to Tamil Grammar deals with 14 Grammatical works in Tamil with commentaries and Nigandu (Dictionary)-all written by the Jaina authors. This is first work of this kind in Tamil.
2. Pattiyal is a kind of grammatical treatise which deals with the definition of Prabandhās. Traditionally Tamil scholars mention 96 Prabandhās in the history of Tamil literature, but all of them are not available at present. From early references it may be presumed that Indirakāliyam is the earliest Pättiyal. It's a Jaina work and deals with the non-Vedic school.
3. Nearly 76 sūtras on the Grammar of Tamil prosody now published under the title Amuthasākaram has been collected from the commentary of Yāpparumkalam written by Amuthasakarar in the 10th century A.D. Though various authors had written prosody at various times Amuthasakara's Kārigai holds its superiority till now.
4. This classical Tamil poem composed by Thiruthakka Thevar, author of celebrated Jivagasinthamani adopts the method of teaching through fables. It opens with the story of a greedy fox; hence the name Nariviruttam. The message of this little gem in Tamil is ‘Be in the world, but not of it. This edition contains an excellent commentary which is clear and elegant. It manifests not merely a sound scholarship in Tamil literature but also a thorough grasp of religious traditions of the Jainas.
5. Tholkappiyam is the oldest Tamil Grammar available. The author is a Jaina. So far 68 editions of this work have come out. But the present edition is somewhat different from them in this that it gives parallel sütras from other Grammatical works in Tamil.

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Books on Jainology
ACARYA, NANALAL, Samatā Darsan Aur Vyavhār (in Hindi), Akhil Bharatiya Sadhumargi Jain Sangh, Bikaner, 2030 S.Y. Pages ja+172. Price Rs. 4.00.
A treatise on equanimity.
BHARILLA, HUKUMCHAND, Tirthankar Mahavir aur Unkä Sarvodaya Tirth (in Hindi), Sri Vitrag-Vijnan Sahitya Prakashan, Agra, 1975. Pages 212. Price Rs. 2.00.
On life and teachings of Mahavira.
JAIN, JYOTI PRASAD (ed), The Voice of Ahimsa, the World Jain Mission, Aliganj (Etah) 1975. Annual Subscription Rs. 12.00. of Ahimsa edited by late Kamta
New series of The Voice Prasad Jain.
JAIN, JYOTI PRASAD, Tirthankaro-kā Sarvodaya Marg (in Hindi), Jain Watch Co, Delhi, 1974. Pages 8+87. A short treatise on Jainism.
JAIN MISHRILAL, Nayi Kiran Naya Savera (in Hindi), Vir Seva Mandir Trust, Varanasi, 1974. Pages gha+120. Price Rs. 2.00. A historical novel based on the life and times of Mahavira.
JAIN, MISHRILAL, Nārī Ālok-ki Nau Kirne (in Hindi), Sri Vir Nirvan Granth Prakashan Samiti, Indore, 1973. Pages 127. Price Rs. 3.00.
A collection of nine short stories on Mundika, Sita, Rajul, Celana, Prabhavati, Anantmati, Kalaldevi, Nili and Manovati.
JAIN, MISHRILAL, Vardhaman Mahavir evam Dev-Sastra-Guru-Pūjā (in Hindi), Sri Digambar Jain Atisaya Ksetra Sri Mahavirji, Jaipur, 1975. Pages viii+18.
A collection of songs written in a new style to be sung at the time of worship.

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JULY, 1975
Hindi), Amar Jain
JAIN, PREM SUMAN, Citeron-ke Mahavir (in Sahitya Samsthan, Udaipur, 1975. Pages 178. Price Rs. 6.00. A treatise on the life and teachings of Mahavira.
31
MAHOPADHYAYA, VINAYASAGAR,
Haimanāmamālāŝiloñcha
of Jinadeva Suri, L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad, 1974. Pages 27+128. Price Rs. 16.00.
Text with commentary by Sriballabha. Introduction by the editor in Hindi,
MUNI, RUPCHAND, Bhagavan Mahavir (in Hindi), Tourist Dept, Bihar, Patna, 1974. Pages 16. Price 50 Paise.
Life and teachings of Mahavira in nutshell.
MUNI TATTVANAND VIJAY, Devadhidev Bhagavan Mahavir (in Gujarati), Arhadvatsalya Prakashan, Bombay, 1974. Pages xxiv+404. Price Rs. 10.00.
Deals with super natural powers etc., of Mahavira.
NAGARAJAIAH, HAMPA, Mahavira, translated into English from Kannad by G. V. Bharaswaj, Bharata Bharati Pustaka Sampada, Bangalore, 1973. Pages 48. Price Rs. 1.50.
Short life of Mahavira for children.
NAIR, M. P. SREEKUMARAN (ed), Mahāvīr Nirvāṇ Souvenir, Dept. of History, University of Calicut and Bhagavan Mahavira's 2500th Nirvan Day Celebration Committee, Calicut, 1974. Pages vi+40.
A collection of papers presented at the Seminar on Jainism held on November 7, 1974 at Jubilee Memorial Cathedral Centre, Calicut.
PARSON, MOHANLAL (Pub), Bhagavan Mahavir Jayanti Samaroha Smārikā, 1975, Bhagavan Mahavir Jayanti Samaroha Samiti, Calcutta, 1975.
Contains articles in Hindi, English, Bengali and Gujarati.
ZAVERI, J.S., Theory of Atom in the Jaina Philosophy, Jaina Vishva Bharati, Ladnun, 1975. Pages 149. Price Rs. 8.00.
A critical study of the Jaina Theory of paramāņu pudgala in the light of Modern Scientific Theory.

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Outstanding Contribution of Jainism to
Kannada Language and Literature
B. K. KHADABADI
The Samavāyānga Sutta tells us that Lord Mahavira preached in the Ardhamagadhi language : mangalam ca nam addhamāgahīe bhāske dhammamāikkhail. That is, as early as c.600 B. C., Lord Mahavira adopted the principle of teaching the masses in their own language so that this instruction might be lucid and effective.
The same principle was followed by his later disciples in Karnataka. According to the well known South Indian tradition, corroborated by epigraphic records, archaeological remains and literary references, Jainism entered Karnataka with the migration of the Jaina Sangha from Madhyadesa as headed by Acarya Bhadrabahu and accompanied by Candragupta Maurya in about 300 B.C. at the time of the great twelveyear famine. Sravana Belgola possibly was the first Jaina colony. There the members of the Sangha, whose language was Prakrit, must have picked up the then Kannada language in due course and the monks and teachers must have gradually started preaching or teaching their religious tenets to their newly obtained followers and others in their own native language. In the course of such instructional activities, they no doubt enriched the Kannada language by lending several requisite Prakrit words and phrases such as dhamma, savana, risi, varisa, etc. which later on were absorbed in the language in the same Prakrit form. Perhaps with this linguistic process, among other things, in view, Nagavarma I (990 A.D.) had said in his Chandombudhi (vv. 1-21) that Kannada along with other regional languages, was formed of three and a half languages : Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhramsa and Paisaci".
· Samavayanga Sutta, 110, Suttagama I, Gudagaum 1953, p. 346. * This tradition, on such evidences, has been accepted as a fact of history by
eminent scholars like Rice, Smith, Aiyangar-Seshagiri Rao, Sharma, Sale
tore, etc. * We come across such words and phrases in early inscriptions (vide Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. II) and works like the Vaddaradhana, Camundaraya Purana, etc. Kesiraja also has collected several such words in the Apabhramsa Chapter
of his Sabdamanidarpana. 4 The figure "three and a half” has still remained a hard nut to crack for
scholars.

