Asita Deval in Isibhasiyai

Author(s): Lallan Gopal
Publisher: Z_Aspect_of_Jainology_Part_3_Pundit_Dalsukh_Malvaniya_012017.pdf
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/250023/1

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ASITA-DEVALA IN ISIBHASIYAI
Lollanji Gopal
The Isibhasiyai (Rsibhasitani) is one of the most ancient Jaina agamic works. The Thananga Sthanäsga) mentions it as the third chapter of the Payhanagaraṇaim (Prafnavyakaraya), the tenth anga. But the text of the Paghavagaraṇaim, being a postGupta replacement of the original, does not contain this chapter. The Samavayanga3 also knows the Isibhäsiyai and describes it as containing forty-four ajjhayana (adhyavana). This tallies with the form of the Isibhäsiyai which has fortyfive sections.1 The text evidently was of considerable significance to the Jainas, because the scholiast, who wrote the Avassayanijjutti (Avafyaka-niryukti) (erroneously taken as the celebrity, Bhadrabahu), expresses his resolve to write a nijjutti on it also. The Syagada (Sütrakṛtänga) names certain earlier "Mahāpurusa Arhats" who evidently belonged to the Vedic tradition and achieved the position of Arhats by resorting to ways and practices which generally are not approved by Jainism. The term iha used here refers to Jaina canonical literature. But the author of the commentary explains it to signify Ṛsibhāṣita and other texts (Rṣibhāṣitādau). The text commanded respect in Jaina literature. It was accepted as a kaliya text which, though not included in the angas, was approved for the study hours in the daily. time-table."
On the basis of 'numerous indisputably genuine early reminiscences in language and style' Schubring places it in the category of the most ancient Jaina agamas such as the Ayara (Acara, particularly its first part, the Bambhaceräim), the Sayagada (Sutrakṛta), the Uttarajjhaya (Uttaradhyayana) and the Dasaveyāliya" (Dafavaikālika). The Isibhasiyai doubtless has parallels in language and expression with these four texts. In the number of stanzas, the predominance of Slokas and the extant of prose the Isibhasiyai is closest to the Dasareyaliya; in the diversity of the metres it is like the Dasaveyaliya, Uttarajjhaya and Suyagada. Like the Bambhaceraim, our text is characterized by an intermingling of prose with verse, in which 'whole stanzas, half stanzas and single pādas alternate with unmetrical executions'.
The author of the text, as ascertained by Schubring, was close to Jina Paréva from the doctrinal standpoint. This is indicated by the greater importance given to Parsva in devoting a rather long passage for expounding his dictum.10 The text, moreover, does not separate the fourth and fifth vows separately as was the case with the Caturyäma-dharma preached by Päréva before Vardhamana Mahavira. The Isibhäsiyai was evidently still under the influence of Päráva. It fuses the fourth and fifth vows into one.

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The text breathes an atmosphere of liberal attitude which may have characterised the early days in the history of Jainism. It pays respect to many thinkers and religious leaders standing outside the Jaina fold by collecting their sayings to form a canonical work. Some of these belonged to the Vedic or Brahmanical tradition. We also find Mamkhaliputta11 (Maskariputra Gośäla) and the Buddhists Mahākāsaval? (Mahākāsyapa) and Sāiputta (Sāriputra)-buddha.13 There are, in the text, certain views which could not have been tolerated in later days of Jainism, when orthodoxy had settled down and anything inconsistant with the set doctrines, dogmas and practices could not expect an honourable reference. Section 20 introduces an anonymous utkata-vādin in place of a sși and mentions, with a fair show of approval, his materialism. We have an 'unjinistic' recognition of farming as divvā kisi 14 and a reference to cosmogonic theories, including one about the origin of the world from water. 15 Likewise, orthodox Jainism of later times could not have accepted the equation of Paráva, Mahāvira, and latter's adversary Gośāla Maskariputra, alike as pratyekabuddhas, which we find in our text. These 'strange things in the text explain, according to Schubring, why it fell into 'nearly complete oblivion'16 and created uncertainty about it in later writings. This is exemplified by the confusion about it in Haribhadra's commentary on the Avassayanijjutti. In it the Isibhāsiyai is identified at one place17 with the canonical Paiņņa (Prakirņaka) named Devindatthaya (Devendra-stava), and in another18 with the Uttarajjhāyā. We already have referred to the later confusion about the number of sections in the text.
A pointer to the date of the text is the reference to Gośāla Maskariputra. The Viyahapannatti19 (V yakkyā-prajñapti) (c. 2nd 3rd cent. A. D.) represents him as a renegade disciple of Mahāvira for that passage, but in our text he does not suffer from any such humiliation. On the contrary he enjoys an honoured position as a praty ekabuddha. This transformation in his status in Jaina perception must have taken a long period. Thus, the Isibhasiyāi is to be placed a few centuries before the selfsame (and other passages are similar in vein and style) in the Viyahapannatti.
The emphasis on ethical thought is the main characteristic of the text. It brings out the common points in the ethical ideas of the early religions of different traditions. The metaphysical and doctrinal details and differences, which dominate later sectarian and scholastic texts, did not receive any importance from the author of this text. This also is a significant pointer to the early date of the text.
Our text purports to collect the views of rşis. Generally the word rsi is used for a sage. It is supposed to be synonymous with muni. But, in our text it is employed in the special sense of a pratyekabuddha. A pratyekabuddha is a person, who, having realised the highest knowledge, acquired the status of the buddha for himself but, unlike the buddha, did not found a school or community. That the

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pratyekabuddhas of our text had no intention to teach, though they had their own characteristic views, is clear from the fact that the word buitam (dictum) and not pannattam (teaching) is used for them.20 Under the name of r și or pratyekabuddha the text records the views of forty-five thinkers, though in one case the actual name of the rşi is not mentioned.
The text does not give enough details to identify the rșis or to locate them in time and place in all the cases. However, some of them can be easily identified with personalities mentioned in early texts of the Brahmanical tradition, for example, Jannavakka (=Yājāavalkya), Bahuya (=Bāhuka or Nala), Soriyāyana (=Sauryāyani), Addalaka (= Uddalaka) and Aruna Mahāsālaputta (= Aruņi). The Brahmana association is clear in the cases of Pinga, Isigiri, (Rsigiri) and Sirigiri (Srigiri) who are called māhana-parivvāyaga (brāhmana-parivrăjaka).21 Other names in this category are Asiya Davila ( = Asita Devala), Angarisi Bharaddāya (Angiras Bhāradvāja), deva Nārāya (=devarsi Nārada),22 Divāyaṇa (= Dvaipāyana) and Mātanga. Vāu (- Vayu), Soma, Jama (=Yama) and Varuna are the four Lokapālas (Regents of the Quarters) in the Brahmanical pantheon from very early times. Some names, for which we cannot adopt a very definite view (but some of them can still be identified), are Madhurāyana (=Mathurāyana), Tārāyaṇa (= Tārāgana, more probably sage Nārāyana), Ariyāyaṇa, Varisava-Kanha (=Varisakanha or Várşaganya, the ancient Sā mkhya teacher). About Harigiri, Kumbhaputta. Pupphasälaputta, Rāmaputta (correctly Rāmagutta), Gāhāvaiputta (= Gāthăpatiputra) Taruņa, Ketaliputta23 and Vidu (=? Vidura) we are less certain. Besides Vaddhamāna (- Vardhamāna Mahāvira) and Pasa (Paráva), we have Mamkhaliputta (= Gosāla Maskariputra), Sãiputta (=Sāriputra) Buddha and mahai Mahakāsava (=Mahākāśyapa). Vajjiyaputta possibly also had a Buddhist association and belonged to the Vajji republic.24 Vāgalaciri (=Vakkalaciri), Jaina Rşyaśộnga, enjoyed a place of high respect in the eyes of the author of the text being referred to as viyatta bhagavam and uggatava. The other names in the text are Metajja (Maitreya), Bhayali, Samjai ( = ? Saõjaya), 25 Dagabhāla, 28 Värattaya Addaga, Indanāga (Indranāga) and Vesamaņa (Vaiśravaņa). -
Some of these names occur in some other Jaina texts as well. The Süyagada27. (c. 2nd cent. B. C.) mentions Asita, Devala, Dvaipāyana, Pārāśara, Nami-videhi Rāmagupta, Bāhuka and Nārāyana as mahāpurisā who achieved the highest knowledge, even though they followed ways not approved by Jainism. Confirmation of the names from other Jaina writings and non-Jaina texts makes a strong case for the historicity of most of the names mentioned in the Isibhāsiya i. In the case of some others, we can postulate a quasi-historical existence, as they were handed down by a long and persistent tradition. (The four Lokapālas and Vaiśravana are of course Vedic divinities).