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After cultivating the Kannada language to a certain extent, the Jaina teachers then applied themselves to composing literary works and thus, laid the foundation of literary Kannada and gradually built a magnificent structure on it. Though the early origin and growth of Kannada literature is not traceable, there are found references to a number of Jaina authors and works prior to the 9th century A.D. It is interesting to note that the first available Kannada work on poetics", the first one on prosody, the first one on grammar, the first classic in prose10 and similarly the first one in poetry 11 are all by Jaina scholars.
As a result, the early period of Kannada literature, from the 9th to the 12th century A.D., came to be known as the Jaina period, though Jaina authors flourished in later periods too. The late Mahamahopadhyaya R. Narasimhachariar called this period "The Augustan Age of Kannada literature"12. Like the Jaina antiquities, several Jaina literary works reflect the hold and affluence of Jainism in Karnataka. The three great poets, Pampa, Ponna and Ranna are known as the 'Ratnatraya' in Kannada literature. Camundaraya, one of the greatest generals Karnataka had ever produced, who got erected the world famous monolithic statue of Bahubali, is also the author of the Trişaşti Laksana Mahāpurāṇa and commentator of the Gommaṭasāra of Acarya Nemicandra.
JAIN JOURNAL
Now it needs no elaboration of the fact that the major portion of the Jaina Kannada literature is avowedly religious wherein are embedded the principle tenets of Jainism like Ahimsa. The Basadis or Jaina monasteries took the responsibility of preserving the composed works and of catering these tenets to the people through their carefully built libraries13. The Jaina teachers, from the very beginning, did propagate these tenets
5 It is worth noting at this juncture that the great teachers like Kunda-Kunda and Vattakera had already composed their Prakrit works of high order in this region and the same tradition was continued later by others like Yati Vrsabha, Joindu, Nemicandra, Puspadanta, etc.
These have been noted at length by me in my paper 'Influence of Middle Indo-Aryan Literature on Kannada Literature', presented at the All-India Fifth Seminar on Prakrit Studies, Ahmedabad, March 1973.
7 The Kavirajamarga of Nrpatunga or Amoghavarsa I, the famous Rastrakuta King.
The Chandombudhi of Nagavarma I.
• The Sabdamanidarpana of Kesiraja.
10 The Vaddaradhana of an unknown author.
11 The poet Pampa who composed Adipurana and Bharata, is known as Adikavi.
12 Introduction to the History of Kannada Literature, Mysore 1940.
13 A peep into the Manuscript Library of the present day Jaina Math at Moodabidri can give us the idea of this feature.

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JULY, 1975
through their regular and effective preachings. As a result several dynasties of kings accepted Jaina faith14 and not only the Jaina community but also other people around were influenced by the cardinal principles of Jainism, which put a effective check to social vices like hunting, drinking, dicing, etc. The cumulative effect of all these processes helped the greater part of Karnataka to emerge, and remain till today, peace-loving, vegetarian and accommodative.
We can just imagine what healthy moral atmosphere in society could have been created by the qutotation from the Mulācāra used either in sermons for masses or in works of literary excellences15:
khāmemi savve jive savve jīvā khamantu me metti me savvabhuesu veram majjham na kenai.
which I would render in free verse as follows:
5
Forgive do I all beings ever! Forgive may they so me too!
Let me love one and all sure!
Let me be an enemy of none whosoever!
To conclude, Lord Mahavira's principles and teachings, inherited by his great grand disciples and propagated through the language and literature of Karnataka, have not only made them both rich and prosperous but also have added much to the general cultural wealth of the land.
Paper presented at the Seminar on 'Bhagavan Mahavira and His Heritage' held at Vigyan Bhavan, New Delhi on 30th & 31st Dec. 1973 under the auspices of the Jainological Research Society.

14 Here the Gangas, the Rastrakutas, the earlier Hoysalas, the Kongalvas, the Cengalvas, etc. are note-worthy. Some of the Eastern Calukya monarchs were Jainas by persuasion, a fact that reflects the universal appeal of Mahavira's gospel.
15 Like the Vaddaradhana, wherein the gaha is repeatedly quoted in the contexts of sermons and dogmatical discussions.

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The Missions of Jaina Sangha
J. C. SIKDAR
It appears from the study of the evidences furnished by the literary and archaeological sources of information that a tribal religion of Iksvakubhumi (Ayodhya) under the leadership of the first Tirthankara Rsabhadeva has subsequently become one of the national religions of India, carrying the message of the oldest cultural tradition, since the advent of civilization on this land, spreading throughout its length and breadth from the Himalayas to the Indian ocean and from the western seaboard to the eastern frontier upto Bengal and far beyond to Ceylon, and thus enriching the cultural heritage of this great country in all branches of learning.
The Jaina missionaries founded Sanghas, Ganas, Gacchas, etc., consisting of monks and nuns, male and female laities in various parts of India in different ages and developed them according to the thoughts and ideas of different schools on the basis of the principles of Jainadharma laid down by the Tirthankaras for the people to lead their religious life by observing the well-determined rules and regulations without being divorced from the main stream of the fundamental tenets of this religion.
A direct foundation of Jainadharma, perhaps more rightly, of the ancient Jaina orthodoxy is to be found in North Indian soil (Uttarapradesa, Bihar and Punjab). This has occurred in the hoary past in the Age of Rsabhadeva when he had made his appearance as the first Tirthankara and as a missionary?. In spite of reverses, political turmoils and lapses of Ages the mission of Jaina Sangha had been maintained upto the Age of Mahavira’ in a systematic line of monastic hierarchy. This was supported by Kinghsip and Ksatriyahood based upon a magnificent feudal system and the requisite bureaucracy. The Jaina monastic
1 See Kalpasutra 190-200, pp. 247-275 ; Tiloyapannatti, pt. I, vv. 510-519,
pp. 206-7 ; Trisastisalakapurusa Caritra by Hemacandra, Parvas 1-10 ;
Avasyakacurni, p. 160. 2 Bhagavati Sutra, 20.8.678 3 Ibid., 33.383. Many feudal princes and princesses joined Jaina Sanghas of
the twenty four Tirthankaras as ascetic in different Ages and they formed the core of the Jaina monastic order in their respective Ages.