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In section 3 the name of the rsi in the introductory prose passage is 'Asiya Davila'. The concluding prose sentence mentions him simply as Davila. Schubring28 feels no difficulty in taking Asita Devala to be the original of Asiya Davila. There cannot be any objection to equating Asiya with Asita. But Devala, as the original of Davila, is not so easy to explain, However, considering the major changes occurring in the name of other sages in the text and the form Davila (as intermediary between Devala and Davila), the restoration is to be accepted.
Here I intend to discuss the identity of "Asita Devala" with particular reference to his characteristic ideas as stated in the Isibhāsiyāi.
At the very outset it is to be pointed out that, though Asita Devala is mentioned as the name of a single person, the Süyagada29 makes Asita and Devala two different persons. The commentator Sila-sūri(c. 3rd quarter of the 9th cent. A.D.) falls in line with the Süyagada." Pa There is some other Jaina evidence in support of Asita alone being the name of an individual. The Isimandala instead mentions the name as Devilāsuta.30 There is no doubt that the Isimandala has Asita Devala of the Isibhasiyāi in mind, because the introductory phrases in the two cases are closely parallel. 81 In Brahmanical tradition Asita Devala sometimes appears as one single name. But Devala alone is generally used as the name for an ancient sage respected as an authority alike in the Ayurveda and the Sankhya, besides being a Smộti writer. Hence, we would not involve ourselves in the discussion whether there were more than one Devala, or the first Devala made contributions to many areas of knowledge. The varied contributions of Devala are reflected in the quotations from the Devaladharma-sútra surviving in medieval commentaries and digests.
The main burden of the teachings of Asita Devala in the Isibhāsiyāi is the cessation of all moral impurities or sins (savvalevovarata). The introductory prose passage begins by saying that those who are contaminated by moral impurities (levovalitta) revolve for a long time in this ocean of world. It seems that after the expression samsārasāgaram the expression anupariyattanti is missings. Likewise, in the following sentence the word levovarată also seems to have been dropped.32 The second sentence says, by way of contrast, that the person whose moral impurities have ceased, having crossed the world, reaches a permanent abode and remains there. A number of adjectives describe the happy state of such a person. The text adds that, 'having resolved to become a man free from all moral impurities, Asita Davila, the arhat-rși, (thus) said'. The eleven verses which follow are supposed to record the teachings of Davila.
Thus it begins : He, who does violence (vihimsate) to the life of a small or big being, has his soul over-dominated by attachment and malignity (rāgadosabhibhūtappa) and he is contaminated by sinful acts (lippate pavakammunā)(Verse 1).

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He, who takes any belongings (pariggaham ginhate), whether little or considerable, is contaminated by sinful acts on account of the guilt of stupefication caused by greed (gehimucchāya dosenam)91 (Verse 2). He, who expresses anger (koham), on his own or for another person, is contaminated by sinful acts on account of the chains caused by it (Verse 3).
After this we have a note saying: 'In this manner up to micchadamsaņasalla. 34a This term appears as the last in the list of eighteen papas recognised in the Jaina tradition 34 b and signifies a false philosophy of life.
Verse 4 enumerates as moral impurities (leva) killing a living thing (pāņātivate), saying untruth (aliyavayanım), stealing or taking what has not been given away (adattam), intercourse (mehunagamanam) and amassing property (pariggaham). Verse 5 mentions anger (kohe), conceit (mūno), deceit (māyā), and greed (lobho) as moral impurities which are of various forms or types (bahuviho, bahuvidhavidhie and bahuvidha). Hence, having considered them to be the cause for augmenting sinful acts, one should be a noble seeker of the best goal and should become a wandering ascetic for vigorous efforts 35 (Verse 6). As milk is destroyed after being associated with poison, attachment and malignity are the destroyer of continence (bambhacera) (Verse 7).35a As the best of milk by stupefication is turned into curd, so the sinful acts increase on account of the guilt of greed (Verse 8).*6 The jungle trees in a forest, when burnt by the wild fire, grow again, but, in the case of people exhumed by the fire of anger, it is very difficult to be free from unhappiness (Verse 9).37 Even the fiercely burning fire can be extinguished by water, but the fire of delusion cannot be extinguished by all the water in the sea (Verse 10). 98 He, who has realised the nature of the shackles of birth and death, has broken the (cycle of birth and death and is free from the dust (of action), achieves final beatitude (Verse 11).89
At the end we have a summarised sentence40, the full form of which appears earlier at the end of the first section. The fuller sentence is to be translated thus : 'I say, "Thus becoming enlightened, indifferent (to worldly attachment), freed from sins, restrained, taking all objects to be the same, and a renouncer41, he does not come again for the activities of this (world)."'
We have to discuss the extent to which these passages represent Asita Devala's own words and ideas. According to Schubring the whole text was composed by one single author; the parallelism in the structure of the individual chapters proves this ‘no less than the throughout uniform style and the numerous self-quotations’42 He admires the text as being original and attractive. 43 The charm of novelty' of the text reveals itself when contrasted with the 'uniform creation of contemporary parallel texts which are only more or less cleverly and transparently composed compilations'. Our author has adorned the passages borrowed from the words of the rşis by covering them with the plumage of its own'. This has camouflaged the

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original words of these ssis to such an extent that their disciples 'would indeed have stood perplexed before these splinters from the thought-workshop of the master'.
For determining the original views and expressions of any rși in this text, we have to concentrate on the motto and the exposition parts of the concerned section, The sections do not show a uniform style in regard to these two. They are in any of three forms, prose, verses, or both mixed together. The variation is more noticeable in the case of motto. 44 The variations, as against a stereotyped uniformity, may be construed to show that the form and expressions in the different sections result from the peculiarities in the original expression of the teachings of the different rşis.
The nature of the text compelled the author to make 'greater borrowings' from the original. Schubring has suggested that in the motto and exposition portions, stanzas, in a metre other than the sloka, would generally appear to have been borrowed by the author from some other source. Likewise, some prose passages are parallel to passages in other texts and were more or less conscious reminiscence.'45 These two criteria of the metre of the stanzas and the expressions in the prose passages do not help us much in the case of the section on Devala and we will have to analyse the content of the section for internal indications.
In the section we notice a visible attempt to cast Devala's ideas into the mould of Jainism. Schubring46 points out that verse III. I and III. 2 of the text deal respectively with the guilt effected by prānātipāta and parigrahı, i.e. the violation of the first and fifth mahāuratas (vows) in Jainism. Tne second of the four manuscripts of the text, which Alsdorf photographed in Jain Bhandar in 1957, inserts three verses between lines a and b of verse 2.47 They refer to the guilt effected by the violation of the second (speaks the untruth-musam bhāsae), third (takes what is not given-adinnım genhai) and fourth (enjoys intercourse-mehunan sevai) vows. According to Schubring 8, these verses 'do not make the expression of an old text.' He admits that the insertion of these stanzas, relating to the second, third and fourth vows, is logical in itself. But, considering the approach of the author in a parallel situation in an earlier section of the text (I. 19ff ), where he mentions only the first, third and fourth vows, we can say that it was not imperative on his part to include these five lines to cover the second, third and fourth vows, The Sanskrit Ţikā also does not take cognisance of these five lines. It seems that somebody, with a view to fitting the stanzas into the Jaina formulation of mahāvratas, added these lines.
An analysis of the subsequent portions of the text makes it clear that the author did not have the model of the mahāvratas in his mind. In verse 3 he refers to the expression of anger (koham) as a factor causing contamination with sinful acts, on the same footing as the killing of beings and the taking of belongings. Verse 3 is followed by the expression Evam jāva micchadamsaņasalle, The author,

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thus, intends to cover factors, the first three being mentioned in the first three verses, which go up to micchadamsanasalle. The Jaina tradition mentions eighteen papa-karmas.49 Of these the first is prāņātipāta (verse 1 of our text), the second, third and fourth are respectively mộşāvāda, adattādāna and maithuna (five lines in the manuscript mentioned above), the fifth is parigraha (verse 2 of our text), the sixth is krodha (verse 3 of our text) and the eighteenth is mithya-darśanaf alya.50 Thus, according to the author of the text, Devala also spoke about the eighteen pāpakarmas, beginning from prāņātipāta and ending with mithyadarśanas alya. The intention of the author becomes quite clear when in verses 4-5 he enumerates the guilt-contaminations as pāņātivāto, aliyavayanan, adattan, mehunagamanan, pariggaham, koho, mano, māyā and lobho, which occur in the same order as the first nine papa-karmas in the Jaina tradition. Clearly, he was straining hard to present Devala's verses on lepas within the pattern of Jaina enumeration of papakarmas.
Schubring points out quite a few mistakes and contradictions in the text, 51 some of which were due to the defective tradition on which the author drew, while he was doubtlessly responsible for some others. It is, however, not possible to fix the responsibility on the author or tradition in each case. But, it is to be noted that the author was not satisfied to work as a mere cataloguer or compiler of the views of others. He had a definite plan or purpose and he asserted his rights as an author to realize it. As pointed out earlier, he wanted to emphasise the ethical parts in the teachings of the thinkers. The omission of other aspects of their teachings was bound to project a partial or lopsided picture of their total teachings. In his effort to project the ethical problems of the ideas of his predecessors, with the view to bringing home the homogenity and universality of the ethical core of different religions, our author could have inadvertently, and in some cases deliberately, ironed out the divergent details. This possibly happened in the case of Devala's teachings also.
The attempt on the part of the author to present the teachings of Devala to suit his convenience is to be seen in the structure of the section. Like all other sections in the text it has three distinct parts: the motto, the exposition separated from it by the name of the rşi, and the conclusion. No amount of reasoning will convince anyone to believe that all the forty-four rşis formulated their views in the stereotyped form in which they occur in our text. This holds good for the section on Devala also. The absurdity is apparent in the case of the concluding sentence. Though it purports to be an utterance of a particular rsi, it has a set formula of words, so much so that the author dispenses with the formality of reproducing it in full in all the sections and instead gives the opening and concluding expression. Clearly the sentence recording the concluding resolve of the different rșis could not have been identical, even if we admit the closest similarities in their views. Thus, in the present section also we see the working of the hands of the author who wanted to present Devala's teachings according to his scheme and structure.