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hierarchy, in turn, served the kings in the domestication of the people in later periods. Very extensive land grants to the Jaina Sanghas, Ganas, Gacchas, etc. and the inculcation of the reader with the reader of the Jaina monastic hierarchy fill up almost the entire epigraphic chronistic legacy of the time of the Indian rulers supporting or patronising Jainism in later periods".
The decisive feature of Jainism in the Ages of the Tirthankaras was a monastic order of wandering Jaina monks and nuns supported by the kings, the feudal princes, the Ksatriyas and the Vaisyas, etc. In the later periods it was a monastic landlordism pre-empting a vast area of the land as it is evidenced by the donation of land grants to the Jaina Sanghas, Ganas, Gacchas, etc.9 Primarily this institution facilitated at least formal obedience to the canonical prohibition of possession of wealth1o. All the requirements of the Jaina Cloister and the cult established for the Jaina laity and the maintenance requirements of the temple were apportioned among the peasants who, as hereditary tenants lived on the land grants allotted to them11. The institution is reminiscent of the monastic landlordism of Ceylonese Buddhism12.
At present the decisive feature of Jainism is a monastic capitalism as the socio-economic order has undergone a great transformation with the march of time, although the monks are free from the gross act of possession of any kind of wealth13.
• The Jaina missionaries educated the people in twelve anuvratas (small vows) and thus served the kings some how in the domestication of the people by preaching religion among them so that they might obey the law and order maintained by the governments of the ancient days. The Jaina mission never went against monarchy but supported it in a remarkable way. Acharya Hemacandra was not only the Guru of King Kumarapala, but was also his political adviser. 5 See Jaina Silalekha Samgraha, parts I-IV and Pattavalis of Bhattaraka Sampradaya.
Ibid.
'Ibid.
The Study of the Jaina Agamas clearly shows this fact.
See Jaina Silalekha Samgraha, parts I-IV.
10 Jaina Institution preached pancamahavratas. Non-possession of wealth was the last vow.
11 Jaina Silalekha Samgraha, parts I-IV. It is presumable that the land of Jaina monasteries was cultivated by the peasants.
12 Weber, The Religions of India, pp. 257-8.
18 Among the Digambaras the Bhattarakas are the possessors of wealth-land grants, etc, while among the Svetambaras the Yatis are the possessors of wealth but not the Munis. That is why a sort of monastic capitalism has cropped up in the Jaina Sangha as a result of contribution of wealth by the Jaina mercantile class raised on the occasions of different Jaina ceremonies, such as, diksaparva, ceremony of auction of fourteen dreams of Trisala, etc., peculiar capitalistic manner without having any sanctified seriousness. The money collected is kept in the bank and utilized in industry.

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JAIN JOURNAL
So far as it is to be viewed as Jainist at all, lay piety found its point of gravity in the worship of the images of the Jinas14 in agreement with the nature of the relation of Jainism to the laity. The influence of the clergy in the form of Gurus, Acaryas, etc. must have been rather significant politically so far as the castes like the Ksatriyas and the Vaisyas did not resist it, e.g. King Candapradyota did not resist the influence of Mahavira when the queens Mrgavati, Angiravati and others desired to join the Sangha of the Master15.
Nowhere did the practice of the Jaina lay rules so nearly approximate the theoretic demands16. These rules, however, placed quite modest and essentially formalistic demands on the laity as found in twelve aņuyratas (small on lesser vows)?. Instruction in reading and writing, listening to the sermons and asceticism, etc. exhausted the Jaina life content. In practice, belief in the holy Tirthankaras dominated the life of the laity. Certainly the monastic community itself, whether Svetambara or Digambara, has always been held in high honour as the guardian of the pure tradition and the canonical works.
It is usual to consider the Indian territories as pure mission territory of Jainadharma and Sangha. This does not hold without qualification. The diverse political structures18 which arose there in ancient period through repeated conquests were exposed to Brahmanical, Buddhistic Ajivistic and Jainistic religious influences. The Brahmanas, the Ksatriyas, the Vaisyas, etc. and Vedic education, and at least the beginnings of caste formation (castes of artisans, etc.) were to be found. Indeed the nearness of Uttarapradesa and Bihar as the first missionary centre determined the fact that in the end of many years Jaina Sangha won the field after many princes and princesses of North India, e.g. the sons19 and grandsons 20 of Srenika, queen Mrgavati 21 of Kausambi,
14 Both the Digambaras except the Taranapanthis and the Svetambaras except
Lunkagacchas, Sthanakavasis and Terapanthis make the image worship of
the Jinas. 15 Bhagavati Sutra, 12.2.441-2.; Av. Cu., p. 88f. 16 The Jaina laities follow twelve anuvratas but not five mahavratas. See Bhaga
vati Sutra, 18.10.648 and Uvasagadasao, 1, Ananda Upakhyana. 17 Bhagavati Sutra, 18.10.648; see also Uvasagadasao. 16 Vaisali, Magadha, Kasi-Kosala, eighteen ganarajas and sixteen janapadas
had diverse political structures at the time of Mahavira; see Dr. J. C.
Sikdar, Studies in the Bhagavati Sutra, pp. 75-145. 1. Bhagavan Mahavira, p. 93. 20 Ibid., p. 121; see Nira, avalio Sutta, 11 Bhagavati, 11.12.550.

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princess Jayanti22, king Udayana 23 of Sindhu-Sauvira, Rajarsi Siva 24 of Hastinapur, etc. in general and particularly the conquering Maurya king Candragupta 25 had joined it and his advance in that Age determined the prevailing distribution of political power of the single state down to the time of king Samprati26 who sent Jaina missionaries to all outlying non-Aryan27 countries to propagate Jainadharma first in the guise of officials to prepare the ground.
As a rule the need for domestication of the subjects and for rational administration based on written records supplied the occasion for the kings to call scribes 28 into the land as is evidenced by all inscriptions of Ancient India. They were either Brahmanical, Buddhistic or Jainistic. Very soon even in folk belief Samsara (world) and Karma (action) were generally self-understood pre-suppositions. However, for quite some time Brahmanical, Buddhistic and Jainistic educations were to be found side by side. In the Asokan Inscriptions Brahmanas, Sramanas and Nirgranthas29 were mentioned, and still in the fifth century A.D. a Gupta king supported the Jainistic and Brahmanical religion 30. Meanwhile, in due form, Jainism had become the state religion in some Indian territories in the South 31 and the West 32 and South East33. It was the
22 Ibid., 12.4.441. 23 Ibid., 13.6.497. 24 Ibid., 11.9.418. 25 See Bhadrabahu Carita of Ratnanandi. 26 "andharan dravidan ...... maharastrakudukkadin pratyantadesam ghoran
pratyapayabahatan samantatah sadhusukhapracaran sadhunam sukhaviharanan
akarsit krtavan", Brhatkalpasutra and its Bhasya, gathas 3288, 3289. 27 Ibid.; Indian Antiquary, Vol. XI, p. 246; Triveni, Vol. VIII, No. 2, p. 131. 28 Asokan Inscriptions, No. 14 (Girnar Version); Jaina Silalekha Samgraha,
parts, I-IV. 29 Asokan Inscriptions, Seventh Pillar Edict, "ime viyapata hohamti nigam
thesu"; vide Dr. D. C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions, p. 66. 30 Select Inscriptions, p. 284. 31 Dhanada, a Southern Jaina prince of the Iksaku family ruled the Vengi
Mandala from Pratipalapura (Bhrattiprolu) of Andhradesa. Jainadharma was his state religion. See Desai, Jainism in South India, pp. 3-4, 7, 8; also the eleventh asycsa (Chapter) of Dharmamrta of Nayasena. The Satavahanas were the patrons of Jainadharma. See J.B.B.R.A.S., Vol. X, p. 131. Besides, two princes of Karnataka named Dadiga and Madhava were the followers Jainacarya Simhanandi who made them the rulers of Karnataka. (Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Sh. 4.); B.A. Saletore, Mediaeval Jainism, pp. 7, 10-11.
Vide JSI, p. 10. 32 King Dhruvasena was a Jaina king having Jainadharma as the state religion. 33 King Kharavela was a Jaina king and his state religion was Jainadharma,
See Kharavela's Inscription.