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The very first line of the introductory prose passage shows that the central point in Devala's teachings is leva (lepa), contamination of sin. Verses 4 and 5 confirm it. The first three verses explain leda by employing the descriptive expression lippata pāvakammunā as the refrain. Later on, verses 6 and 8 also speak of the pavakamma getting augmented.
The original work of Devala is not available. On the basis of quotations in later commentaries and digests we have been able to reconstruct some parts of the erstwhile Devala-dharmasūtra.52 The text, it is revealed, possessed one full chapter concerning pāpadosas. Prāyatcitta, doubtless, had formed an important part of the dharmaśāstra literature. But only a few Smstis refer, and that too very briefly, to the pāpas. The account of pāpadosas in the Devaladharmasätra is without any parallel in any other Brahmanical text. It classifies pāpadosas broadly into three on the basis of their origin from mind, speech, or body. These three are further divided respectively into twelve, six and four sub-types. Each of these is first defined and explained in prose passages in the form of sūtras. They are followed by verses explaining or illustrating in a more popular style the nature of the different papadosas. Thus, the chapter on pāpadoşas would appear to be one of the more significant portions of the Devaladharmasūtra. It was quite proper, then, on the part of the author of the Isibhāsiyāi to include an account of the contamination caused by sin on the basis of the treatment of the subject by Devala.
We have seen above that in the first three verses of our text there was a deliberate attempt to accommodate Devala's views in the Jaina pattern. But, in this process, the original kernel of Devala's writings peeps out. Thus, in the first two verses, though the violations of the vows of ahimsa and aparigraha are treated, it is clear that the original emphasis was on rāgadosa (attachment and malignity) and gehi (greed) as factors causing contamination of sinful acts. The author could not pursue this exercise of his for long, probably because there was not enough material in Devala's verses amenable to the Jaina scheme. He included a verse on koho (anger) and finally gave up the exercise by remarking that in this way it goes up to micchādamsanasalla.
This incongruity becomes still more clear in the subsequent verses. Verse 8 again refers to the increase in sinful acts on account of the guilt of gehi (greed). Gehi (Skt. grddhi) does not appear in the Jaina list of eighteen papas. It does not occur in the Dedaladharmasūtra either. But, we find that in the extant quotations from Devala, the verses describing lobha contain three which bring out the significance of trşņā or trša. We cannot rule out the possibility that some of the lost verses contained a similar reference to grddhi. Further onward, in verse 10, the pāpa, which has been underlined, is followed by moha. Moha also does not figure in the Jaina list of the 18 papasthānakas. But it has been included by Devala in the list of twelve papadosas which arise out of the mind. 11

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Verses 6 and 11, though touched by the author of the Isibhâsiyāi, retain words with a specific usage characteristic of the Brahmanical tradition to which Devala belonged. The second line of the verse 6 reads : uttamatthavaraggahi viriyattae pariovae. In the expression uttamatpha, atfha has been used in the sense of one of the pursuits of life (puruşārthas). In the Jaina texts the usual term in such a context would be eşaņā. The expression uttamattha here stands for moksa which is described as the highest or ultimate pursuit of life. The verb parivvae is to be derived from the Sanskrit verb parivraj53 and is to be connected with the words parivrajyā, parivrăj, pariørafa and parivräjaka. They refer to a wandering mendicant, recluse, or ascetic who has renounced the world. In the religious atmosphere prevailing at the time of the appearance of the Buddha, the order of the parivrājakas was fairly prevalent. In the wake of the popularity of the Sramanic systems, the Brahmanical tradition made an effort to contain and control it by recognising it as the fourth stage of life (aśrama). The fourth äśrama in later times was generally termed sannyāsa, but in earlier times the appelation pariuräjaka seems to have been more in vogue. In one surviving excerpt from the Devaladharmasutra54, the duties and rules relating to a parivrä jaka were prescribed. Thus, it can be seen that verse 6 of our text advises that pursuing the ultimate puruşārtha (moksa) one should become a parivrājaka (enter the fourth asrama) and exert himself,66
Verse 11 says that he who has understood the nature of the chains of birth and death, breaks the cycle of birth and death and is taintless, attains siddhi. The word siddhi in a general sense often means fulfilment or success But it has a restricted and specialised meaning as well. In the Yoga system siddhi (or aitvarya. guna) refers to superhuman powers or faculties, which are supposed to be eight in number. The Devaladharmasutra evidently contained a detailed account of the Yoga and Sankhya systems, 56 Here siddhi seems to have been used in the technical sense common to the Yoga system and the Devaladharmasülra.
Verse 7 reveals the original words of Devala which seem to have escaped the changing hands of the author of the Isibhāsiyāi. It describes rāga (attachment) and dosa (dvesa, malignity) as the destroyer of bambhacera (brahmacarya). The use of the term bambhacera is significant. It stands for the first stage or order in the life of an individual (asrama), the life of celibacy passed by a Brāhmaṇa boy in .studying the Vedas, or celibacy, chastity, etc. The context, however, does not have any reference to the first stage of life alone. Likewise, the passage will not yield a happy meaning if brahmacarya is restricted to celibacy inasmuch as there is no direct and intimate connection between dveşa and caryā on the one hand and celibacy on the other. Among the many meanings of Brahman are 'Supreme Being', 'religious austerities', and 'intellect. The caryā of Brahman will, therefore, signify religious study or self-restraint. This use of the term brahmacarya in this verse appears to have survived from the original verse of Devala.57

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83 Against the background of these indications of the original Brahmanical core of Devala surviving the Jaina revision, we may refer to certain features of style and structure, which, though not conclusive, are compatible with the known features of Devala's writings in the available excerpts.
First is the introductory prose passage. It is admitted that this portion of the text was intended to introduce the views of a rși and hence would appear to have been formulated mostly by the author of the text. As against the other sections in the text associated with other rşis, whose original writings are not available, the section under study is to be compared with the views of Devala as recorded in a dharmasutra named after him. This dharmasūtra was partly in prose sūtras and partly in verses. The surviving prose passages of the Devaladharmasātra show a peculiar style. We often find long sentences, wherein the details are in the form of adjectives qualifying the main noun.58 This is also a feature of the introductory prose passage in the section associated with Devala. In the partly damaged second sentence we have several words qualifying samsārasägaram and thānam. The style comes out beautifully in the third sentence which has a long string of adjectives describing the characteristic of a savvalavovarae person. We cannot argue, in the absence of the full text of the Devaladharmasūtra, that these expressions or sentences occurred in the original, but, we can suggest that the author of our text possibly tried to present the introduction, which purports to record the motive or resolve of Devala, in the peculiar style he noticed as characterising the prose passages in Devala's original work,
Another prominent feature of the style of the Devaladharmasütra is that it first enumerates all the important points or subdivisions in a summarised form and in subsequent verses, elaborates, explains, and illustrates them. Although the full text of the Devaladharmasūtra is unavailable, in all the cases where we are able to reconstruct a chapter, this style is evident. In our text the section on Devala also seems to possess this characteristic. This point is all the more significant because our author was not under any obligation to reproduce all the passages from Devala's original. He was presenting the views of Devala, within the frame work of his text and the task taken up by him. Verses 1-3 followed by the remark evam jāva micchädasaņasalle show that the author cut short the portions dealing with the enumeration of the factors causing pādas. Verses 4-5 retain the style of enumeration in a pronounced manner. The subsequent verses (6-11) are evidently in the nature of further explanation and elaboration of the points or factors listed in the earlier verses. To illustrate our point, we may refer to verses 8 and 9 which bring home the force of gehi and koha mentioned as factors causing pāva in verses 2 and 3. A comparison of the phrasing of verses 2 and 8 will show the intrinsic connection between the two.59 This similarity in the style suggests that our author had before him the original Devaladharmasūtra from which he drew. No doubt it may be argued that this characteristic is shared by early Indian thought as projected in some