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10
state religion of Kalinga during the rule of king Kharavela 34 in the second century B.C. or the first century B.C.
Gurus, Acaryas and Bhattarakas 35 are mentioned in many kingly edicts from the early centuries. Great donations of lands and real estate to Jaina Cloisters took place at various times36. However, only since the second or third Century B.C. and onwards it has been unambiguously clear that this concerns the Jainistic Cloisters in large numbers particularly in South India.
JAIN JOURNAL
As pointed out, Candragupta Maurya37 personally joined the Jaina monastic order under Bhadrabahu and went to the South by abdicating his throne in favour of his son Bindusara and attained death at Sravana Belgola by observing saṁlekhana tapa. Thus he set an example to his subjects for their guidance as a Jaina missionary.
The Jaina monastic organization was and always remained correctly Jainistic-Svetambara and Digambara in India, although many branches cropped up from it as its modifications or like adventitious buds of a plant. After the novitiate (Seha) the monk is received as Antevāsī and Samanera or Khuddaka, and after having proven himself in about six months or four months or a week 38 during which time he dedicates himself merely as an Antevāsi (or prelimiary) in the Sangha to the spiritual exercises fit for confirmation 39, he becomes a full monk from the state of Antevas?40 and acquires qualification to englighten others as a Guru.
The Jaina Jurisprudence indicates that the principle of grading the dignity and titles of monks, according to seniority, even then was just as correctly practised in the Ages of the Tirthankaras41 in agreement with the ancient Brahmanical principle. Accordingly the Jaina monksSvetambara and Digambara were honoured by the title of Guru, Acarya, Upadhyaya, etc. and Muni, Bhattaraka, etc.42 respectively. Their
34 See Kharavela's Inscription, Dr. D. C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions, pp. 206-13. 35 Jaina Silalekha Samgraha, Parts. I-IV.
36 Ibid.
87 Jaina Silalekha Samgraha, part I, No. 105.
38 Thananga, p. 129.
* Uvatthavana, Thananga, p. 240 a.
40 Nayadhamma, p. 163; it is said, according to Thananga's Commentary, p. 242 "guroh samipe vastum silamasyantevasi”.
41 All the Tirthankaras had Ganadharas and other monks of various gradations according to the Agamas. See Sthaviravali, Kalpasutra.
43 See Jaina Pattavalis; Jaina Silalekha Samgraha, I-IV. Pattavalis of Bhattaraka Sampradaya, etc.

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functions were always the same to serve as Gurus, spiritual advisors to the laity, and as teachers of the holy wisdom43. An upper Guru called Acarya was chosen (elected) by the Jaina Sangha and headed them up as patriarch of the Sangha44.
Standing under the patronage of the Sanghapati-the monarch or the Seth at present, sometimes monastic Jainism had to help the administration in breaking the power of the presumably feudal notables, as is evidenced in South India45 and West India46 and doubtless did so with such.
11
The Jaina monastic pontiff held great sway over the Jaina laities in things-political under the Jaina and non-Jaina rulers". The rather especially strict discipline in the hands of the Acaryas facilitated this. A monk excommunicated for an offence against one of the commandments or because of disobedience was boycotted and not able to exist48. Also, the obedience of the laity to the monks was boundless. This spiritual stratum was the real champion of the Indian civilization and was, therefore, one of the strongest opponents of foreign rule, which threatened their position49.
Economically the domination of Jainism in the outlying Indian territories may well have been co-responsible for the overwhelming importance of technical and industrial development50.
48 Ibid.
44 Ibid.
45 Jainacarya Simhanandi invested the princes Dadiga and Madhava with royal authority and made them rulers of a Kingdom in Karnatakadesa, having trained them in the science of polity. See JSI, p. 10.
46 Silagunasuri made Vanaraja Caora (Chapokot) the first king of Gujarat. Acarya Hemacandra helped Kumarapala in becoming king and was his special advisor.
47 Camundaraya of Mysore who was a Jaina Sravaka was a minister of the Mysore king Racamalla IV; Bhama Shah the minister of Rana Pratap, was a Jaina Sravaka; Todara Malla who was the finance minister of King Akbar was a Jaina laity.
48 In the Jaina monastic judiceary, it is called prayascitta-parancika, Bhagavati 25.7.801.
49 The spiritual stratum of Hinduism, Jainism and Buddhism is the real champion of India to uphold the glory of Indian culture and one of the strongest opponents of Muslim and Christian foreign rules.
50 The Gujarati and Rajasthani Jainas have been co-responsible for the overwhelming importance of technical and industrial development in Gujarat, Maharastra and other places of India. The money lenders turned as industrialists with the rise of industry in India, under the British rule.

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12
JAIN JOURNAL
The Jaina monasteries were as little places of rational works 51 as were any other Asiatic monasteries. At that, Jainism depreciated caste dharma, but later on permitted its development. In the ramifications of Jainism it would seem to be quite tangible that there lacked the strong psychological incentive to one's own vocation. For example, in India Jaina monastic education has produced a degree of elementary education. This agrees with the exclusively religious purposes of the schooling. In old times the Yatis taught the sons of the Sravakas the various subjects. The extent of local predominance of Jainadharma in India was decisive for the amount of literacy52.
With the elimination of Brahmanahood through the introduction of Jainism in North India, East India, South-East India, South India and West India as a state religion53 a new society emerged with a new spirit. The practice of the arts stimulated by the Jainistic influence has been able to produce the works of the same value.
Given its nature, correct Jainism simply could well be other than inimical to or at least tolerant of industry54. Only the needs of the laity have made for the creation and conservation of religious art-typical of Jainism55 and Buddhism. The religious interests of the correct Jaina laity were oriented primarily to rebirth opportunities as high personage, endowed with devoutness and good qualities, to the prayer, to be born always as a rich man and adherent to the Tirthankaras and finally the hope of achieving Kevalajñāna and Kevaladarsana and attaining liberation56.
51 All the Jaina monasteries of the past and the present stand as evidences for this view, although there had been cases where the monks taught the sons of the Sravakas in various subjects.
52 In old times the Jaina Yatis taught the sons of the Sravakas various subjects for preparing them to be settled in social life.
53 Jainism was the state religion of Sindhu-Sauvira under king Udayana who took to asceticism later on; Valabhi under king Dhruvasena had Jainadharma as state religion; Kalinga under king Kharavela had Jainadharma as state religion, while it was also a state religion under Jaina King of Andhra, Dhanada, who ruled from Pratipalapura (Bhattiprolu).
54 The rich money lenders turned industrialists with the industrial growth in India.
55 All Jaina arts and architecture represent the religious interests of the Jaina laities.
56 E.g., Sudarsana, a merchant of Vanijyagrama (Bhagavati, 10.4.404), Prince Mahabala of Hastinapur (Bhagavati, 11.11.424), etc. were born in rich families and attained Kevalajnana-darsana and liberation after being initiated by Mahavira and having practised austerity and meditation.