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of the earlier works belonging to different branches of learning. However, it must be remembered that it was not an invariate feature of Indian thought and texts, and, when compared with texts of a similar nature, the Devaladharmasütra has it in a very pronounced manner.
84
A few other features of the passages attributed to Devala in our text may also be noted. We are conscious that they are found associated with many other carly texts and are not so characteristic of the passages surviving in the name of Devala to drive home the connection between the two only on the basis of these features,
The first is the metre floka employed in our text. Though the metre has been used in the Devaladharmasutra also, it is the most convenient and popular metre for this type of writings and occurs in Sanskrit, Pali and Prakrit texts alike.
The second pronounced feature noticeable in our text is the repetition of the same phrases in the fourth part of the verse as refrain. In verses 1 to 3 we find the words lippate pävakammuṇā being repeated thus. In verses 4 and 5 levo occurs seven times evidently for emphasising its importance. This feature can also be seen in many other texts with a religious, philosophical, diadectical, or ethical theme which resort to a similar style for creating greater effect.
Another significant feature of the style in our text is the use of homely simile and illustration for clarifying the point. In verses 7 to 10 the illustrations are derived from the phenomena of milk being destroyed as a result of contamination with poison, milk turning into curd, forest trees being burnt by jungle fire and fire being controlled with the help of water. This feature is characteristic of many early Indian texts, particularly those which have to explain a difficult philosophical idea in an easy manner or which seek to create greater impact in emphasising the importance of a religious or ethical precept.
Notes and References
1. Isibhasiyaim. A Jaina Text of Early Period. Ed. Walther Schubring. L. D. Series 45, Ahmedabad, 1974. It was originally published in Den Nachrichten der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen, 1942, pp. 489-576. The Sanskrit commentary was published in the same Akademie, 1951, pp. 21-52. The second edition of the text published from Hamburg in 1969 contains its German translation as well.
2. Sthana, 10, sutra 755.
Ion +
3.
4.
Samavāja 44.
According to Schubring, op. cit., p. 2, the difference in the number of sections is to be explained by the fact that section no. 20 of the text does not correspond to the pattern of other sections, each of which is associated with the utterence of a ṛşi. There is no such explanation of the Vihimaggapana (§ 1363-A. D. 1441) of Jinaprabha mentioning fifty as the number of sections in it.

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Asita-Devala in Isibhāsiyāi
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5. Avassaya-nijjutti, II. 6. 6. Ibid., III. 4.1-4 Ete puvdim mahāpurisā āhitā iha sammatā. 7. Nandi (Agamodaya Samiti) 202 b; Pakkhiya (Devchand Lalbhai Pustako
ddhara), 4, 66a. 8. Op. cit., p. 2. 9. Ibid., p. 7. 10. Section 31. Pages 66-69. 11. Section 11. 12. Section 9. 13. Section 38. 14. Sections 26 and 32. 15. Section 37-Savvamiņam purā udagamasi tti, 16. Op. cit., p. 9. 17. On Avassaya.nijjutti, II. 6. 18. Ibid., VIII, 5. 19. Ibid., 15. 20. Schubring, op. cit., p. 2. 21. Ambada is also called parivvāyaga. His interlocutor is Jagaṁdharāyana
(-Yaugamdharayana). 22. Schubring, op. cit., pp. 4-5 prefers to identify him with Prince Nārāya
of Bāravai. 23. Schubring, op. cit., p. 4 suggests it to be a perplexity varient of Tetali
putta in section 10. Schubring (ibid.) describes him as the head of the school of the Vātsi-- putras, i. e. Vatsiputra. Schubring, op. cit., p. 7 equates him with a king whose name is
Sanskritized as Samyata. 26. Schubring (ibid) identifies him with Gaddabhäli, the teacher of Samjaya=
Samyata. 27. 1. 3. 4.1-4. 28. Op. cit., p. 5. 29. I. 3.4.3--3TF aras Caro Efeit 1
णरासरे दगं भोच्चा बीयाणि हरियाणि य॥ 29a. अपि च आसिलो नाम महर्षिस्तथा देविलो द्वैपायनश्च तथा पराशराख्य इत्येवमादयः शीतोदक बीज
हरितादिपरिभोगादेव सिद्धा इति श्रूयते । 30. Here it is said that King Devilāsuta nearly married his own daughter.
We do not have any confirmation of this fact about Asita, Devala, or Asita Devala from any other source and are not in a position to offer
any explanation of it. 31. The Isibhāsiyai has bhaviyavvam khalu bho savvalevāvvateņam, whereas the
Isimandala reads bhaviyavvam bho khalu sauva-kāma-viraena'eyam ajjhayanam bhäsittu Devilāsuya rāyarisi siva suhan patto.

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Lallanji Gopal
32. Schubring, op. cit., p. 103. 33. Verse 2 has lippae in place of lippate. 34. Here and in verse 8 gehi is to be rendered as grddhi, from the root grdh
to covet, desire, strive after greedily. 34a. Salla (= Salya) meaning a spear, dart or arrow also stands for an extrane
ous substance lodged in the body and giving it very great pain. Figuratively it signifies any cause of poignant or heart-sending grief. The word
also means sin or crime. 34b. A.-M. Sethiya, Jaina Siddhānta bola sangraha, Vol. 3, p. 182. 35. तम्हा ते तं विकिचित्ता पावकम्मवड्ढणं ।
उत्तमट्ठवरग्गाही वीरियत्ताए परिव्वए ॥ 35a. खीरे दूसिं जधा पप्प विणासमुवगच्छति ।
एवं रागो व दोसो व बम्भचेरविणासणा ।। 36. जधा खीरं पधाणं तु मुच्छणा जायते दधिं ।
एवं गेहिप्पदोसेणं पावकम्मं पवड्ढती ॥ 37. रणे दवग्गिणा दड्ढा रोहंते वणपादवा ।
कोहग्गिणा तु दड्ढाणं दुक्खा दुक्खाण णिव्वुती ॥ The Sanskrit Ţikā cannot make out any sense in the second line of the verse and remarks : मुनेस्तु क्रोधाग्निना दग्धानां दुःखानां निवर्तनं प्रत्यागमो न भवति । कस्तु नाम दुःखानां प्रत्यागममिच्छेदित्यस्पष्टम् । The commentator fails to 'notice that in the earlier two verses also the comparisons are not completely parallel in the use of the expressions, even though the main points
are clear. 38. सक्का वण्ही णिवारेतु वारिणा जलितो बहिं ।
सव्वोदहिजलेणा वि मोहग्गी दुण्णिवारओ ॥
The Sanskrit Tika does not take any notice of verses 10 and 11. 39. जस्स एते परिन्नाता जाती-मरणबंधणा ।
से छिन्नजातिमरणे सिद्धि गच्छति णीरए । 40. एवं से बुद्ध....." णो पुणरवि इच्चत्थं हव्वमागच्छति त्ति बेमि ।
Tai may be rendered as either tyāgi or trāyi. In the second case it will
mean protector.
Schubring, op. cit., p. 9. 43. Ibid., pp. 8-9. 44. Schubring, op. cit., p. 3. 45. Ibid., p. 9. 46. Op. it., p. 126.

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Asita-Dedala in Isibhasiyai . . 87 51. 47. Ibid., pp. 126-127- जो मुसं भासए किंचि अप्पं वा जइ वा बहु / अप्पण' अठ्ठा परस्स वा लिप्पए पाव-कम्मणा / / feni heS FT 3 **** **** | मेहुणं सेवइ जो उ तेरिच्छं दिव्वं माणुसं / 2197-, afuma' star feng ara-FFAotr 11 48. Ibid., p. 127. He refers to the metrical defect in lines 2, 3 and 5 and to the use of kammana instead of kammuna of verses 1-3. A. M. Sethiya, op. cit. 50. From the seventh to the seventeenth we have mana, maya lobha, raga, dvesa, klesa, abhyakhyana, pisunata, paraparivada, rati-arati and maya-misa. Op. cit., p. 11 : 'wavering in the judging of the riddhi (9 and 45), and the error concerning the agandhana (45), the repeated use of the same motto in 26 and 32, the transformation of current names, the Rsi Ketaliputta besides Tetaliputta'. 52. Our reconstruction is to be published shortly. 53. For a similar use of the verb pravraj see Jabalopanisad, 4--vani bhutop pravra jet; Baudhayana-dharmasutra, II. 10.2, 18m-brahamacaryavan pravraja tityekesam. 54. Kstyakalpataru, Vol. XIV, p. 49. 55. Viriyattae (Skt. viryartham) may be taken to make an indirect allusion to Jainism. Mahavira is the name of the twenty-fourth tirthaikara of the Jainas, who is often glorified as the real founder of Jainism. Sankara on Vedantasatra, I. 4. 28. One of the earliest full account of the eight siddhis is associated with the Devala-dharmasutra. Our article "Devaladharmasutra on Aisvarya" appears in Sri Dines acandrika : Studies in Indology (D. C. Sircar Felicitation Volume), pp. 153-58. . 57. This seems to have been the original and early meaning of the term brahmacarya. This will be an indicator of an early date for Devala. 58. See, for example, passages on the four varnas in our article on "Devala dharmasutra on Varnas and Jatis", Dr. R. N. Dandekar Felicitation Volume, Delhi 1984, pp. 239-245. 59. Both employ the terms muccha, gehi, dosenam and pavakamma in a specific sense.