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Jainism first won its missionary tendency through the Tirthankaras in their respective Ages, next through its Ganadharas and later Acaryas, king Candragupta Maurya and king Samprati, king Kharavela and others. It was clearly first through the power of king Candragupta Maurya Jainism was diffused throughout North India and spread to the South when he renounced the world and accompanied his Guru Bhadrabahu57 to Sravana Belgola as a mendicant. Finally it prevailed throughout India. The process leading up to this was of course, already in motion and the development of the historic Jaina mission had long since begun during the period of the Nandas58.
13
The main expansion of Jainism took place in the time up to the seventh century A.D., i.e., when the Arabs planted its flag in Sindh, having inflicted a crushing defeat on king Dhahira of Sindh. Even since the fifth century A.D. the star of Jainism in India began slowly to pale as Vaisnavism emerged as the state religion in India by eclipsing Jainism and Buddhism in North India. In addition to the reasons already adduced, perhaps one of the factors is also the prebendalizing process which, in one sense, sets in with all religions, and which the Jaina school could promote.
Settled hiercrats59 dispensing grace, i.e. prebendaries appeared in the place of wandering mendicant monks. It appears, too, that Jainism often and preferentially employed ritually schooled and devoted Brahmanas for the temple service proper0.
As soon as a strictly disciplined organization with missionary purposes came on to the scene in competition, not only the external but internal weakness of Jainism became apparent. The Jaina Agamas and the Paṭṭāvalīs permit insight into the inner decay of Jaina order61, with its want of any hierarchical or status unity.
57 There is a controversy centering round the identification of this Bhadrabahu whether he was Bhadrabahu I or II and whether he was a senior contemporary of Sthulabhadra. It is very difficult to say about his identification without fresh light of information, for there are different Jaina traditions about the birth and ancestry of this Bhadrabahu.
58 See the inscription of king Kharavela, Vide Select Inscriptions, p. 209, "Nandaraja...nitam ca Kalinga-Jina".
59 The Yatis and Bhattarakas appear to be settled heircrats in the Jaina Sangha. 60 This practice is at present prevalent among the Digambaras and the Mandiramargi Murtipujak Svetambara Jainas.
61 The study of Jaina Guru parampara-Svetambara
and Digambara,
Dissensions in Jaina Sangha and Principal Schools of Jainism clearly shows the evidences of the inner decay of Jaina order.

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JAIN JOURNAL
Obviously, the renaissance of Hinduism found an easily tillable field and has eliminated almost every trace of the ancient Jaina Church in North India, East India and extreme South India.
Jainism was promoted with tremendous success only since the time of king Candragupta Maurya and it allowed Jainadharma to be one of the national religions in India. The great expansion territories of Jainadharma were North India, East India, South-East India, South India, Inner India and West India.
Gradually in the course of its expansion, Jainism had to take account more politically different conditions prevailing in later periods in South India and West India than North Indian Orthodox school of Jainism in the early period. In those culture-areas which Jainism conquered at least partially during its mission, it encountered the non-Aryan people 62 which either were more firmly bound up with a non-Jainistic stratum of literati or with a non-Jainistic state cult and so preserved its ties.
The Mission of Jaina Sangha in North India and Eastern India
Lord Mahavira propagated Sramana Nirgrantha Dharma in Magadha, Videha, Anga and Vanga in the north-east and in Kasi, Kosala, Vatsa in the north and Sindhu-Sauvira in the west of Aryavarta. He
the Magadhan king Srenika Bimbisara and his son king Kunika his followers with his holy teachings. It is also evidenced by the inscription of king Kharavela of Kalinga that the Nanda king also was the follower of Jainadharma. In 150 B.C. or 1st Century B.C., according to Dr. H. C. Ray Choudhuryes, it is clearly mentioned in the Hathigumpha Inscription 64 that the Jaina image which Nandaraja had taken away from Kalinga was brought back by the Kalinga king to his own Kingdom. This inscription begins with the invocation to the Arhatas and the Siddhas. And there is recorded in it the account of his victorious expedition to different countries and of various beneficial social reforms of public welfare in his own kingdom. The Jaina mission had gone to
62 Mahavira led his mission to Anaryadesa (Radhadesa) in Bengal and received
rude behaviour from the local people. King Samprati sent first his royal officers to the outlying Anaryadesas to prepare the ground for despatching the Jaina missionaries later so that the Anarya people would be able to receive and honour them in proper Jainistic manner. See Brhatkalpa Sutra and its
Bhasya, gathas, 3288, 3289. * See Dr. H. C. Ray Choudhury, Political History of Ancient India, for the
date of King Kharavela. 64 Hathigumpha Inscription, vide Select Inscriptions, pp 206-213.

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Kalinga from Bihar presumably via Manbhum and Singhbhum, as it appears from the geographical factor of continguity between these two territories. Even to-day there flourishes a class of the Brahmanas who call themselves Pacchima Brahmana 65. They also say this that they belong to the oldest branch of Aryavamsa which set its foot there at very early times. The oldest Sramana parampara was of the early Aryans (the Indo-Alpinian Aryans), but these Aryans, having advanced to India before the advent of the Vedic Aryans, lived in Magadha-Videha in the very beginning. It seems that there is no room for doubt about it. From this point of view the account of Pacchima Brahmanas appears to be of great historical importance. Rajagrha and Pava of Patna District and Parsvanatha Hill of Hazaribag District are the famous places among the archaeological sites spread over the whole of Magadha. But the Jaina temples and images found in different parts of Manbhum and Singhbhum are proved to be older than the images, etc., which are found at present at these places. Many of them were worshipped by the Hindus, thinking them as their own Dharmayatana (temple). At some places the Jaina images are worshipped by the name of Bhaironatha, e.g., one found at Burdwan (West Bengal) on the bank of Krishnasayar ; at other places they are accepted as the images of the Pandavas.
The Jaina images which have been preserved in Patna Museum, after having collected from various places, are assigned to the period earlier than the eleventh Century A.D.66 The Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsang (7th Century A.D.)67 made mention of a large number of the Nirgranthas flourishing in Bihar. He stated in his account in general that the Jaina monks of both the Digambara and Svetambara sects were spread throughout Northern India from Taxila to Grddhakuta (Rajagrha) and in the east the Nirgranthas were found in great number at Pundravardhana (North Bengal) and Samatata (East Bengal)68. From the references of the Chinese pilgrim to them there is obtained a well corroborated account of the development and well propagation of Jainadharma made by the Jaina missions in the whole of North India and East India.
15
From the archaeological excavation of Kankali Tila of Mathura there have been found the remains of a very old stupa and two Jaina temples. It is known from the archaeological materials obtained there that there flourished a great centre of Jaina Sangha from the period of
65 Dr. H. L. Jain, Bharatiya Sanskrtimen Jaindharmka Yogadan, p. 33. 66 See P. C. Ray Chaudhury, Jainism in Bihar, also Bharatiya Sanskrtimen Jaindharmka Yogadan, p. 34.
67 Ibid., p. 34.
68 Ibid., p. 34.

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a few centuries B.C. back up to about the tenth Century A.D. As pointed out, there have been found some inscritptions recorded on the thrones of images, Ayaga-paṭṭas, etc. In some of them there is clear mention of the ankas (periods) of the names of the Kusana Kings like Kaniska, Huviska, Vasudeva, etc. and the year of their reign by which it is proved that they flourished in the beginning of the Christian era. There is reference to this stūpa in the oldest Jaina works 69 in which it is stated that it was built in memory of Suparsvanatha and its repair was made at the time of Parsvanatha. It is called God-built. It is not surprising that this oldest stupa was constructed in the period prior to that of Mahavira. There is mention of five stupas of Mathura in Vairakumara Kathanaka (Verse 132) of Harisena's Kathākoșa. From here probably pañcastupanvaya of Jaina monks started in the past. A reference to this, anvaya is found in a copper plate of Paharpur (Dinajpur, Bengal) of the Gupta Samvat 150 (478 A.D.), according to which there was a Jaina Vihara at Vata Gohali at that time. A donation was given to the Nirgrantha Acarya of this Vihara for the worship of Arhatas. This Acarya was stated to be the disciple of Acarya Guhanandi of Pañcastupa Nikaya of Benaras 70. The authors of Dhavala Tikā, Virasena and Jinasena (8th-9th Cen. A.D.) also belonged to this branch. Mention of this anvaya has been made by Gunabhadra, the disciple of Jinasena in the Uttara-purāṇa as Senanvaya. Since then the identity of this anvaya by the name of Senagana is found even to-day as it branches and sub-branches in continuous unbroken line. The parampară of Mathura's stūpa continued upto the time of the Mughal emperor Akbar, because the Jaina Pandit Rajamalla of that period had written in Jambusvāmīcarita that there were five hundred and fifteen old stūpas at Mathura, the repair of which was made by Seth Todar Malla the finance minister of Akbar, with unlimited expenditure?1.
JAIN JOURNAL
The Jaina Missions in Central India.
It appears from the study of the Agamic evidences that the influence of Jainadharma extended to Central India during the time of Mahavira as king Candapradyota of Ujjain himself felt the impact of the spiritual leadership of the Master, while all his queens Angiravati and others took to asceticism at the hands of the latter with the permission of the former72. Besides, the conquest of Ujjain by king Udayana of SindhuSauvira, who inflicted a crushing defeat on king Candapradyota for his
69 Bharatiya Sanskritimen Jaindharmka Yogadan, p. 34.
70 Ibid., p. 34.
71 Ibid., p. 34.
72 Av. Cu., p. 88 f.

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mischievous act of eloping the former's maid servant (disi), made a great impact of Jainadharma on Central India 3.
King Candapradyota had two sons named Palaka and Gopala. The latter took to the ascetic life, while the former assumed the royal power after his father, but later on he also got initiated to Jaina religion by abdicating the throne of Ujjain in favour of his son Avantivardhan, while his other son Rajyavardhan took the path of asceticism?
After Mahavira the Jaina missions were led by Arya Mahagiri, Suhastin, Kalakacarya and Bhadragupta, Drolivadajnata 75 in different phases in different periods as Jainadharma expanded in all directions in India. The building of 500 upāśrayas76 in Ujjain speaks itself highly of the expansion of Jaina mission to Central India.
The Jaina tradition avers that Suhastin led the Jaina mission to Ujjain from North India and converted the prince Avanti-Sukumala to Jainadharma, ultimately to Jaina asceticism. This prince attained Kāyotsarga-nirvānā at the funeral place in the vicinity of Avanti. His mother built a temple there, having cremated his dead body which was partly eaten up by a jackal and his son constructed a temple on his funeral place. It is known to-day as Mahakala-Mandir77.
In the first century B.C. the evidence of the existence of the Jaina Sangha at Ujjain is found in Kālakācāryakathānaka. According to this work, Gardhabhilla, the king of Ujjain trapped a Jaina Aryika named Sarasvati, the sister of Kalakacarya for the satisfaction of his sexual desire. In order to take retaliation upon him for his heinous crime committed on her Kalakacarya II made alliance with the Sahi kings (Saka feudal kings). They defeated king Gardhabhilla and founded the Saka kingdom at Ujjain. After the destruction of this dynasty the Vikrama era was started by king Vikramaditya later on. Thus this event is said to have taken place a little earlier than the Vikrama Samvat. It is known from this fact that in some cases the very gentle and forbearing Jaina monks also had to fight with the royal powers.
It is mentioned in an inscription 78 found at Mathura that in Gupta Samvat 113 (432 A.D.) Samadhya installed an image by the order of
73 Utraradhyayana Tika, 18, p. 233 ff.; 4v. cu., p. 400. 74 Ava. cu., p, 189. 75 Ibid., p. 394. 76 Ibid., p. 196. 77 Pattavali Samuccaya, part I, pp. 45, 150; part II, pp. 6, 204. 78 See Mathura Inscription, Gupta Samvat 113, also J.S.S., Pt. II, p. 48.

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Dantilacarya of Vidyadhari-śākha during the reign of Kumaragupta. In the Udayagiri inscriptions" (Vidisa, Malwa) of the time of Kumaragupta (426 A.D.) there is mention of the installation of the image of Parsvanatha. In the Gupta kāla 141 (460 A.D.) there is reference in the Kahayun inscription 80 to the installation of five Arhatas and the erection of Silastambha by a pious man named Mandra with an allusion to Skandagupta.
JAIN JOURNAL

7 Bharatiya Sanskritimen Jaindharmka Yogadan, p. 35.
80 "Madra...pancendram sthapayitva, etc. Select Inscriptions, p. 309.

To be Continued

Page #23

Asamkhayam
R. P. PODDAR
The fourth lesson of the Uttarajjhayana has been called Asamkhayam. The first verse of this lesson runs as follows :
asamkhayam jiviya mā pamāyae jarovanīyassa hu natthi tānam evam viyāņāhi jane pamatte kannu vihimsā ajayā gahinti
The commentaries explain asamkhayam as asamskaraṇīyam-that which cannot be improved upon. By way of further elucidation they add that 'once deranged life (jāviya) cannot be set right as a broken bow'. This explanation somehow fits into the context and agrees with the ensuing phrase 'there is no help when the old age approaches'. But Dr. Jacobi prefers to translate asamkhayam jīviya as 'life cannot be prolonged'. It settles down in perfect harmony with the subsequent idea, 'there is no help against old age (and death)—though it involves a strain upon asamskaraniyam of the commentaries. In the title Dr. Jacobi shuns this explanation and translates asamkhayam as 'impurity'.
Another inconsistency crops up in the translation of the last verse of this chapter which runs as follows :
je samkhayā tuccha parappavai te pijjadosāņugayā parajjhā eta ahanmutti dugunchamāņo kankhe gune jāva sarirabheo
Here samkhayā has been explained in the commentary of Santyacarya as: (i) those who preach and follow the cult of sheer external purifications, or (ii) those who wrote their scriptures in Sanskrit, viz., the
1 An alternative title is Pramadapramada as suggested in Santyacarya's
commentary.

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Buddhists, or (iii) the followers of the Samkhya system. Some editors, including Dr. Charpantier prefer to read je samkhayā in place of je samkhayā. Dr. Jacobi follows this reading and translates 'heretics who are impure', etc. retaining 'impure' for asamkhayā. But this replacement of samkhayā with its exact antonym has proceeded from a prejudice that asamkhayam is a derogatory term-it being so the epithets like tuccha, etc. would not be deserved by samkhayā bearing an antithetical relation with it.
The antonym of asamkhayam, viz., samkhayam occurs in the Süyagadānga at (1-2-2-21) and (1-2-3-10). The verses run as follows :
ņa ya samkhayamāhu jīviyam tahamvi ya bālajaņo pagabbhai bāle pāpehim mijjai iti samkhāya muni na majjaī
ņa ya samkhayamāhu jīviyam tahavi ya bālaj ano pagabbhai paccuppanneņa kāriyam ko datthum paraloyamāgae
In these verses the expression na ya samkhayamāhu jiviyam is equivalent to asamkhayam jiviya of Uttarajjhayana and this too has been translated by Dr. Jacobi as 'life cannot be prolonged'. Silanka's Tikā on the former is very close to Santyacarya's Vịtti on the latter. Both the commentators relate samkhayam with sam+kr. In further elaborating the import of the expression they also elaborated the idea that the period of life once lost in wrong pursuits can never be retrieved. This elaboration, however, is more influenced by the context than deduced from the verbal denotation of the words.
In case of samkhayā occurring in the last verse of Uttarajjhayaņa chapter 4 the commentator Santyacarya gives three explanations as mentioned above connecting the word with sam + kr in the first two cases and with samkhyā in the 3rd. In all the three cases he contends that by samkhayā followers of some heretical, non-Jaina faith are denoted. This contention has been retained by Dr. Jacobi though he has preferred to read asamkhayā in place of samkhayā. Translating asamkhayā as 'impure' he adds ‘heretics' as an implication of the term.
2 It seems that the commentator is aware of the Mahayana Sanskrit literature
only.

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Considering the two verses from the Uttarajjhay ana vis-a-vis the two verses quoted from Süyagadanga and also Santyacarya's commentary on samkhayā we may contend that asamkhayam jiviya is a positive statement ; it does not involve absence of a quality, as hitherto assumed, but simply enunciates the Jaina point of view. je samkhayā tuccha parappavāī is its antithesis and here the opponents of the view asamkhayam jiviya have been attacked. Similarly in the Süyagadārga verses the Jaina point of view has been enunciated in ņa ya samkhayamāhu jīviyam and the opponents have been attacked in the remaining portion of the verses. These opponents have been pin-pointed as samkhayā in Uttarajjhayanathey might follow a dictum like samkhaj am jiviyam and hence were called samkhayā. In the Süyagadānga verses they are alluded to in a general way as bālajano. We may assume that these opponents belonged to some sort of a sect. Santyacarya too palpably moves in the same direction. These opponents have been described in the Uttarajjhayana verses as tuccha (mean), parappavāi (speaking ill of others), peijadosanugayä (under the influence of love and hatred, committing the sin of adhering to the pleasing) and parajjhā (under the influence of others, not exercising their own reason). On the strength of the second verse quoted from the Sūyagadanga these opponents may be said to be concerned with the present alone, not believing in the other world and verging on some sort of materialism.
The epithets used for these opponents in the Uttarajjhayaņa are of a general nature except pejjadosanugayā which if interpretted as preyodoșānugata will agree with paccuppannena kāriyam, etc. of the Süyagadārga, concerned as they are with the present alone, they shun śreyas for preyas.
In course of explaining samkhay, Santyacarya has alluded to three sects as stated above. None of these will deserve the materialistic leaning exhibited in the Suyagadārga verse unless we limit the purification of the first case to sheer physical purifications and external decorations. Thus we may conclude that sankhayā are those who are for sheer physical adornments and gratifications, caring little for any sort of spiritual culture. So following our premise that je samkhayā tuccha etc. is the antithesis of asamkhayam jiviya we may explain the latter as ‘life is not to be improved upon by sheer physical decorations so do not waste time in such pursuits and belief, etc'.

Page #26

The Jina Images of Khajuraho with Special Reference to Ajitanatha
MARUTI NANDAN PRASAD TIWARI
Khajuraho, situated in the Chhatarpur District, Madhya Pradesh, has yielded over four hundred Jaina images excluding those represented on the door-ways and fragmentary door-lintels. Of these, more than one hundred and fifty images represent the Jinas in the usual two mudrās, namely, the dyāna-mudrā (seated cross-legged with palms in the lap) and the kāyotsarga (standing erect with hands hanging down to the knees), the former being more popular at the site. The whole group of Jaina sculptures at Khajuraho, ranging in date from mid-tenth century (954— Parsvanatha Temple) to the twelfth century, is to the credit of the Digambara Jaina sect which is indicated by the fact that the Jinas are rendered as sky-clad, the nudity is clearly ascertained in some of the seated figures even where the hands laid in the lap are broken off. The association of the Jaina iconographic remains at Khajuraho with the Digambaras is further evidenced by the occurrence of the sixteen auspicious dreams at the site in place of the fourteen as usual with the Svetambaras.
Ajitanatha, the second Jina, is represented by four images. All the images, worked out of the buff-coloured sandstone, vary approximately from 19" X 14" to 52" X 15" in dimensions. All the figures are now preserved in an Open Air Museum, adjacent to the Adinatha Temple. The figures are assignable to a period from the eleventh to the twelfth century. On the testimony of the statistical study of the Jina images of Khajuraho, it is evident that Ajitanatha was accorded a favoured position who in order of preference is placed after the three most popular Jinas at the site, namely, Rsabhanatha, Parsvanatha and Mahavira, represented respectively by forty-five, eleven and nine images.

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I may note here in passing that only thirteen out of the twenty-four Jinas were rendered in concrete representations at Khajurahol.
The Jina images of Khajuraho represent a fully developed stage of the Jina iconography. They are carved with all their attributes including the aştapratihāryas and the distinguishing emblems, except in some examples where the figures of the Yakşa-Yakși pairs are conspicuous by their absence. The images of Ajitanatha at the site follow a homogeneous formula of Jina representation, this being the case with all other Jina images of Khajuraho, in effect elsewhere in India also during the medieval period. Ajitanatha has been rendered with the full cortege of their assessory attributes including the aştapratihār; as, śrīvatsa mark in the centre of the chest and the lāñchana, elephant. As to the Yakşa-Yakşī pair, it is surprising to note that their figures have been carved in a single
ance only (K 43). In other instances the Yakşa. Yakşi figures are dropped in favour of the tiny Jina figures. It appears relevant to note here that the iconographic forms of the twenty-four Sāsanadevatās do not appear to have been evolved at Khajuraho. However, the standardized and independent forms of only three Yakşa-Yakși pairs, namely, Gomukha and Cakresvari, Sarvanubhuti (or Kubera) and Ambika, and Dharanendra and Padmavati, the Sāsanadevatas respectively of Rsabhanatha, Neminatha and Parsvanatha, were known to the Khajuraho sculptors. The representation of the aforesaid three pairs even does not correspond fully with any of the available Digambara textual prescriptions.
In three cases Ajitanatha is represented as seated cross-legged with his hands laid in the lap in dhyāna-mudrà on an ornate cushion, decorated with lozenge shape and floral design, and in one case, however, he stands erect as sky-clad in the kāyotsarga-mudrā (K. 22). The standing Jina is shown directly on the pedestal, while in other instances he sits on a lotus placed over an ornate cushion. In two examples the hair of the Jina is dressed in small ringlets with usnīşa at the top, while in one case (K. 22) head is lost. In remaining one instance, the hair is disposed in two parallel rows of curls on the forehead and has been combed back in jatā fashion. The pedestal is borne by round pilasters carved at two extremities, which are absent in one instance (K. 43). The covering cloth
Rsabhanatha, Ajitanatha, Sambhavanatha, Abhinandana, Sumatinatha, Padmaprabha, Suparsvanatha, Candraprabha, Santinatha, Munisuvrata, Neminatha, Parsvanatha and Mahavira. 2 Eight chief attendant attributes are: Asoka tree, scattering of flowers by gods, divine music, flywhisks, lion-throne, nimbus, heavenly drum-beating, and chatra-trayi.

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hanging on the front of the pedestal is decorated with kirtimukha from whose open mouth is suspended festoons. However, in one case (K. 59) it also shows beads and lozenge-shaped decorations. In the centre of the pedestal is depicted a dharmacakra flanked by kneeling worshippers with folded hands. At two ends of the pedestal are also sculptured two lions, suggesting simhasana, standing or sitting with their backs and faces turned towards each other, and in one case, however, they stand to front facing the observer. Barring a single instance (K. 66), in all others the mula-nayaka is attended on either side by a standing male fly-whisk-bearer wearing rich jewellery with the inner hand bearing a fly-whisk held above the shoulder and the outer hand resting on the thigh. Over the head of the Jina is shown a three-fold chatra topped by a disembodied figure beating a drum, now damaged in two examples (K. 59, K. 66).
JAIN JOURNAL
Besides the aforesaid common features, the Ajitanatha images also reveal points of difference in regard to the representation of the elephant cognizance, diminutive Jina figures and other secondary figures and motifs. Now I proceed to the individual treatment of the Ajitanatha images with a view to seeing their individual details.
First image (K. 66), measuring 23.5" x 17", exhibits the elephant emblem on left of the dharmacakra. On the lower-most part of the simhasana are carved some flying figures. Each recessed corner of the throne is occupied by a seated Jina figure, in place of Yaksa-Yaksi pair. The principal Jina is joined by two standing Jina figures. At each top corner, there also appears a standing Jina. The nimbus of the mulanayaka is decorated with lotus blossom and beaded circle. However, the figures of the flying maladharas and elephants with riders, usually carved on the top parikara, are absent here. The figure is attributable to the eleventh century.
Second image (K. 43) measures 23" x 16" and is datable to the eleventh century. The halo shows similar decorations as referred to above. Over the head of each camaradhara figure is depicated a standing Jina figure. The top parikara shows the flying maladharas and elephants with riders. It is the solitary image of Ajitanatha at Khajuraho which contains the Yakṣa- Yakşi figures. However, the Yaksa figure of the left extremity is hidden under the plaster but on the corresponding right side, there appears two-armed Yakşi carrying a sword in her extant right hand.
Third image (K. 59), measuring 27" x 15", is assignable to the twelfth century. Below the dharmaca :ra is carved the cognizance, an elephant. In the right recessed corner of the throne is carved a pair of

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K. 58-63
Jina Images in the Open Air Museum at Khajuraho
K. 4-7

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the standing Jinas headed by a seated Jina, over which again appears a standing Jina, slightly smaller in size than the principal Jina. However, the figures of the left corner are now lost with the damaged portion of the throne. At the top parikara are also shown the figures of two seat Jinas and flying māladharas. At right top corner there also appears a seated Jina figure. The top parikara also exhibits at each end an elephant with two riders, of which one bears a vase. The aureole of the mulanāyaka is decked with blossom circlet and two rows of beaded bands.
Fourth image (K. 22), measuring 52" X 15", is ascribed to the twelfth century. The head and left arm of the standing Jina are now damaged. Beneath the dharmacakra is carved an elephant. Close to the feet of mūla-nāyaka sit figures of male and female adorers. In the left recessed portion of the image are carved, from below, three pairs of standing Jinas, one above the other. Under the feet of the principal Jina are carved five small figures, identifiable with the five grahas. However, the four grahas have not been represented. The first three figures similarly show the abhaya-mudrā and the kalaša in two hands. The fourth figure is that of Rahu with human bust and the fifth figure is of Ketu with arms folded and its portion below waist resembling a snake. The top parikara exhibits two flying mālādharas and elephants with riders. The throne-back-ends are ornamented with the gaja-vyāla-makara trio.
Photographs by the Author.

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A Note on the Exhibition of Jain Art in Calcutta
Amidst the din of life and civilization where the ultimate laurel is allocated for the apotheosis of material science it is sometimes comforting to feel the glow of eternity through a pleasant media bearing gospels of ancient experiences, covetable and unknown. Whatever may be the merits of works as dissertations the theme will perpetually convey the inner charm and the promise of realisation. It is needless to emphasise that the sublimity of perception as an epitome of truth and liberation is resplendent itself without needing any vehicle. The mystery and depth of such an understanding captivate the meditator in man when conveyed by the ferule-of a poet or the brush or pencil of an artist. The Exhibition of Paintings on Jainism in Greater Bengal held in the Academy of Fine Arts, Calcutta, in April, 1975 thus gave an unprecedented version of the sublimity and legends that have spun around the history of the lives of the Tirthankaras and the luminaries following the doctrine of the Nirgrantha. In accordance with the programme envisaged by Ganesh Lalwani which will reveal a profound scholarship the paintings had been prepared and serially arranged to visualise some of the unforgettable moments in the history of Jainism and the perspective involved. Apart from indicating the importance of the hills of Parsvanatha wherein 20 out of 24 Tirthankaras attained their Nirvana the Exhibition recalled the life of Mahavira and his wanderings through the western highlands of Bengal and other episodes concerning Bhadrabahu Svami, emperor Samprati, the grandson of Asoka, King Kharavela of Kalinga, Hiuen Tsang, Kalakacarya and Bappa Bhatta Suri. All these precious moments of antiquity have been captured by painters Bibhuti Sengupta and Sudhamaya Dasgupta with a devotion for inner reality and narration. Like glowing murals they depict with sincerity as if within the precincts of a shrine. Some of the panels are extremely fascinating for their narrative value. Among these may be mentioned the scene where young Bhadravahu is leaving his parents and his rural home to be a monk in the Sramana order of the Jains. Another scene depicts the sage Kalakacarya getting aboard a vessel to make his voyage for Suvarnadvipa. On the other hand, the painting which shows Risley noticing the Sarāks, an abbreviation of Jain Sravaka, in Bengal from a palanquin recalls the life of a pioneer in the field. The series of paintings will indeed reveal a scholarship and understanding befitting of the scheme. That Jainism in antiquity spread in Chittagong and Assam

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has been convincingly referred to. "Who can say with certainty", it has been told in a descriptive list published on the occasion of the Exhibition, "that Sambhavanatha Hill and Candranatha Hill near Sitakund in the District of Chittagong (in Bangladesh) were not dedicated to the 3rd Tirthankara Sambhavanatha and the 8th Tirthankara Candranatha? Tirthankara images carved on the Surya Hill near Goalpara in Assam is a standing proof that Jainism spread to the eastern extremity of the country". Highlighting as it were the echoing hymns of the Vaisnava poets and the cults of the Auls, Bauls and the Nath Yogis where the breakers of an ancient faith as that of the thoughts involving the ideology of the Nirgrantha are ever lamenting for universal love the Exhibition completed an epic of Jaina history and its glory sparkling from a world beyond human bondage.
The series of paintings shown in the Academy of Fine Arts included a number of outstanding brush-works of Lalwani. With their softly glowing colours harmonising a symbolic mood and lay-out in the perspective of holy legends and allegories the paintings often reveal the ingredients of a masterpiece. The works include the lonely hills and wood-lands on the way to the sacred mount of Pareshnath as also themes associated with the Tirthankaras, a painting visualising Jaina Sarasvati, a glimpse of the legend of Samudrapaliya and some metaphysical diagrams envisaging the mystery of the Jain Tantra. While dealing with the account of young Candanbala's dedication to Mahavira and the renunciation of prince Neminatha watched by his bride-to-be from the palace-balcony the paintings have offered the essence of a virtue eternal in its appeal. Here the style is as restrained and suggestive in its delicate workmanship as the mediaeval tradition of art which achieved a warmth in Rajput and Mughal courts. Besides the schematic balance the lines and motifs have attained a reposeful harmony by their pleasing tone or angularity often verging to a lyrical import. As it will appear, the paintings Dipavali and the Life of Parsva are the results of a cherished ideal yearning for a spiritual splendour which can only be enshrined in the ultimate perception of the reality underlying all existence. While the former reveals a moment of eternal glory, the Nirvana of Mahavira, when tears of the devotee sparkled in the receding light, the latter depicts the meditation of Parsvanatha unhindered by a wave of marine blue which splashes like the mirage of life. Whether following the ideals of cubism or the tradition the art of Lalwani has indeed opened a new vista of perception.
The Exhibition was sponsored by Jain Bhawan, Calcutta.
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--P. C. Dasgupta

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